Paulinus the Bishop

ON ST. PAULINUS THE BISHOP

OF NOLA IN ITALIAN CAMPANIA.

IN THE YEAR 431.

PRELIMINARY COMMENTARY.

Paulinus, Bishop of Nola in Campania, a province of Italy (St.)

BY D. P.

§. I. On the cult of the Saint and on the writers of the Acts, Uranius his contemporary, and Sacchini and Chifflet Priests of the Society of Jesus.

[1] The ornament of the city of Nola, Paulinus its Bishop, inscribed in the Calendars of the Saints I find in the most ancient Codices; The eulogy was first written by Florus of Lyon. and in the Epternach one, written about a thousand years ago, used, if not St. Willibrord himself wrote it, after the Saints of the Hieronymian Martyrology, common to all transcripts, thus in the same character is read, In the city of Nola, of Paulinus the Bishop: for which in the Corbie one, but by a more recent hand, is added, In the city of Nola, the Feast of St. Paulinus Bishop and Confessor: which nearly the same things in the Lucca and Barberini ones, a little more recent and therefore by the same hand as the rest, are transcribed; except that the Barberini manuscript omits the title of Confessor; but the Blume one only has, Nola, the Feast of St. Paulinus. The Corbie Calendar in Gaul "of Paulinus the Gardener" (nay rather of Nola), Bishop and Confessor. More briefly too the Augsburg one of St. Ulrich, and the Gellone, "of Paulinus the Confessor." The name in the most ancient manuscript Martyrologies. Florus of Lyon, the days vacant in the genuine Martyrology of Bede somewhat supplying, about the boundary of the 8th and 9th centuries (whom afterward Usuard, Ado, and the rest old and new, and the very compilers of the Roman Martyrology eagerly followed, some with a briefer, others with a more prolix phrase), Florus, I say, of Lyon added to the name a more prolix eulogy, after the words of Bede about St. Alban Protomartyr of Britain, and that of this kind in three copies, Arras, Liège and Tournai: On the same day, at Nola the deposition of St. Paulinus, Bishop and Confessor, who, very rich and wealthy, at the word of the Lord sold all that he had, and gave to the poor. Then made Bishop, he shone so much, his virtue multiplied in the charisms of graces, Uranius the Presbyter wrote a Letter about his death: that at his death St. Martin, and St. Januarius an Italian Bishop, before he gave up his spirit, with bodily eyes he beheld: for before him from this world they migrated; Martin indeed before the end of the 4th century, but Januarius about its beginning: but he himself, as testifies Uranius the Presbyter his intimate, who about his death to Pacatus wrote, died on the 10th day before the Kalends of July, Bacchus and Antiochus most renowned men being Consuls, that is, in the year 431.

[2] If the same Uranius had taken care to write, with the same diligence as the death, also his life, there would have been no need for learned men to labor in ordering it. First it was done, The Life published by Rosweyde long Anonymous, but he chose to remain Anonymous, a learned Priest of our Society, when he had learned that Heribert Rosweyde intended to illustrate and print the works of the Saint, as they came forth from the Plantin press in 1622. There among the Works of Paulinus and the responsive Notes of Fronton du Duc and Rosweyde himself, is read the Life of the Saint, composed from his writings and from the ancient eulogies of him, under this little Preface of Rosweyde to the Reader. As from Rome this Life, composed by a friendly Member, I received; so with you I communicate it. He wished namely to lie hidden rather than to become famous: thus when to Paulinus he gives his color, from him this warmth he drew. Nor was it mine to violate the faith, by which he wished me bound. Provided Paulinus be useful to the public, enough of fruits to himself he reckons to have returned, if conscience alone he have as witness. But though he wished to lie hidden, and Rosweyde kept the faith of the secret; yet the whole secret was disclosed from the first century or Library of Writers of the Society of Jesus; whether its collector Philip Alegambe knew the Author, from the autograph preserved at Rome and the very well-known hand there; or our Bollandus, at Antwerp caring for the impression, to the name of Francis Sacchini, afterward known to be Francis Sacchini: his other writings being enumerated by Philip, added the Life of St. Paulinus published by Heribert Rosweyde, certain that he himself was the author, from the Letters of both between themselves, above this matter after the death of both found among the papers of Rosweyde. Nor is it difficult, to one perusing the second, third, fourth, and fifth part of the History of the Society, elaborated by Sacchini, to detect there and here the same style; nay not rarely the same phrases: indeed, when in number 6 here I read, that Ausonius undertook to instruct Paulinus, with the sedulity and industry of a preceptor, with the humanity of a father and piety, I immediately recalled, often by me read in the Life of Blessed Stanislaus Kostka, about the year 1612 at Rome published by Sacchini, that that holy youth, in cherishing his own brother Paul, as he surpassed the love of brothers, so he conquered the services of servants. But the Life of Paulinus was almost the last literary labor of Sacchini, for when, the work of the History having been advanced as far as was permitted, by the General Mutio Vitelleschi he had been taken as Secretary, in his spare hours he gave this little task to his old friend, and three years after died, in the year 1625, on the 16th of September, in the 37th of his entering the Society.

[3] Another engaged in the same subject, but more solicitous to untie the knots of history than to weave the history of the Life, was likewise our Pierre François Chifflet, in a work printed forty years after, to which he gave the title Paulinus Illustrated; which he wished to serve as an Appendix to the works, if at any time anyone should take them up, to be corrected, ordered, and supplemented according to his prescription, the other Pierre François Chifflet for that to him then it was not permitted to do. By what reason, or with what counsel he applied his mind to such a writing, thus in a few words he discloses. There came into my hands some works of Paulinus, written by hand. These being collated by me with the Plantin edition, of all the most accurate; I saw first, that to this is lacking the Letter of Paulinus to Eucherius and Galla, then dwelling in the island of Lero; brief indeed that one, but like a gem in a small bulk of greatest price. I understood from this Letter, a most ample field opened to me, to put to flight those, who had feigned for themselves Eucherius the younger Bishop of Lyon, the husband of Galla; which however to Eucherius the Elder, nay to the only one of that name among the Bishops of Lyon as her spouse, this Letter of Paulinus would show. Besides, from the same manuscript codices, and from the Collectanea of Florus of Lyon on all the epistles of the Apostle Paul, I detected that imperfect in the printed editions is the Letter, which was entitled to Pammachius: and that to the same Pammachius was given almost the whole Letter of Paulinus, which was inscribed to Alethius; with an augmentation of the Letters whence I grieved that the Roman family of Paula was disturbed, even by most learned men, who from this ill-perceived, and preposterously digested Letter, affirmed Alethius to be the son-in-law of Paula, the husband moreover of Rufina her youngest-born daughter: when yet that Rufina, from Jerome, was established to have been carried off by an untimely death, in marriageable age indeed, but more probably before marriage; certainly to Alethius of Cahors she had never been a wife. From the carelessness of the compilers we have known this stain long since affused to the two Letters of Paulinus to Pammachius and Alethius, which by the sure testimonies of remoter antiquity was to be washed away.

[4] I observed besides, from the same manuscript codices, that the published Letter of Paulinus to holy Amandus is to be divided into two; as also the Letter to Romanianus, and with a correction of the same, which includes another given in verse to Licentius his son. Finally diverse from the published readings, in almost all the Letters of Paulinus, from the same copies written by hand in old parchment, I observed; which the genius and talent of Paulinus, beyond the published ones, would set forth. What more; Paulinus's Consulship, Baptism, Monasticism, Priesthood, Episcopal ordination, the Feasts dedicated to St. Felix, the passages of Melania the Elder and of Niceta Bishop of the Dacians through Nola, to wrong times by most to be assigned I observed. His Captivity also … neither to be restored to its time, nor its narration (which is Pope Gregory's) truly to be ascribed to Uranius; and almost whatever so great a man either had done or written, into chronology preposterously, and with the elucidation of the history depending thence, even by the most learned of the more recent, to be digested. What should I mention the vision of St. Paulinus, to John Bishop of Naples three days before his death offered; which by some Italian Writers, nay even Neapolitan, wrongly I saw attributed to John, among the Bishops of Naples the fourth of that name, who about eight hundred years ago flourished; when it is to be attributed to an older John, the first of this name, it is plain, who in the year nearest the death of Paulinus, of the Christian era 433, on Holy Saturday, the second of the month of April, had flown to the Powers above? in order to a new edition of the works, These and other things about St. Paulinus's affairs observed by me, almost moved me, to undertake a new edition of his Works, to which, after Heribert Rosweyde's and Fronton du Duc's responsive Notes, in the third place I should add mine; that from all something might exist, by which to the students of so eloquent and so holy a Writer satisfaction might be done: and I should suggest to them, to seek out the Panegyric of the Great Theodosius, and his other works not yet published, through all the hiding-places of the ancient libraries. But there hindered especially the condition of my Dijon abode, very inopportune for more accurate printing: and it settled in my mind at last, to cast whatever for illustrating Paulinus had been gathered by me, into this little book, to be of profit one day to one undertaking the whole (as I hope) impression of his Works. If you approve my plan, and my little notes, greater things having yourself undertaken, you should wish to use, I shall acquiesce.

[5] Thus far that Preface, in which there could also have been mentioned our Henschen, on account of the labor by no means to be despised undertaken by him, not without the aid of G. Henschen. as he was asked, in collating the Letter of Uranius with the Saint-Maximin and Schecking manuscripts, and in explaining the chronology of the Bishops of Naples, and the age of the two Johns, whence much aided the Author

professes, in a eucharistic Letter thereupon which I have; and the same is plain from Henschen's autograph animadversions which I received. There follows the Preface an Index of the Parts and Chapters, from which at the first glance of the eye the Reader learns that Part I is on the works of St. Paulinus, especially on the Letters; Part II, on the Chronology of his deeds and writings: which afterward in chapter 35 he gathers into a synopsis not unprofitably to be here appended.

[6] In the year of Christ 354 at Bordeaux in Aquitaine St. Paulinus was born.

377. The Emperor and consul Valens being dead, From this the chronological order of his life. on the 5th day before the Ides of August Paulinus was substituted in the Consulship for the remainder of the year.

380. Paulinus is present at Nola on the 14th day of January, sacred to St. Felix, and adopts him for his Patron.

389. In this year at least, before he undertook the Priesthood, in the fourth year, Paulinus at Bordeaux by Delphinus the Bishop was baptized.

393. St. Paulinus in Spain, his means being poured out on the poor, enters upon the monastic life.

394. On the first day of this year, according to Dionysius reckoned from the Nativity of Christ, which day falls on a Sunday, consecrated was Priest by Lampius Bishop of Barcelona Paulinus; who in the January of the same year sang his first Feast-poem to St. Felix of Nola; and thence others to fifteen, in each single year single ones, to the same patron and lord of his estate as a tribute paid. The same at the beginning of this year gave to Severus his sixth Letter, and a little after, about the beginning of spring his fifth. After Easter he came to Milan to St. Ambrose the Bishop: thence having stayed at Rome some time, to Nola at last by vow to St. Felix he betook himself.

395. The Emperor Theodosius on the 16th day before the Kalends of February having died, Paulinus with a most elegant panegyric paid him obsequies. In the same year to Severus the first and second, likewise to Augustine not yet Bishop the first and second Letters he gave. Augustine himself in the month of December, Valerius still living, the aged Bishop of Hippo, was ordained Co-bishop.

396. There were given this year Paulinus's Letters to Romanianus, and to Licentius: likewise his third and fourth to Severus.

397. St. Paulinus seems to have been consecrated Bishop of Nola in the month of January, and not long after to have given a Consolatory letter to Pammachius on the death of Paulina his wife. To this very year are to be referred the Letters of Paulinus to Severus the 13th, and to Jovius the 38th.

398. The first coming of Niceta Bishop of the Dacians to Nola for the Feast of St. Felix. In the same year Melania the elder, returning to Rome from Palestine, visited Paulinus on the way at Nola. Besides there were given Paulinus's Letters to Severus the 7th and 14th.

399. In this year Paulinus issued Letters, to Alethius the 33rd, to Desiderius the 35th, to Sebastian the 40th, to Delphinus the 2nd; likewise to Severus the 8th, 9th and 10th: of which some he had already from the preceding year written.

401. There was given Paulinus's Letter to Delphinus the third.

402. The second coming of Niceta Bishop of the Dacians to Nola, for the Feast of St. Felix. There were written in the same year the Letters of Paulinus to Severus the 11th on the Cross, and the 12th on the basilicas.

409. Rome is besieged by Alaric and with gold is redeemed; the following year it is taken and despoiled, and in one or the other St. Paulinus into Africa captive is led away, whence afterward with his fellow-citizens he is sent back to Nola.

416. About this year was given the letter of Paulinus to Augustine the 4th, by which both Melania the elder's son deceased in Africa and the surviving parent herself he commends.

419. The Emperor Honorius Paulinus, adorned with great praises, invites to a Synod.

431. Bassus and Antiochus being Consuls, on the 10th day before the Kalends of July, about the fourth hour of the night St. Paulinus died.

Thus far Chifflet, from whose Chronology I dissent in nothing, except as to the year of his Ordination, which below I determine to be deferred up to the year 409 or beyond; and as to the Vandal servitude in Africa, which to be of another Paulinus, also Bishop of Nola but almost a whole century younger, I think I shall demonstrate in the Analecta. The remaining parts of Chifflet's little work are indicated:

[7] Chapter 34 and the last of this Part II, constitute the testimonies of Writers, especially the ancient, about St. Paulinus, by which are nearly established the things which about his deeds in this work have been disputed. Among these the first place deservedly holds the Letter of Uranius, from the Troyes manuscript more correct than that which Surius published; to which also there contributed various Readings from the Belgian manuscripts collated by Henschen, as we have said: besides which he himself from the Medici manuscript at Florence received, and with us communicated, a transcript of the same Letter, interpolated from Gregory the Great, to which I shall compare it also to be given from Chifflet's edition, and I shall render it nearly whole, and indeed in the first place, and that by the privilege of antiquity and greatest authority, although it treats almost only of his death, and is nearly word for word contained in the Life compiled by our Sacchini, then his Annotations or Illustrations, and the votive Poem of Justus Rycquius. and insofar as need shall be also corrections chapter by chapter I shall interpose and finish with the Votive Poem of Justus Rycquius the Belgian, published at Rome during the Jubilee of the year 1625; which if from the author his friend sooner Rosweyde had received, without doubt he would have wished it added to the works of Paulinus, because it contains a most elegant synopsis of the life. But the poem itself I bring forth the more willingly because I see this learned Belgian passed over by Aubert Le Mire, exhibiting the writers of the 16th and 17th centuries collected with diligent care, and also by his nephew Aubert vanden Eeden giving the same to light. Andreas Valerius indeed mentions Rycquius in his Belgian Library, page 604, where he says he again to Rome set out in the year 1624 and under Urban Pope VIII's auspices and at the invitation of Cardinal Cobelluzzi, chose as the seat of his fortunes Bologna, where three years after by an untimely death he died: but published by him many works Valerius enumerates, he is silent about that Votive Poem.

[8] Ambrose Leo, in the Greek and Latin language learned, The renowned house of the Saint at Nola. and a physician and Philosopher most renowned, at the beginning of the 16th century, among several others which in various kinds he wrote books, in the universal Library of Gesner and the Neapolitan of Toppi recounted; in a little book about Nola his fatherland, printed at Venice under the date of the year 1614, almost one century after his death (unless Toppi erred in the cipher) in book 2, chapter 13, in Chifflet, narrates something about St. Paulinus's house at Nola, by no means to be omitted in this Paragraph which is about his cult. "Where the Shrine of Saint Paulinus is, he says, is clear. It is a building alone, and without a cell. There clings to it a great house, which to us as boys was the lodging only of beggars coming, called for that reason the Hospital: but now into a monastery it has been changed, in which the Priests of Saint Augustine dwell. But in that shrine, every year ceremonies and fairs are held, with processions, spectacles, and a Master of the fair … I think meanwhile that it is called St. Paulinus's house not because the Bishop himself inhabited it, whose dwelling must have been the same as his predecessors' or equally near the Cathedral church; but because he caused it to be built for the use of the poor and of pilgrims, that in it through himself he might minister, or because he had it, while still a Presbyter, as a place for exercising similar works of piety. But there are celebrated those fairs from the 16th day before the Kalends of July, up to the 10th before the same. These things Leo.

§. II. On the year of his Ordination.

[9] Almost half his age, says Sacchini number 2, Born about the year 344 that is, to about the thirty-eighth year, to the human commonwealth Paulinus lived; from that time to the seventy-seventh year, that is, to his last breath, to religion and holiness. That this is a just division is proved from Paulinus's Letter 41 to Augustine, which Letter 42 follows to the same, both written to him not yet Bishop; for he mentions in it an office common to him with that one, that is, the Presbyterate, and calls the Bishop the common Father of others. But to both Augustine answers through Letters 32 and 34, and in the latter indicates, that he had recently been created Bishop. But he was created in the month of December of the year 395. The month he himself indicates, Homily 25 among 50, chapter 3, when in that which he had on the anniversary of his ordination he says "the Nativity of the Lord being imminent." and in the year of his age 38 converted from the world, The year designates Prosper in his Chronicle, Olybrius and Probinus being Consuls. But in that year of age the 40th year he indicates that he had completed, Paulinus to Augustine below number 15, and that he was in the second of his conversion: from which if you proceed to the year 431, you will have the 77th year of age at least begun, and in the year 344 or a few months earlier born would have been Paulinus, but one year later, if it please to accede to the opinion of Pagi in his Critica, holding Augustine ordained in the year 396.

[10] It is more difficult to assign with certainty the year of the Episcopal Ordination, and therefore Sacchini number 65 ingenuously confesses, at what time, or by what reason Paulinus was created Bishop, Chifflet thinks the Bishop was ordained about the year 396 is plainly unknown to himself. Chifflet chapter 12 thinks, that from his own writings it can be detected, that this his dignity, about two years more or less from his withdrawal to Nola took its beginning; but he withdrew to Nola from Barcelona the Saint, where he had been by popular violence compelled to undertake the Presbyterate, in the year 394 ending. The first argument he takes from the Letter to Pammachius, written (as he himself shows) in the year 396 or the beginning of 397: where speaking of the writings of Olympius the Bishop, he does not use the title of Father (as became a Presbyter of lower Order) but "our Brother": yet he confesses that the Puteanus codex at the name of Olympius lacks the Bishop's title. Secondly, that in the Feast-poem 4, because he seems in that year to mention his Feast: which to St. Felix Paulinus composed, in the year 396 or the beginning of 397, he mentions also his own Feast, in which there are public joys for innumerable crowds; meaning indeed the day not of his nativity, which after the manner of seculars the Bishops did not celebrate with banquets and games, but of his Ordination, to which to be celebrated with sacred sermons and solemn Offices the people of the whole diocese were wont to be invited, the Fathers testify, appearing at least their Presbyters, with whom also of the Roman Pontiffs; who more solemnly than the rest on such a day, or rather within the octave (for the whole eight days the festivity lasted) held a Synod of the neighboring Bishops, Abbots and Presbyters as many as had assembled. Paulinus's verses are these.

"My yearly vows return to me, at once the yearly debts of my tongue, your Feast, O most renowned to Christ which would be the 18th of January; Felix, dearer to me than my own Feast; in which, however much for innumerable crowds the joys are public, there is something special for your own: that to you Christ gave us to be, the dear one to a worthless friend bestowing."

[11] But if rightly I grasp Paulinus's sense, he does not ascribe

himself the public joys to his own Feast, but by a very uncertain conjecture. but to the Feast of St. Felix, which Paulinus could and ought to have esteemed above his own Feast in the flesh, when not yet a Bishop, and counting as yet no other Feast. That another Feast, namely of his Ordination, fell within the octave of the same St. Felix, I do not know whence Chifflet could have suspected: wherefore I only say that it took place on a Saturday: which dawns into the first of the Sabbath or the Lord's day itself, as Leo the Pope speaks, calling this alone the lawful time. For the year perhaps Chifflet will wish to elicit more from the words, that for himself, before the innumerable crowds, that he should rejoice more specially Paulinus says, since other things more proper to the Saint and as it were domestic are expressed by the particle "Your"; "that to you Christ gave us to be"; for nothing bound Paulinus to Felix by a closer bond, than that Christ willed him to be Bishop of Nola in the church of St. Felix. But very weak is that conjecture, since already from the beginning of his coming to Nola servitude bound to the Martyr Paulinus professed. Chifflet adds, that it seems to him that the Feast of Paulinus fell within the Octave of the Feast of St. Felix, which since in the year 397 was held on the 4th weekday, if Paulinus was ordained on the Sunday within the Octave, he would have had his Feast on the 18th of January, on which also the Chair of St. Peter was celebrated. Others prefer the year 409

[12] An altogether different year designates the last editor of the works of St. Paulinus, Jean Baptiste le Brun in the year 1684 at Paris in an epitome of the life which from him taken Casimir Oudin inserted in his Supplement on Ecclesiastical Writers. There he says that the Saint came to Nola and fell into sickness 395 … and on his behalf wrote Anastasius Pope 399 to the Bishops of Campania, and at the same time again with a grave and long sickness labors Paulinus. In the year 402 by Niceta Bishop of the Dacians and by Melania the elder he is visited, before which the Saint was not ordained Basilicas in the year 403 at Nola he builds … In the year 409 ending at Nola he is created Bishop, in the 56th year of age. The same year of Paulinus's ordination assumes Ludovico Antonio Muratori, Prefect of the Ambrosian Library at Milan, in the First Volume of his Anecdota of the year 1697, embracing four poems of St. Paulinus hitherto unpublished, which he, with notes and disquisitions augmenting, prefixes also himself a brief Chronology of the life, but in dissertation XII places this title, On the time of the Episcopate undertaken by Paulinus.

[13] The lucubration of the aforepraised le Brun I have not yet chanced to see, nor for those to be awaited does the necessary delay indulge the haste of the press; and that by arguments especially since I have already from Rome received Muratori's dissertations pertaining hereto; in which with so great accuracy are refuted the reasons of Chifflet, that in them can be verified this Greek "second thoughts are wiser," "Second cares wiser." If anything better be offered toward the end of this impression, a place will be given in the Appendix or Supplement.

[14] But it is proved either therefore the aforesaid year 409 or another later, because it escapes a double difficulty by no means explicable to Chifflet; of which the first is taken from the letter to Severus into which woven epigrams describe Paul Bishop of Nola the predecessor of Paulinus, in the newly built by him basilica of St. Felix, preaching, and the rites of the dedication performing; whence that Paul then still lived you may gather; and gratuitously to himself seems to feign Chifflet, that these things there are so written by Paulinus, because Paul, though dead, he there caused to be feigned in that twofold act. For since it is said that "the courts of the new basilica Paul the Bishop dedicates to eternal uses," of no other than the Felician basilica can it be understood: but this in the time of the work and in the kind of vow is said to be joined, on the part of the predecessor Paul consecrating the church in the year 401, and already dedicated, with the basilica which Severus in that very or the preceding year to St. Martin had built and dedicated. That Paul could not therefore have been dead before the year 397, as Chifflet presumes: because then dead, he ought not to have been painted as dedicating a church, which first in the year 401 was consecrated.

[15] The other difficulty is sought from letter 16, by which the Saint writes to Amantius, that him Anastasius the Pope (now he was ordained on the 5th of December of the year 398) some time having intervened (namely after the year 400) even to his Feast (which to his Co-priests only he is wont) to invite deigned; and from Anastasius the Pope inviting Paulinus the Presbyter among the Bishops: as if among them not numbering himself, and so not yet a Bishop. Chifflet indeed excepts from this sense, on account of the "his"; as if by it should only be understood the Bishops of the Roman province, to which the Bishops of Campania did not pertain. But those obliged to come as subjects, do not seem wont to be invited; therefore the honor of the invitation regarded externs; of which also Paulinus held worthy, though only a Presbyter, was something greater.

[16] Other things adds Muratori. These same, by me long ago in mind conceived, from Brun assumes against Chifflet Muratori; and confirming them strongly further adds: Other arguments moreover I too will supply. Writing to Delphinus Bishop of Bordeaux, he always, and especially in the year 403, calls him "venerable Father," which he would not have done as a Bishop; for it was the custom in those times, that Bishops should call one another brothers. Consult, I pray, Letter XVI to Delphinus 2, where he says: "The Bishop of Milan also, your son hitherto, now brother Venerius had written" &c. You see Venerius, as soon as he came to the Episcopate, brother of Delphinus to begin to be called, and that from him also Paulinus distinguishes himself, certainly with the Episcopal fillets he was not yet girded. But let us bring forth clearer things. In the year 404 the Feast-poem 11 recited Paulinus. In it indeed many things about a thief he has, who the sacred things lately had despoiled. Caught not without a miracle the wicked robber to St. Felix is led. "After the sacred things, the pious Bishop now dismissing the assemblies." These are the words of our seer, who therefore from the Bishop of Nola at that time distinguishes himself. The Feast-poem too the thirteenth the matter evidently betrays. When to the people of Nola, of opening the tomb, where St. Felix's bones rested, the mind had come, says Paulinus: "— All of us the Bishop sends to us his Presbyters. As these look on, the craftsman's hand presses to do the things commanded of the Priest. —" This Feast-poem in the year 406 Paulinus elaborated. But the matter there mentioned lately to have happened is almost certain to me; for not so great a work would the holy Poet long have suppressed in silence. Therefore, since another Bishop sitting at Nola there is expressly said, not even in the year 406 the Episcopal Chair had Paulinus ascended. Then why would this remarkable dignity, if to himself it had befallen, be passed over in the Feast-poem 13 by Paulinus? In no words there does he spare, to recount the honors conferred on himself, and the deeds of his life past; and would he have dismissed this greatest office unsaluted? Do not believe it. But whether the Bishop only in the year 409 advanced, lies hidden without doubt I judge. Nonetheless of the most learned Brun's opinion one must now acquiesce, by whom not without strong reasons, or at least open conjectures this affirmed I persuade myself. But what Ambrose Leo asserted, book 2, chapter 12, of Nola, namely that Paulinus was before Bishop of the Church of Fundi; let it be held the dream of an otherwise learned Author. The rest of Paulinus's deeds, and his marvelous holiness, to pursue the brevity determined for me does not allow. If however anyone should undertake this task to be adorned, an abundant harvest from the Feast-poem 13 he will draw.

LETTER OF URANIUS THE PRESBYTER

On the death of St. Paulinus, to Pacatus.

From the Troyes manuscript published by Chifflet, and collated with other manuscript copies.

Paulinus, Bishop of Nola in Campania, a province of Italy (St.)

BHL Number: 6558

BY URANIUS, A CONTEMPORARY

[1] To the illustrious lord and in Christ deservedly venerable Pacatus, a) Uranius the Presbyter. By the letters of your Nobility a second time I am solicited, Preface. that to you the death of St. Paulinus I may faithfully report. Wisdom I, II I will do indeed what you command, but I fear, lest not so effectively as you wish, I do, what I desire to do. Yet because to command you deign, faithfully and without falsehood I will do it. For I know it better to press the tongue with silence, than to the sin of the soul to narrate false things, the scripture saying: "The mouth that lies kills the soul." And therefore your veneration much I ask, that to my inexperience pardon to give you may deign. Otherwise if to you the vileness of my speech b) shall begin to displease, not to me, but to yourself you will more rightly impute it, who water of the purest fountain from a muddy rivulet demanded. But let these things be briefly said. Now however let us come to those things, which to you, who his life in verses to illustrate dispose, may furnish matter of speaking.

[2] Therefore St. Paulinus the Bishop from Bordeaux a town of the Gauls was sprung, but in Campania c) at the most blessed Felix the Confessor with a glorious end died and was buried. Three days before his death His life from the merit of his death we recognize, whose also death from the conversation of his life we prove. Finally when * three days before he from this world to the heavenly dwelling was called, when now of his health all had despaired, and two Bishops to him with the zeal of visiting had come, that is, holy d) Symmachus, and blessed e) Acindynus; so at their coming was recreated and refreshed, that, all carnal infirmity forgotten, wholly himself to them spiritual and angelic he showed. And as if about to set out to the Lord, he bids for himself before his couch the sacred Mysteries f) to be exhibited: namely that together with the holy Bishops, the sacrifice being offered, he bids the last rites to be ministered to him: his soul to the Lord he might commend: at the same time also those, whom for ecclesiastical discipline from the communion of the sacred mystery he had ordered to be banished, to the former peace he might recall.

[3] And when all these things the holy Bishop in glad and perfect order had celebrated; suddenly with a clear voice he began to ask, where were his Brothers. Then one of the bystanders, who thought that his Brothers, that is, the Bishops who then were present, he is visited by SS. Januarius and Martin; he sought; said to him; Behold, here are your Brothers. But he; But I now my Brothers Januarius and Martin mean, who just now with me have spoken, and immediately to me they were about to come said. Of whom Januarius the Bishop at once and Martyr, illustrates the Church of the city of Naples; but Martin a man in all things apostolic, whose Life by all is read, was a Bishop of the Gauls. And these things being said, his hands stretched to heaven, this Psalm to the Lord he sang, saying; "I lifted up my eyes to the mountains, whence will come help to me. My help from the Lord, who made heaven and earth." Then a prayer being collected, he was reminded by holy g) Postumianus the Presbyter, that for the garments which to the poor had been distributed, forty solidi were owed. Ps. 120. 1. 2. When this had heard St. Paulinus, lightly smiling he said; Be secure,

son; to pay the debts contracted on behalf of the poor believe me that there will not be lacking one who the debt of the poor will pay. And behold, after no long delay, there enters a certain Presbyter, from the regions of Lucania coming, sent by the holy Bishop h) Exuperantius, or by the most renowned man his brother Ursatius, who to him through that man as a gift fifty solidi had sent. unexpectedly he receives 50 solidi: Which when St. Paulinus had received, he blessed the Lord saying; I give you thanks, Lord, who have not forsaken one hoping in you. But of these fifty solidi he himself to the Presbyter who had presented them, with his own hand two i) gave; but the rest to the merchants who garments to the poor had given, he ordered to be paid back.

[4] But among these things, when now night had succeeded the day, up to the middle of the night a little to rest he granted; the night and the following day until, the pain growing crude which in his side excessive was, awakened, and even with many superfluous burnings of the physicians wearied, up to the fifth k) hour of the night his weary and panting breast he drew. Then the light coming, his custom the holy man recognized. And so, as he was wont, all being awakened, Matins after the manner and order he celebrated. But the day being made, to the Presbyters and Deacons and all the clerics, praying he passes, by the example of the Lord peace hereditary l) he preached: then as if from sleep awakened, the time of the lucernarian m) devotion recognizing, his hands stretched out, with slow voice though, "I have prepared a lamp for my Christ," to the Lord he sang. Ps. 131. 17. Then thereafter a silence being made for some time, * about the fourth hour of the night, all who were present anxiously watching, suddenly with so great a shock his little chamber by an earthquake was shaken, on the third night he dies, his chamber trembling that those who at his couch stood, terrified and disturbed, to prayer they all cast themselves; nothing however knowing those who before the doors stood: for not a public one, but a private earthquake had been in the chamber. He, by angelic hands received, the debt to God, his spirit, exhaled.

[5] We saw (most dear son), we saw, and amid tears and sobs we rejoice to have seen; we saw how the just one is taken away, and no one understands: and just men are taken away, and no one considers. Nor to any of the Christians ought it to seem incredible, if at the passing of St. Paulinus, with great grief of his own, one corner specially by an earthquake was shaken, at whose death almost the whole world groaned. And indeed what place is there in the world of lands so remote or hidden, which the passing of Lord Paulinus did not move? Plainly wept the Church, that such a priest she lost; but paradise exults, that such a Saint it received: the peoples lament, but the Angels rejoice: the provinces of men groan, but rejoice the places of the Saints to which daily to fly he desired, when he said; "How lovely are your tabernacles, O Lord God of hosts! my soul longs, and faints in your courts." Ps. 83. 2.

[6] O holy man, and by the mouth of all praiseworthy, who so lived that not for himself only, being holy even before his Episcopate, but for all he lived! And therefore because for many he lived in this age, now for himself he lives in Christ: and yet not for himself only, but also for us, because daily he prays for us. He was finally a lamp burning in the house of God, not under a bushel placed, but upon a candlestick set; so that even many lamps with his bright light he rendered luminous. For sweet and mild he was, even when in the pride of the world he was engaged. But when to Christ he was converted, and exceptionally generous toward the poor. he opened his granaries to the poor, his storehouses to those coming he laid open. For little it was to him to feed those near, unless also from everywhere he called forth those whom he might feed and clothe. How many captives he redeemed! how many entanglers n) of debt, from their creditors the money being paid back, he freed! by one namely trade of piety both the laments of the debtors he wiped away, and the joys of the creditors he restored.

[7] But when to the highest grade of the Priesthood he was advanced, but made Bishop he was unwilling such to show himself he rendered himself a Priest as by all would be loved. Never was he so angry, that not in anger of mercy he was mindful: for neither could that man be angry, who contumelies despised, and hatreds avoided. Never in judgment without mercy he sat, because he knew mercy to be better than sacrifice; with mercy to be clothed all of Christians' judgment, the venerable Scripture saying; he excelled in virtues worthy of that grade, "Mercy and judgment I will sing to you, Lord." Justice too with more benign vows he tempered; knowing that the Holy Spirit as much as to equity and justice he favors, so much to his own the grace of piety benign he indulges: and therefore he held rigor in the examination of justice, but mercy in the definition of the sentence he brought forth.

[8] O admirable man, and by the praise of all virtues o) to be reckoned! For he indeed the examples of all the Patriarchs followed, he was faithful as Abraham, credulous as Isaac, benign as Jacob, munificent as Melchizedek, provident as Joseph, rapacious as Benjamin: for he snatched from the rich, no less transferring to himself the examples of the Saints; and to the poor distributed; and yet more to the rich than to the poor he is known to have profited, because to the poor in this age he profited, but for the rich in the future he provided. Therefore (since I had begun to say) he was meek as Moses, priestly as Aaron, innocent as Samuel, merciful as David, wise as Solomon, apostolic as Peter, lovable as John, cautious as Thomas, a teacher as Paul, seeing as Stephen, fervent as Apollos: but in the solicitude and care of the Churches, in faith and charity all the Apostles and Bishops he imitated. All these things in himself he had, these in the time of his conversation faithfully he kept. And therefore when from this body to the heavenly dwelling he was called, (as above I said) the earth grieved, but glad was heaven; the flesh wept, but the spirit glories.

[9] Finally not only Christians, but also Jews and Pagans, with huge weeping, their garments even torn, to Lord Paulinus's obsequies came: their patron snatched from them, defender, guardian all together with us with one voice they bewailed. And truly such he was, that by all he was loved: for he lived to all for an example of acquiring salvation, and for a refreshment of consolation. and therefore even by Pagans deplored; For not of me alone this is the voice: witnesses are all the provinces, witness is all the land which the Roman world encloses; witnesses also are the barbarian nations, to whom the fame of Lord Paulinus had come. Nor undeservedly by all was he loved, who was present to all. Whom indeed lying did not his right hand raise? whom interpellating him, did he not with pious voice console? For he was pious, merciful, humble, and benign: spurning none, despising none; to all he gave, to all he indulged: he animated the trembling, he mitigated the violent; these with words, those he edified by example: some with letters, others with funds he helped. No wealth, no riches, except those which to his Saints Christ had promised, he admired. Gold and silver, and the rest he so defined, everywhere renowned that them for himself to bestow liberality, not for retaining cupidity claimed. And, to say briefly, all goods in himself he had, because Christ he loved: for he had faith, meekness, care of those near; constant for the wretched solicitude, compassion for the weak; nothing else regarding except peace and charity: alone indeed he begged, that to all he might abound. Finally what place is there in the world of lands, what solitude, what seas, and well-deserving of all. which St. Paulinus's benefits have not felt? All him to know desired, all to see longed. Who to him not glad came? or who from him not desiring to return departed? For those who in body him to see could not, at least his letters to touch desired. For he was sweet and bland in letters, sweet and well-pleasing in verses. What more? Scarcely whatever about him is said, would the credulity of faith admit, unless his deeds drove away the lie. Let us be silent about the nobility of his birth, by paternal and maternal descent into the purples of Senators admirably gleaming: besides also the opulences of riches, which for God's sake to the poor he distributed. Now let us come to those things p) which about his death to say we had begun.

[10] Therefore when St. Paulinus the debt to God, his spirit, had rendered, with such snowy whiteness his face and all his body was affected, The body of the dead shines with marvelous whiteness: that all amid sobs and tears blessed the Lord our God, who brings forth his Saints in magnificence, that he may show to his servants that this is the glory to all his Saints: and therefore let his soul be praised in God, and let his works be revealed in all who fear God, because he delighted in the commandments of his God, and understood about the needy and poor, that powerful might be in the land his seed, and his justice remain unto the age of the age.

[11] Yet also this which to the merit of holy Paulinus pertains, Your Veneration ought to recognize, that also holy John q) Bishop of the city of Naples, John of Naples the Bishop by Lord Paulinus from this life to Christ summoned and called is recognized. For three days before he from this world holy John to the Lord migrated, he related that he had seen holy Paulinus, with angelic dignity clothed and adorned, wholly snowy, wholly starry, and with ambrosial odor gleaming: a honeycomb also most white of honey in his hand holding, and saying to him; Brother John, what here do you? Loose the bonds of your weariness, and now to us come: for this food which in my hand I hold, with us quite abounds. And when he had said this, he embraced him, and put into his mouth part of that honeycomb: visited by him appearing to him, whose sweetness and odor so holy John said that he had desired, that if to himself in that very revelation power had been, from his footsteps in no way would he have withdrawn. And yet not long he dissembled: for awakened from sleep, on the same day, that is, the fifth weekday, according to his custom remunerating all the clerics and the poor, he holily dies the day before Easter; sound the Lord's Supper he celebrated: but on the sixth weekday to prayer he gave himself, but on the Sabbath, at the second hour of the day, to the church glad he proceeded, and the tribunal ascended after the manner the people he saluted: and resaluted by the people, a prayer he gave: and a prayer being collected r) his spirit he exhaled. On that night however in the church there was vigil. and on that very day honorably he is buried. But the following day, that is of Easter, the lamps being lit, with a huge procession of Neophytes s), the multitude of peoples also following, up to the tomb, a glorious and praiseworthy burial he obtained.

[12] These things therefore t) I have commemorated to your Nobility

Yours, that even here the merit of St. Paulinus you might recognize: for you have matter of speaking, if however the faith of believing be not lacking. Conclusion to Pacatus who is to render these things in verses. And therefore I ask your Nobility, that, as to promise you have deigned, the gift of an illustrious work to hasten you may deign; about to obtain rewards of praise and glory, if the life of the holy Man, profitable to posterity, in verses you illustrate. Would that before I set out, of this work's reading worthy you make me: because if to Christ it shall have pleased, immediately to sail I dispose. St. Paulinus the Bishop died on the tenth day before the Kalends of July, Bassus and Antiochus, most renowned men, being Consuls u).

NOTES OF D. P.

a) Vossius, "On the Latin Writers," page 224, writes "Paratus," I know not whence; while the published and manuscripts everywhere write "Pacatus." But there is found a Latinus Pacatus, as Chifflet notes, who to Theodosius the Emperor at Rome a panegyric delivered, after the death of the tyrant Maximus, in the year 411. His son perhaps (rather a secular layman I would believe him, than a Cleric) Pacatus, was of so flourishing a vein, that in that learned age he presumed to praise Paulinus in verse; and in that sense by Uranius is called, number 5, "most dear Son": but Uranius himself, who was present at the dying Saint, because (as at the end he says) at the first occasion he hastened to sail away, Chifflet conjectured to be the one whom in the year 401 the Saint writes he awaited from Delphinus Bishop of Bordeaux the whole summer. For then a young Presbyter, afterward older he could from some occasion have sailed into Italy, to visit his old friend, and this Letter from Nola homeward to have written, where Pacatus dwelt. Yet I would prefer the younger and perhaps the grandson of the other as Author of the Letter.

b) Surius "Utility," less correctly.

c) That is, at the church of St. Felix: but this one is worshipped on the 14th of January. The Medici manuscript adds "and Martyr": but although Bollandus teaches that two Felixes, Presbyters of Nola, are to be distinguished; one, the son of Hermias the Syrian, born at Nola; the other Roman; yet he holds each to have been only a Confessor; but here it is treated of the first, and the second was also the brother of another Felix the Martyr, whence the confusion arose.

d) Michael the Monk, in the Capuan Sanctuary, page 191, testifies, St. Symmachus Bishop of Capua, 22nd of October. that in a manuscript Calendar of the Capuan Treasury he read these words: On the 11th day before the Kalends of November, of St. Saloma, of St. Symmachus, Bishop of Capua and Confessor. And because he was worshipped on his anniversary at the church of St. Mary Major in the Diocese, he exhibits a mosaic to be examined, in which is written: "Holy Mary. Symmachus the Bishop": which was not written so except while he lived; and that church itself does not seem able to be believed older than new Capua, within which it stands. The Monk judges therefore that he lived after the year 900, and perhaps about 950. As if indeed in a church restored in the 10th century there could not have survived some mosaic of the 5th century. He, afterward considering this, in Ughelli among the Bishops of Capua, number 38, "If anyone," he says, "moved by a sure reason, or led by a probable conjecture, shall have thought St. Symmachus's name to be numbered among the Bishops of old Capua, I now gladly adhere: and let him consider, I pray, whether St. Symmachus can seem to be that Symmachus, who was present at St. Paulinus Bishop of Nola dying." Only by 21 thousand paces or seven hours' space are Nola and Capua distant; so that nothing is readier, than for so near a Bishop to be summoned in such a case; but nothing more unlike the truth, than that a Bishop, who in such a city had so solemn and even now has a cult, as there is explained, lived in the 10th century, and about his life and miracles is known almost nothing: but lest anything stand in the way of the Capuan Symmachus, Julian, in Gennadius published, called for this time Bishop of Capua; Chifflet notes, that in Gennadius manuscript is read "Campanus": and this Prosper makes probable, with whom for the year 339 is named Julian of Atella, the most boastful asserter of the Pelagian error.

e) As Symmachus adjectivally "Holy," so Acindynus here seems to be called "Blessed," titles applicable to any Bishop once while they lived: meanwhile substantively it took Surius, adding as it were an adjective "Hyacinthinus," for which Baronius in the Annals conjectured should be read "Hydruntinus," although Hydruntum almost 200 miles from Nola is distant. Nor however does "Hyacinthinus" seem the proper name of a Bishop, nowhere else to be found. It pleases therefore the conjecture of Chifflet, from the fact that the Medici transcript has "blessed and unworthy," suggesting that should be read "blessed Acindynus." There had then Nola (besides Naples, over which John I; and Atella, over which the aforesaid Julian presided) neighboring Episcopal cities in Campania indeed Acerra, Cumae and Puteoli; but in the Principato ulteriore and citeriore Nocera, Cosenza, Salerno, Avellino, and Benevento: to none of these is assigned a Bishop, whom for certain you could say lived in the year 431: the one Julian of Puteoli for the year 449 comes nearer: why then should not the Bishop of some of those cities have been Acindynus then?

f) So several: the Trier codex "Ministries"; below, "Ministries."

g) You see here the title of "Holy" given not only to Bishops, but also to Presbyters: and perhaps examples will be found, by which that appellation will be shown to have been common to the whole Clergy.

h) No Exuperantius, otherwise also Exuberantius, occurs in the whole volume 7 of Ughelli, embracing the Bishops of Lucania and Apulia, as many as could be found.

i) Surius and following him Baronius, noted in the margin, that not two, but ten should be read; as if a just price of the journey at that time could not seem to be two. I judge that nothing should be changed, with Chifflet.

k) Theodosius Rubeus composed a universal perpetual Horary, where on page 277, noting for the North Pole elevated 41 and 43 degrees (among which is Nola, having the Pole elevated 42 degrees), he defines the space of night, from the setting of the sun up to its rising, for the 21st day of June; at 8 hours and 56 minutes; whence it seems consequent, that already then by the people of Nola hours began to be counted from the setting of the sun, as today do all the Italians, against the common usage of the other transmontane nations, who begin to count hours from midnight: for thus the fifth hour the people of Nola would have had as day; but now on such a day, the fifth hour will be compared with them to the first hour after midnight.

l) "Hereditary" I understand, perpetual, or such as Christ said he left to his own for an inheritance, John 14, 27.

m) "Lucernarium" the Latins, the Greeks "Lychnikon" called, prayers to be poured out, when at the setting sun the Lamps were lit; which prayers were wont to be premised to Vespers, Macri teaches. Now when Vespers before the setting of the sun are recited, in the place of the Lucernarium has succeeded Compline, to be said after Vespers.

n) All copies here agreeing, I do not dare to change and read "the entangled in debts"; therefore understand by "entanglers of debt" those, who, because they feel they are not solvent, studiously entangle the debt itself: and to this seems also to regard the joy of the creditors, freed from those troublesome entanglements.

o) The Medici manuscript "Of all the Saints," which equally here agrees.

p) The same only here interposes, what about the Vandal servitude has Gregory in the Dialogues, and indeed as written by Uranius, which deceived Possevino in his Apparatus; when Gregory himself cites witnesses of that matter heard by him, "to whose," he says, "great age it is necessary for me so certainly to give credence, as if those things which they said I had seen with my eyes": but otherwise speaks Gregory about the earthquake by which the chamber trembled, "Concerning whose death," he says, "also at his church it is written," namely in or from this Letter of Uranius. There appears also of a patch stitched from elsewhere the gaping connection when it is said: "Now let us come to those things which were done. In the time of the raging Vandals." Where if for the Period you substitute a Comma, the rest of the period, which in Gregory at begins anew, imperfect will hang, and as it were will lack its head. But the interpolation finished, the cut-off words are here resumed, by repeating the former; "but now let us come to those things"; and by subjoining to these the immediately following, "which about his death we had begun to say."

q) Chifflet chapter 30, disputing at length, shows that to John not the 4th, but the 1st these things agree, against certain more recent ones, John I Bishop of Naples confused with the 4th. judging these to be interpolated, because the Letter of Uranius in some most ancient manuscripts is found without this narration about John; from which also abstains St. Gregory of Tours, nearly word for word copying Uranius. But as this Letter could be interpolated, could also John the Deacon, who concluded the Chronicle of the Neapolitan Bishops at Athanasius the Younger, successor of John IV, from this one (whose life he describes at length, such as was given by us on the 1st of April) detract so notable a praise and ascribe it to the First; and not in the Letter of Uranius recognize a most recent interpolation? But John IV lived up to the year 853, and the Deacon toward the end of the same century wrote. It can however be, that Uranius (whom I would scarcely believe to have, Paulinus being dead, clung to Nola for a whole year, so as to write these things there after the Easter of the next year) it can, I say, be, that Uranius to the Letter long since written and to Pacatus sent, this about John afterward added when to him returned to Bordeaux from Italy the deed done at Naples was announced, not, I say, in the year following his departure, but in some later one. And hence arose that diversity of copies, cited by Chioccarello. But that John the Cimeliarch, in the other Life of the said John IV, as if about to correct the Deacon's error, applied to him the apparition of Paulinus, does not much move us, because that Cimeliarch wrote in the year 1362, and so is of much less faith. I would say therefore that John I, who deceased on Holy Saturday, was deposited or buried as a Saint on the very day of Easter, but is worshipped on the 1st of April; did not die in the year 432, the next after the death of Paulinus, as commonly the writers wish (for that year had Easter on the 3rd of April) but rather in the year 440, on the 31st of March when Easter was celebrated on the 1st of April, whence also one Calendar which Chioccarello saw, places him on the last day of March, although others have preferred to hold the day of his solemn deposition. But John IV, in what precise year and day he died, I think is unknown, the Deacon being silent about it; and therefore the day was assumed, on which the First was found ascribed in the Calendars; and that by the authority of John the Cimeliarch, wishing it to be believed that then was buried the Fourth: whence you may correct what less distinctly we said about both on the 1st of April. But I acknowledge that the older cult of the First was obliterated by the cult of the Fourth, whose Life was better known than the first's, and therefore also his name more renowned; but in the age of the Cimeliarch the annual veneration of the Fourth was instituted, and indeed with prejudice to the First.

r) "To collect a prayer" he is, I think, said who, several prayers being recited, at last subjoins, "Through our Lord" &c. whence also they are called "Collects," because after the other principal one in the sacred service they are thus read collectively, under one (as the common people say) "Through the Lord."

s) Deservedly here Chifflet asks, what could that procession of Neophytes have been, in the time of John IV, when Naples was wholly most Christian, nor was baptism deferred to adult age, as in the time of the First.

t) This conclusion no less aptly will be read after number 10, than after this 11, so that even thence it may become more probable, that it by Uranius, or some person of Nola contemporary with him, immediately after the deed done was there placed, and was not present from the beginning.

u) That is, in the year of Christ 431.

LIFE

By Francis Sacchini of the Society of Jesus at Rome, from the Saint's writings and the eulogies of the Ancients composed; and by Heribert Rosweyde of the same Society at Antwerp together with the works published.

Paulinus, Bishop of Nola in Campania, a province of Italy (St.)

BY FRANCIS SACCHINI, S.J.

THE OLD DIVISION.

Although most aptly the Author divided this his little work into four Parts, so that the First teaches, What kind Paulinus was in his secular life, up to number 17; the second, What kind a Monk, up to number 65; the Third, What kind a Bishop, up to number 75; the Fourth finally treats of his works; yet inconvenient is such a division to the work instituted by us, which has hitherto followed nearly equal Chapters; and those, not so minute, that with several titles each single page must gape; nor so prolix, that the reader cannot at least every other leaf take breath, and what further follows know at a glance of the eye, from the title of the new Chapter. Let it therefore be after our manner.

CHAPTER I.

Paulinus's fatherland, nobility, poetic and oratorical faculty, Consulship.

Part I.

[1] With what ending holy Athanasius closes the Life of the Great Antony, with that beginning it is permitted us of Paul the Great (for of this preface he is worthy) Bishop of Nola, This Life useful by example, to begin the Life. "Our Savior Jesus Christ," says he, "those glorifying him glorifies, and to those serving him, not only the kingdoms of heaven, but even here in the very recesses of the mountains desiring to lie hidden, the nobility of fame grants: namely, that both they themselves may enjoy the praise of merits, and the rest by their examples may be provoked." Chap. 62 These to Paulinus most aptly both from that part agree, that excellently to Christ Jesus he served, it is given in four parts. and an illustrious praise for his name he begot; and from the other, that the most clement Lord him, of evangelical obscurity a great lover, magnificently glorious, not only among the Powers above, but also among mortals made. These both parts from the explanation itself of his Life will be plain, which threefold was; first, in the popular and common state; then in the monastic; lastly in the episcopal: there is added a fourth about his writings.

[2] The grades of Paulinus's age, Almost half his age, that is, to about the thirty-eighth year, to the human commonwealth he lived: from that time to the seventy-seventh a) year, that is, to his last breath, to religion and holiness; through grades thus advancing, that from a great Senator a greater Monk, thence a plainly greatest Bishop he was; than which more moderate and below his merits the title can seem, if "Great" once we shall have said.

[3] The ornaments of human life, whatever can fall to a man, abundantly he possessed. Most noble and most wealthy alike, of countenance liberal in appearance, of body a little weaker, but apt for the offices of the mind; of outstanding talent, human beauties. by nature among the first good and beneficent, and of morals most sweet. Besides with all liberal learning adorned and with faculties, which favor especially and popular admiration conciliate, in Poetics and Oratory excelling. Finally the highest honors, most renowned fame, the love of all and favor he obtained. Which it is established that he at last only esteemed great, that he might have what for Christ to despise, and what to his name as a sacrifice to consecrate. Letter 5 For that this one cause of loving such things is teaches Nazianzen, and Paulinus himself elegantly with these words sets forth: "Therefore to us bringing nothing into this world, the substance of temporal things, like a fleece to be shorn he sets; not that as a burden it should impede those, whom he bids to be born unencumbered, but that matter of virtue to us for begetting merits he may propose; and that there be whence a document of our toward God (that is, the true Father and Lord) faith and piety we may give, if there be at hand to us dear or sweet things; which preferring God, for a great reward we neglect." Letter 10 to Severus To the same pertain the things which, while he praises Melania, and his own zeal at once and work, by no means doing or perceiving it, he commends, about nobility thus discourses: "It is clear that this too to the glory of his work the Lord conferred, by which the more might be confounded this world, which with such titles glories; that, by which the vanity of men to the contempt of the world might be used: at the same time also a greater authority of the saving example (by which namely in a more illustrious person more brightly it might gleam) for humbling the eyes of the proud might be set forth."

[4] His fatherland he had Rome, the chief of nations; too and affinities most ample: for both Melania the Elder b), whom, noble by Consular ancestors, by the contempt of earthly nobility he says made herself nobler, he signifies to have been by blood near to himself. Letter 10 to Severus. There are who also to the Anician family refer him, because among the monuments of the Anicii some Paulini are read. Which if so it is, a certain sacred genealogy would have accrued to his family, that that first family, among the Roman summits to Christ raised, by its heavenly summit human loftiness exaggerated. Baronius, year 394 Pontius without doubt he had as a forename, by which often in a way by Ausonius he is named: likewise Meropius somewhere, both in the books printed, Forename both in those written by hand, he is inscribed, and in some Eutropius. And so the whole appellation, "Meropius Pontius Anicius Paulinus" was.

[5] He was born among the Aquitanians, or at Bordeaux, where to have had a house from Ausonius is established, and expressly Uranius hands down (who, a Presbyter c) of Paulinus himself when he had been, afterward the sum of his life, or rather his death committed to writing), or d) at Hebromagus, as to others it seems, The place of his nativity. which also as his fatherland Paulinus himself calls. A paternal town it was not far from Bordeaux, set upon the river Garonne. For at that time of Roman citizens not a few, who in the provinces held estates, in them also their domiciles placed. Hence it happened, I think, that Paulinus an Aquitanian by fatherland was reckoned; and in him as it were as their citizen not unjustly the Gauls always gloried and today glory. Letter 5 to Severus. Although in St. Ambrose while we read it thus written, "Paulinus by the splendor of his birth in the parts of Aquitaine second to none," we by no means think it compared with the Aquitanian nobility, but only the place designated, where Paulinus dwelt, and had sold his faculties: and perhaps, as the great Writer and best man Cesare Cardinal Baronius suspects, the series of words by the copyists was changed, when they ought to have written, "Paulinus by the splendor of his birth second to none, in the parts of Aquitaine his faculties being sold," and what follows. Letter 36 For this splendor was of Paulinus's birth, where above not which to no one of the Aquitanians, but which to scarcely anyone of all yielded. Which also from Prudentius is established, who, writing against Symmachus, while the Roman nobility, which to Christ had passed over, he recounts: "Not of the Paulini," he says, "not of the Bassi doubted their ready faith to give themselves to Christ, and the proud stock of the patrician family to raise to the age to come." Book 1 That his patrimony was very ample, and his estates huge, Riches. both others all testify, and sufficiently shows Ausonius, when, Paulinus from his Spanish withdrawal recalling, among other things he urges: "Lest the snatched and scattered house, and the torn into a hundred parts among masters the realms of old Paulinus we bewail." From which realms however much the Poetic hyperbole takes away, yet very much always in the patrimony will remain over. Letter 23. Nor only in Aquitaine did he have Hebromagus, and other possessions, and likewise at Narbonne others, but also in Italy at Fundi, and near Nola: whence also his Roman stock is affirmed.

[6] In the golden age when, alongside virtues and letters, especially sacred, In what time was he born? very much were cultivated, about the year of human salvation three hundred fifty-third he was born, that to a most splendid age this light too might accrue; and in turn to it itself there should be abundance from another's light to multiply his own. So it happened, that for cultivating the seeds of great praises, a keen judgment, a clever and fertile talent, a good and tractable mind, which nature excelling had implanted, an excellent master he should obtain. Decius Magnus Ausonius he was, in Poetic likewise and Oratorical virtues renowned among the first of his age. Ausonius the Gaul his Master. He, both of his own accord, and by Paulinus's docility and morals, and besides by the old connection of their parents between themselves of each and charity compelled, so to be instructed and governed the noble boy undertook, that with the sedulity and industry of a preceptor, e) with the humanity of a father and piety he taught and formed him: nor otherwise afterward, than "son" was he wont to name him. Paulinus to follow the hand of the one fashioning, eagerly into studies to be snatched, no monuments of Writers not to wear away; more sparingly however the Historians he handled: in the Orators and Poets he was wholly. Finally so he advanced, that in each faculty, whether Oratorical or Poetic, he either equaled the glory of his teacher, or even surpassed it.

[7] Of his Poetic excellence the testimony of Ausonius is at hand: "And the Poetic palm which long since for you prevails, Paulinus how excellent a Poet. adorned with a ribbon, is, of which my palm is lacking. We yield in talent, as much as we precede in age: my Muse rises up to yours." Letter 20 For there is no one who knows not, that to the victors of the sacred contests the prizes were palms: to which if certain fillets and bands, which first of bast, then of more precious material began to be made, were added, glory at once and authority accrued. That kind of fillets had the name "lemniscus." Hence more renowned the beribboned palms, than the bare. Moreover Domitian at Rome a contest among Orators too and Poets instituted. Therefore whether truly and properly the beribboned palm from some such contest among Poets bore off Paulinus, or (which I would more willingly believe) by a coloring thus names Ausonius, it is to be understood, how much there was present to Paulinus from Poetry of celebrity, who than Ausonius at that time the supreme seer was held greater. For neither that through flattery by the master, or through paternal toward the pupil indulgence, rather than truly said will he think, who their talents between themselves and style shall compare. Without doubt Paulinus's gentler, and sweeter, and likewise more magnificent nature and vein was; to whom, as the same witness is, Ausonius, a certain honeyed modulation was inherent; a vigorous and sublime alacrity, so seeking the highest things, that he should not fall down. Letter 19 Nor indeed of the flourishing Poet's faculty is it to be estimated from these poems which exist, of evangelical simplicity composed after the Muses were abdicated: but it is to be considered, that these very ones, when yet such they are, surely while ambition was fervent, the zeal of pleasing, and the desire of fame stimulated, and sharpened his care; while all the perfumeries of the Poets he searched out; and at the same time hence the vigor of his lofty talent

the diction lifted up, thence the nobility of his morals and gentleness tempered; there existed something very perfect, which deservedly both to the learned and to the multitude greatly pleased.

[8] But what in prose loosed from numbers he could do, worth all is the eulogy of holy Jerome. That great Doctor, How great an Orator. who to the whole world was a marvel, so Paulinus admired, that, when he had enumerated of the Writers of the Latin Church the first lights, Tertullian, Lactantius, Victorinus, Hilary, Cyprian, nor those, who then lived and flourished, had he excepted; and had shown, that to each for perfection something was lacking, he sets up one Paulinus, in whom nothing is wanting: predicting that it would be, if the interior knowledge of the divine letters were added, that he would precede the Writers both Latin all, and also Greek, not so long ago. And among other things, "O if to me it were permitted," he says, "a talent of this kind, not through the Aonian mountains and the summits of Helicon, as the Poets sing, but through Zion, and Itabyrium, and lofty Sinai to lead; if it befell to teach the things I have learned, and as if by the hands the mysteries to hand on of the Scriptures; there would be born to us something, which learned Greece would not have." Letter 13 And soon: "If as it were the last hand to your work were applied, nothing more beautiful, nothing more learned, nothing sweeter, and nothing more Latin than your volumes we should have." He adds: "You have a great talent, and an infinite furniture of speech; and easily you speak, and purely; and the facility itself and purity is mixed with prudence. For the head being sound, all the senses are vigorous. To this prudence and eloquence if there were added either the study, or the intelligence of the Scriptures, I should see you soon hold the citadel of ours." These things wrote he, of as keen judgment as free mouth a Doctor, about Paulinus, not long after he had wholly betaken himself to piety, even now a recruit in the sacred disciplines: therefore he subjoins: "You who have such rudiments, what kind of trained soldier will you be?" But Paulinus, for the submission of his mind, as in its place shall be handed down, even him in Christian wisdom set behind that primacy.

[9] Meanwhile however, before he to the ambition hidden from the world, of humility and of the Cross to the services wholly enslaved himself, How gracious. when such he had ornaments of talent, of learning, and of tongue; which by that splendor of birth, and by the abundance of riches far more renowned to the common people and more wonderful were made; it is no wonder if with most renowned fame, if with the greatest favor, and with honors too the highest he flourished: and the Consulship, and that f) ordinary, He becomes Consul. which the first from the Empire grade of honor was reckoned, in the flower of youth, before Ausonius, far preceding in age, he obtained. Paulinus does not deny this haste of his honors: but from everywhere, having set out, and wont to snatch the matter of casting himself down, this too to elevating the admiration of his withdrawal from the world he refers, as if "satiated" he had departed, and "honored from his first years a person," as to Severus he writes, that "to ripen for himself he could his gravity." Letter 1 to Severus. But Ausonius expressly professes that Paulinus preceded him in honors, when, why against the custom of the time, his name in a letter he prefixed to his own, with these words he excuses: "Ausonius to Paulinus. The metre so persuaded, that you should be prior, and precede my name: although both by the title of the Calendars prior, and your at Rome the curule chair g) preceded my ivory." Letter 20 For the rest the same Ausonius so preferred to himself Paulinus, that equally from himself to have set out he wished him to seem, and himself the bestower of his old honors he calls. How advanced by Ausonius. Which by no means would I believe to be said only for that cause, that worthy of honors, by his precepts and instruction he rendered him; but also, because by Valentinian the elder to teach his children Gratian and Valentinian to the court summoned, and by that thing the favor of the Princes having merited, Paulinus especially he had, whom both by the zeal of charity, and to the increases of his own affairs he might advance. Letter 24

[10] Matrimony too to Paulinus happily befell, a wealthy woman, and wise, and wonderfully agreeing, and (which is a glory) especially religious. Her name Therasia. One fecundity was lacking to the cumulation of earthly felicity: but therefore perhaps it was lacking, Therasia the wife of Paulinus. that from the sterility of bodies, the fecundity of souls might be increased; and thence a cumulation of eternal felicity might be born, whence the human was maimed. For after long vows, offspring at last male, when as they tarried in Spain it had befallen, that one was not vital. And so on the eighth day from its birth snatched at Complutum, They lose their infant son. it admonished namely the parents, and at the same time made ready the way, that a better progeny of good deeds, and a by no means perishable posterity of merits they might desire, as holy Ambrose interprets. Letter 30

NOTES OF D. P.

a) In the margin, for that the text finishes the whole time of the Life at the year seventy-seventh, was noted the eighty-second: and by this reason it seems Rosweyde wished his own opinion, different from Sacchini's reckoning, to be signified.

b) Jerome in the Chronicle at the year of Valens and Valentinian the 10th, "Melania the noblest of Roman women, daughter of Marcellinus formerly Consul." But Paulinus, to whom it ought to have been better known, says she was born when Marcellinus was Consul, her grandfather: yet the propinquity of blood with Paulinus, I have not yet found otherwise indicated in that letter, than that of his hospitality at Nola she made use with her company, in the year (as chapter 11 teaches Chifflet) 398.

c) I would think rather that Uranius was a Presbyter of Bordeaux.

d) Ebromagus, commonly Embrau among the Santones, at the estuary of the Garonne near Blaye, below Bordeaux 7 leagues.

e) Here first the Author Sacchini betrayed himself to me from the recollection of a similar phrase in the Life of Blessed Stanislaus: and the age agrees in which he wrote, already Secretary of the Society, and removed from writing history, and therefore perhaps wished his name suppressed; or because, thinking on his near death, he counted it nothing to be named among men.

f) So he, from the mind of Baronius, year 375, number 1, judging that year, after the Consulship of Gratian Augustus III and Equitius wont to be named in the Calendars, could be assigned to Paulinus's Consulship; when yet expressly say Jerome and Prosper, that "Because in the previous year the Sarmatians laid waste the Pannonias, the same Consuls remained," lest namely the joy of new Magistrates too quickly abolish the grief conceived from the slaughter, and therefore in the vacant Calendars to be marked. Against those however, who altogether deny Paulinus to have been Consul; and twist Ausonius's words otherwise, asserts Chifflet, that he was at least substituted for the remainder of the year 378, in which the same Emperor and Consul Valens, on the 5th day before the Ides of August, slain by the Goths, and burned. But it is established in those Calendars, which for the cause of reckoning years were commonly handled, no account was taken of the substitutes; but others more ancient, in which the single Magistrates of each year were written, in vain now you would seek.

g) The Urban Praetorship, says Chifflet, the curule Aedileship was wont by two years to precede; since therefore from the Theodosian Code, laws 4 and 5 on the Scenics, for the year 380 we have Paulinus as Urban Praetor, consequent it would be that he in the year 378 was that, and from the Aedileship in the same year to the Consulship passed, and then was made Praetor; granted that by the laws not before the year of age 37 he became Aedile, nor before 39 Praetor; for from those laws, the Empire declining, easy was exemption: but in the year 378 scarcely more than 24 years counted Paulinus, by the reckoning prescribed.

CHAPTER II.

Paulinus's Baptism undertaken at Bordeaux, the Monkhood assumed in Spain.

[11] All Paulinus's glories were consummated, and with a certain most pleasant light and grace besprinkled and made public the man's marvelous suavity, Paulinus's nature wonderfully sweet and benign. gentleness, and beneficence: which was so great, that, if anything he obtained which grateful he hoped would be to friends, he preferred to gratify them with it, than to indulge his own genius. Hence that exclamation of Ausonius, from frequent experience grateful: "But what is so amiable, and so hospitable, as that you, to make me a participant, your delights in the very newness of the firstfruits defraud yourself? Letter 12 to Paulinus. O sweeter than honey, O more festive by the charm of grace, O by all to be embraced with a fatherly embrace!" Therefore a man so wonderful, and equally so amiable, it is not slow to conjecture, with how great crowds of followers he was cultivated; how much among the nobles of esteem, among the multitude of favor and applause he had. The ornament of his fatherland, the light of the curia, likewise the column of the senate he was reckoned. But such of fortune, as the common people call it, that is, of human prosperity blandishments, the greater and more they were, His celebrity. by the more and the more tenacious chains Paulinus to itself bound the vanity of the world held back. Namely that the glory of Christ so much might become more illustrious, and the force of his grace more potent might appear, when so great a Senator all those things for loss reckoned, and esteemed as dung, that he might gain Christ himself.

[12] It helps to investigate by what helps and engines the divine grace used to the storming of his citadel, and how the apparatus of pride so great to the humility of the Cross it might subject. But first I shall indicate, in what places, and in what offices he spent his life, before in the Nolan retreat he rested. The sum of his Life before the Nolan withdrawal. His boyhood without doubt, and likewise adolescence, in liberal studies he spent at Bordeaux. For there of Grammar and Rhetoric a school Ausonius governed. Which being transferred to the court of Augustus, Paulinus to plead causes into the noise of the forum and the light of the curia proceeded; then to honors raised, for some time at Rome he lived. Thence for nearly fifteen years he traveled through Italy, Gaul, Spain, by land and sea; partly with public affairs, partly (unless my conjecture deceive me) with domestic occupied. Among which wanderings he was at Milan during that same time, in which holy Augustine there and Alypius were engaged: and known to Alypius he was, although he himself was ignorant of Alypius. For thus we see it happen, that great persons are known to nearly all, nor do they know so many. In the same stretch of time, piety gradually admitted into his mind, at Bordeaux baptized, at Barcelona a Priest created, thence to Nola at last he migrated, as now through each thing more clearly we shall set forth.

[13] The first glory, after God, of Paulinus's conversion to the most holy Presbyter Felix to be owed seems. His conversion is owed especially to St. Felix. Of this unconquered Confessor, or rather Martyr, as Paulinus and the holy Church calls him (for although he did not die in torments, to death yet for Christ was he tortured), most widely the name was celebrated. At his venerable body great prodigies and plainly evident were performed. There were tortured most grievously the evil demons, and marvelous spectacles they gave in those, whose bodies they had besieged. For which reasons from everywhere to Nola to St. Felix's tomb people ran together. Paulinus too went, the more opportunely, because his paternal estates round about he possessed. His mind to himself the youth, the blessed Martyr, so bound, that he resolved a quiet and holy life with him to spend. About the year of age twenty-seventh these things he within himself decreed, three a) lustres before in the very thing at last he performed. Thence in his first Feast-poem, which, his journey to Nola from Spain preparing, he composed, the holy Patron he asks, that he take counsel "Now for desires by an immense time wearied," and safe to himself bring him. Feast-poem I And in the following Feast-poem

now present he thus sang: "O father, O lord, to thy unworthy servants though best, At last it has been granted to us within thy thresholds, To celebrate thy Feast. Three over a long time Lustres have run, since with these solemn rites Before thee my vows, before thee my heart I dedicated." Therefore already long since even before Baptism the plans of a perfect life he was cooking: and immediately he adds, that from the time he had proposed for himself that life to be led at holy Felix's, perpetually he himself, to him amid the various labors of land and sea, was present. Feast-poem 2 And so to St. Felix above all is owed St. Paulinus. So much it matters to take on some one of the Heaven-dwellers as Patron, whom with special cult and constant piety you should venerate, to whom you dedicate yourself wholly, whose at all times help you implore.

[14] His wife Therasia helped, Among mortals, that a help was Therasia his wife, the glorious insult of Ausonius teaches, when, carping at Paulinus as too little constant in friendship, the cause upon her, as it were leading him away, he confers, "Tanaquil" calling her, who by wisdom and skill in religions herself preferred, and lorded it over her husband; and for that reason was feared by Paulinus. For thus he barks: "If to be betrayed, Paulinus, you fear, and dread the crime of our friendship, let your Tanaquil not know this." And indeed the divine wisdom of the matron, and her virile constancy thence becomes manifest, that to a poor and hard life she certainly consented with her husband: and whatever either of dowry, or of other faculties she had, she sold, and on the needy by the counsel of Christ the price distributed. Letter 24 to Paulinus. Besides there abounded that age in certain great and illustrious, both in wisdom and in holiness, Bishops. Ambrose at Milan, at Tours Martin, at Bordeaux Delphinus, and elsewhere other Evangelical lamps burning and shining, placed upon a candlestick, far and wide poured out the heavenly light: and Paulinus, as far as it is permitted to argue, of such men always the company loved. For indeed a great step to holiness it is, to be delighted with the use and familiarity of the Saints. Therefore of three especially, whom I have named, most holy Bishops, Paulinus by their examples, company, and zeal advanced.

[15] Ambrose now older, seeing the excellent natural disposition of the youth, most sweetly loved him. And so Paulinus himself to Alypius writes, and holy Ambrose that by Ambrose's love he was always to the faith nourished. Letter 45 to Alypius. About holy Martin of Tours, this is of conjecture, that an eye too, sick, for him he healed. "Paulinus indeed (says Severus), a man of great afterward to be example, and holy Martin, when his eye grievously to ache had begun, and now its pupil a thicker cloud drawn over had covered, his eye to him Martin with a brush touched, and former health to him, all pain removed, restored." Book on the Life of St. Martin, chapter 21. b) Who indeed would doubt, that the excellent documents of St. Martin's evangelical perfection much availed to illuminate for him the eyes of the mind, for whom only the touch of a brush availed to restore the body's light? But most of all to the same thing to represent and to bring into operation, S. Delphinus c) availed, by whom also with sacred Baptism he was purified. and holy Delphinus. Professes these things Paulinus in a letter written to him, when he says: "Let us remember that you not only a father, but also a Peter to us were made: because you cast a hook to me from the deep and bitter floods of this age to be drawn out, that I might become a catch of salvation; and, to whom I lived, to nature I might die; and to whom dead I was, I might live to the Lord." Letter 16 to Delphinus 2

[16] The custom was in those times, to defer to a great age the genital laver. Wherefore also Paulinus not before about the year thirty-eighth by a new origin was born a) by Delphinus at Bordeaux: for which cause him "Father" he calls: and at the same time "Peter" calls him, because by his holy exhortations to the care of salvation he was led, In what year of his age baptized. as if by a fisherman with a vital hook caught. About the age of his Baptism it is established from the first letter to holy Augustine's words: "Govern therefore the little one creeping on the earth, and in your steps to walk teach. For I do not wish in me the age of corporal birth more than of spiritual rising you to consider: for the age to me according to the flesh is now that, in which was that one by the Apostles in the Beautiful gate by the power of the word healed (that is, of years more than forty); but in the births of the soul, of that one still to me the time of infancy it is, which, with wounds intended against Christ, immolated with worthy blood of the Lamb a victim ran before, and the Lord's passion inaugurated (that is, the two-years-old of the Innocents)." Letter 41 For not the paschal lamb is signified by "yearling," but the infancy of the Innocents: which beautifully is said "with wounds intended against Christ immolated," because in each one of them to slay Christ himself by the Herodian executioners destined was. And therefore the immaculate Christ's victim thus immolated infancy with worthy blood ran before, and the Lord's inaugurated and rose to be the passion; because already then death in the infants to suffer Christ began, to which indeed he was born. But since not yet the time of his destruction was at hand, vicarious for himself those he subjected. Therefore if forty years old in age of the body, two years old nearly in the births of the soul, it is established that about the year thirty-eighth into a better life he rose d).

[17] Immediately from Baptism he thinks of Monkhood. About the same time in which he was reborn (which the divine Augustine had done, and not few at that time were wont to do) to the monastic discipline he hastened. For some were wont, considering the exact innocence of the Christian law, content with the order of Catechumens, to reserve to that time Baptism, in which themselves more suited to perform it they judged; deeming it most unworthy, to bind to God faith, and to deceive, since so great a crime is called for a man to violate a Sacrament. At the same time therefore through the vital waters to be reborn they brought their minds, and to preserve the dignity of their heavenly origin, and to perform that which in the divine washing they had promised; that is, that to Satan and the world, and their pomps they should renounce (which in the popular depravation they saw could hardly be done), a severer discipline they took up.

It does not escape me, that very learned men, the births of the soul interpret as the assumption of Monasticism, and place him to have been baptized much before. Baronius, year 394 For the rest, unless I greatly err, Paulinus himself sufficiently these two things to Alypius distinctly mentions. The words are such: "But about me, lest anything you be ignorant of, know that a most ancient sinner, not so long ago from the darkness and shadow of death led out, the Spirit of the vital breeze breathed in." Baptism manifestly he describes. For he could not so affirmatively have pronounced about Monasticism, that through it he breathed in the spirit of the vital breeze. For although the assumption of religious profession is wont to be compared to Baptism, modesty however does not bear, that anyone about himself should declare as if through it reborn: and thence the births of the soul count: which the less to Paulinus agreed, because at the time at which to Alypius these he wrote, not yet his faculties had he sold: nor any within the enclosure of a monastery under another's command to live had he hidden himself. Letter 45 to Alypius. Finally a rudiment he was attempting rather of entering the warfare, than the warfare had he undertaken. But immediately when he had said of the spirit of the vital breeze not so long ago breathed in, that is, of Baptism undertaken, he subjoins: "Nor so long ago to have put upon the plough a hand, and the cross of the Lord to have taken up; which that to the end we may be able to carry through, by your prayers may we be helped": which plainly the institute of Evangelical perfection demonstrate.

[18] For the rest to this highest summit of consummated wisdom, lest anything by inconsiderate ardor he should assume, which unaccustomed might oppress him, Gradually to perfection he advances. by no means suddenly he leaped across: but gradually and by degrees trying himself, and preparing himself, as if by steps he ascended. This he himself with what candor he is wont of speech and of mind professes: but so, that thence too Severus to himself he prefers, whom in the midst of the heat of the world, his chains rather broken than loosed, to Christ he says by a greater miracle converted. "Finally," he says, "as from calumnies and travels to take rest I seemed, nor with public affairs occupied, and from the noise of the forum removed, the leisure of the country and the worship of the church in pleasing domestic tranquillity I celebrated in secret: that gradually my mind withdrawn from secular crowds, and to the heavenly precepts accommodated, more readily to the contempt of the world, and the company of Christ, now as if from a way bordering on this purpose I might depart." Letter 1 to Severus. Therefore about the same time from water reborn and the spirit, and with love kindled of perfect virtue, to think of withdrawal he began. There offered himself, perhaps invited by him and allured, a companion of the same plan, Sulpicius Severus; although he preferred afterward either holy Martin to follow, or his own household himself to lead.

Part II

[19] But before all followed him Therasia his wife, no longer a leader to softness (it helps Augustine's to Paulinus, and his to Aper words to use) or to avarice to her husband, but to continence and fortitude restored into the bones of her husband: He withdraws into Spain with Therasia. whom thenceforth the charity of Christ with so much firmer, as chaster bonds joined: that they were the same spouses who they had been, but not so spouses as they had been: they were themselves, and not themselves; namely who, as Christ, so themselves now according to the flesh did not know. With Therasia e) therefore, now not so much a consort of flesh as of spirit, into Spain he withdrew; for that cause namely, that, having gone out from his house and kindred paternal, far from his friends and acquaintances, for the Lord's service he might prepare himself. Letters 32 & 31. For to a man by so many connections entangled, among his own so cultivated, whose favor so eagerly all courted, altogether necessary flight was. But here it is to be noted, that twice in Spain he seems to have been: first, for the cause of business, when through various places amid the labors of sea and road having wandered, his son at Complutum he received and lost, as above we have mentioned; then, to lay the rudiments of the Monastic life. For that for business having set out, where his son died, the plan of the monastic life stood, not very probable I would think: but indeed then to have happened I would believe, what Gregory of Tours narrates, that, while sacred hiding-places he seeks, he was sought by his own, where he had hidden himself they being ignorant: and, as a humble and harsh life he had instituted, for a little fellow of the common people he was held by those among whom he dwelt, until he was recognized by chance, and betrayed by a merchant. For, after to Nola he withdrew, not so it seems the people of Nola, to whom long since he was known, could escape.

NOTES OF D. P.

a) Nay by two full only, from our above reckoning, by which we place him converted, the year of age 38 completed, the year of Christ 393 running, which also Chifflet holds chapter 5. And to this makes, that soon he himself says in the Feast-poem of St. Felix the second, that is, in the year 398, the 43rd of age completed, that from the time of his first purpose conceived at Nola three lustres to him had run.

b) Chifflet asks chapter 3, in what place and time this happened; and from the Letter to Victricius 2 to elicit the place he thinks: for thus there he writes

Paulinus: "I believe you deign to remember, that your Holiness at Vienne with our blessed Father Martin I saw": as if not except in that one place could Paulinus have seen Martin. About the time Chifflet adds nothing, except that also from Severus he thinks, that then still a Layman he was: and that altogether is probable, and nearly certain; since soon after Baptism undertaken into Spain he went, and thence to Nola fled, nor that the Gauls he ever revisited is known of Paulinus.

c) S. Delphinus is inscribed in the Roman Martyrology on the 24th of December.

d) These things, as I said, the Saint is believed to have written to Augustine in the same year, at the end of which he was made Bishop, 395. But Pagi in his Critica thinks he proves, that the Ordination of Augustine should be postponed by one year: which being granted, there could, nay should, from Paulinus's age one year be subtracted. To me not yet convincing has seemed the reasoning of Pagi, against Prosper and the common opinion.

e) Chifflet asks chapter 34, whether Therasia survived her husband, Therasia the wife of Paulinus, whether a Saint? and with him into the Canon of the Saints was referred. The first he seems to deny, from Uranius's silence about her; to the second he says, that at least in the book of life she was inscribed after death, whose so great virtue while she lived is praised. Something more dare the more recent Spaniards, on the figments of their Pseudo-Dexter relying: and Tamayo SS. Paulinus, Therasia, Celsus their son, as Saints, together inscribes in his Martyrology; nay also that Therasia was by origin Spanish he asserts from Bivar; since nowhere, except in the Spains, the name of Therasia was in use. But since Greek is that name, from "I hunt," just as from "I laugh" is made Gelasius; who could believe that very name in Spain born, and not from elsewhere also into the Gauls introduced? The more common usage now writes "Teresia." That to Nola too she followed her husband, Therasia, indicates Ambrose below number 19; whence also it is probable she died there before him, but so that no memory of any cult survives.

CHAPTER III.

Paulinus's constancy in the new institute of life undertaken, vainly assailed by the worldly, praised by the Saints.

[20] In the West rare then were, especially of the nobility, who, all things abdicated, for a more attentive cult of Religion utterly from human use should withdraw: What movement in Paulinus's conversion: nay so far that those who did it, for sluggish and of a moved mind men, and laboring with the Bellerophontic vice (for thus Rutilius the Poet of that age describes him) for contempt and mockery were. And since many of the Senators and Nobles still held the Ethnic superstitions, these especially the studious of Christian perfection assailed, with vituperation of the very discipline, which such a sect, as to human society and the public state pernicious, had brought forth. And so St. Ambrose, when Paulinus's plan (by letters I think of his) for certain he knew, what ready clamors there would be, after the matter into public knowledge had emanated, in this manner to Sabinus writes: "Paulinus, by the splendor of his birth in the parts of Aquitaine second to none, his faculties being sold, both his own and also his wife's, in these dispositions to have invested himself for the faith I have found, that those on the poor he confers, which he reduced into money; and himself poor from rich made, as if unloaded of a heavy burden, to his house, fatherland, and kindred too he bids farewell, that more intently to God he may serve. Itinerary, book 1 He is affirmed to have chosen the retreat of the city of Nola, where, the tumult fleeing, he may spend his life. Letter 30 The matron too to his virtue and zeal nearly comes, nor from her husband's purpose differs. Finally, her estates transcribed into the rights of others, her husband she follows: and with a small there piece of land of her husband content, she will console herself with the riches of religion and of charity a). Offspring to them none, and therefore a posterity of merits desired. These things when the nobles shall have heard, what will they say? That from that family, that disposition, with so great eloquence endowed, he migrated from the Senate, the succession of a noble family intercepted, that this cannot be borne. Matt. 10. 33 And, when they themselves their heads and eyebrows shave, if ever the sacred rites of Isis they undertake; if perhaps a Christian man more attentive to the most holy religion, his garment shall change, an unworthy deed they call it. Indeed I grieve that so great in falsehood is the observance, in truth the negligence, that confounded are most to seem more attentive to the most sacrosanct religion, not considering the voice of him saying; Who me shall be ashamed of before men, ashamed shall I too be of him before my Father, who is in the heavens." Thus far St. Ambrose.

[21] But Paulinus, these mockeries reserved for himself sufficiently knowing, so not feared, so not blushed at the Gospel, that by this especially constancy and freedom he is wonderful; and it may be believed, his constancy. for this in the first place to have merited, so great to him in turn by the most indulgent Lord repaid even among men the celebrity of fame. Before others barked at the servant of Christ, and through all the artifices of talent his constancy tried Decius Ausonius. For the Spanish withdrawal since he had borne ill, Sharply he is assailed by Ausonius. and to be despoiled of his old disciple, and now so renowned and dear a friend, and no less opulent, grievously grieved; not other upon other letters by which to interpellate he ceases, of his old honors and patrimony the losses proposing; not the crime of betrayed friendship to object he doubts, not the holy wife Therasia he spares; not to bite more sharply, and as if lightly changed to accuse him he fears, chanting among other things: "You have changed, Paulinus, most sweet one, your ways. Therefore my ornament and the fatherland's, and the column of the Senate, shall Bilbilis, or Calahorra clinging to the rocks, have? Letter 25 Here your robe, Paulinus, and the Latian curule chair do you establish? and your fatherland's honors there will you bury?" Which in diverse years poems, or rather incantations sent, God made (namely of his servant meanwhile either hiding, or changing places, consulting the tranquillity) that very late at the same time all were rendered, in the fourth year, from which nothing of letters from him he had received.

[22] Testifies it that exordium of Paulinus, when to the letters all at once a response he meditates: "The fourth now to the hard reapers this summer returns, And so often with hoary frost the winter has grown stiff, Since no letter to me from your mouth has come. Letter 1 to Ausonius" Then the fallacious blandishments and crafty complaints the noble recruit with veteran firmness confutes. But most freely Christ he confesses both by deeds and words. That he does not go to deny that he owes him all things: that he cultivated always, and would cultivate him with a piety even abiding after death. For the rest if anything in his pupil there were which Christ loved, to rejoice he himself ought, to whom, as to a master, part of the praise and reward pertained. To inhabit solitary places was usual to Philosophers, and Poets and holy Anchorites; wherefore for a vice to him let him not turn it; although he himself the vows rather than the matter of Monks had. And would, he says, that it were granted truly under the name of Christ to endure reproaches! For to a mind, which the Numen shall have strengthened, by no means tender is the brow; and praise here despised returns, Christ being judge. Not therefore Bellerophon's madness for himself, nor a Tanaquil, but a Lucretia as wife is. Not forgetful was he of his native sky; since, who one God worships, he truly is mindful of the sky: nor impious can he be called, since equally it is, to be a Christian, and pious; and contrariwise, not a Christian, and impious. But when changed he hears himself, not immediately to spring to bites he ought, but to investigate, what change it is, since some are free from crime. But if perverse he shall find it, then to be angry, and to strive that to a right state he restore the fallen friend: but if he shall have learned that to God he devoted a pious heart, and to him believed confirming him, that eternal rewards are prepared, by present losses bought, "I do not think," he says, "that this so displeased a sound parent, that an error of mind he believes, so to live to Christ, As Christ sanctioned. Letter 4 to Ausonius This helps, nor do I repent of this Error; foolish to those following diverse things to be I do not care, while to the eternal King my opinion Be wise." That him he fears as judge: by the terror of that supreme trumpet he is roused: that he provides, lest unprepared death oppress him; but that it with a secure mind he may await. there. Finally the excellent confession of Christ thus he closes, and as it were with a beam-nail fixes: "If this please, congratulate yourself in the rich hope of your friend: If the contrary it is, to Christ only leave me to be approved."

[23] But that from the divine iambic, about the grace of Christ wholly changing the man, shows, how that very Paulinus to himself thoroughly he had claimed. The efficacy of Christ's grace. "He therefore as into our breasts his own from heaven shall have darted his light, He wipes away the sick mold of the sluggish body, and the habit of the mind renews: He drains out all that delighted before in place of chaste pleasure; And wholly ours by a master's right he claims both hearts, and mouths, and times. Letter 2 to Ausonius That he be thought of, understood, believed, read he wishes, feared, and loved. The empty surgings, which the labor of life moves on the path of the present age, Abolishes the faith of the future life with God: which, the things we seem to spurn, Not as profane it casts off or vile wealth, but as dearer, it admonishes To be laid up in the heavens, entrusted to Christ God, Who more has promised than what is given. The first virtue of a Monk, the contempt of human judgments." But all these things, how excellent a Monk Paulinus was, plainly demonstrate. For the first virtue of a Monk is, as holy Jerome teaches, to despise the judgments of men. Therefore who laid such foundations, an easy estimation of the whole mass affords.

[23] For indeed the tongues of those vituperating, not he himself only by constancy and equity of mind the greatest overcame; but also, as a brave leader at once and a wise master, to the same battle others excellently strengthened and instructed; nor other arguments more nervously he handled. Letter 26. Paulinus's excellent precepts on this matter. Witnesses are which in that kind exist two letters, the sixth to Severus, the first to Aper. Of which a specimen here to be brought, both to Paulinus's knowledge, and to imitation, as in a matter in which the sum almost of religion turns, to be of interest I judged. He forbids Severus even to dispute with those, who the counsels of Christian perfection reprehend, as those that not by human reason are to be defended, since they rest on authority divine. Aper he admonishes, that such hatreds and revilings by living better than by speaking are to be overcome. "If foolish," he says, "they think to be what we do, congratulate yourself, conscious to yourself, that the work of God and the precept of Christ you do; and remember, that the foolish things of the world God has chosen that he may confound the wise: and that what foolish is of God, is wiser than men. By such ones to wish to be cleared, the same is as to be able Christ himself to deny; who those ashamed of his name before this world, will be ashamed in turn before the Father to confess as his own. You therefore who labor (as you write) to render reason for my and your deed, what will you do, if you do not persuade men, not to their edification, but to your destruction with you about the work of God disputing? Letter 6 Now you will be ashamed,

and now you will grow pale, as the asserter of the worse cause: and moved from your footing you will totter in the way of the Lord, and from heaven to earth you will slip back, if the things which you have built you destroy. And soon: Would, my brother, that we be held worthy to be cursed, and to be branded, and even to be slain in the name of Jesus Christ, while not himself be killed Christ in us. Then at last upon the asp and basilisk we should walk, and trample the head of the ancient dragon. But still, the world being our friend (which is worse), we are loosed, and in Christ we take delight: to be praised only in the name of him loving; to be saddened and afflicted, which is more useful, refusing.

[24] These things and more like these to Severus; those to Aper: "O blessed injury, to displease with Christ! Letter 26 More to be feared by us is the love of such, by whom without Christ one is pleased." And below: "Let us therefore be silent to those, speaking to the Lord in the silence of humility, and then he himself who is unconquered, will fight for us, and will conquer in us. But in matters of this kind what to do we ought, the Prophet teaches us, saying; 'But I, when they were troublesome to me, clothed myself in haircloth, and humbled in fasting my soul': namely, that our detractors, by that very thing by which they are moved, the appearance of humility, we may destroy; and so much the more may they be confounded before the Lord, in the crime of their ancient pride still remaining, the more we ourselves glory, in which they are confounded in us. Ps. 34. 13 Therefore stable in the faith of truth and in the operation of justice, of such either the hatreds or the revilings by living better than by speaking we refute; because 'he will reject your words behind him, who hates discipline'; and 'who reproves a fool (as you hold written) takes to himself contumely.' Let the Orators have to themselves their letters, the Philosophers to themselves their wisdom, the rich to themselves their riches, the Kings to themselves their kingdoms: to us glory, and possession, and kingdom Christ is: to us wisdom in the foolishness of preaching, to us strength in the weakness of the flesh, to us glory in the scandal of the Cross, by which to me the world is killed and I to the world, that I may live to God; but no longer now I, but in me Christ; to whom we are buried together, in whom now we are hidden from this world's eyes, that to the confusion of the same with him we may be revealed: when of these things which now to us he objects mindful, he will say; 'These are they whose life we esteemed madness, how are they reckoned among the sons of God?'" From which words it appears, how full he spoke from the breast.

[25] But much more (by which namely the testimony of deeds is greater) from his deeds, Paulinus's remarkable faith. which words accompanied, it appears how truly St. Jerome that praise above the rest to Paulinus attributes, that "of most fervent faith a Presbyter" he calls him. Letter 34 to Julian. And the younger Paulinus, he who the Life of St. Martin in heroic verse composed, with the glory of remarkable faith ennobled affirms, when in the second volume he sings: "Nay also to Paulinus a like medicine health Restored, whom the glory of remarkable faith widely Exalted. Book 2 of the Life of St. Martin." For not without the fervor of faith the highest could so great constancy have been; which Paulinus himself too declares, when he says: "Remember the grain of mustard (of which seed we are), if it be crushed, is kindled the more, and then at last into its own force is roused. Letter 6 to Severus. Wherefore we ought as it were to our nature in this to correspond, that by adverse speeches crushed, we may burn to the faith; and those very ones, who us, as the least of men, namely as a grain of mustard, which the least is of seeds, to break try, we may burn. Letter 29 And to Aper: It is clear how strongly you have believed in Christ, to whom now it is granted for Christ to suffer." Nay also seems the abdication of all things, and the undertaking of a holier life attributed to faith by a special reason once to have been, and "the work of faith," or "faith" called. On the glory of the Confessors, chapter 107 Gregory indeed of Tours the conversion of Paulinus thus describes, as if the words of the Gospel being heard; to translate them into work immediately he set himself: which nothing (as I think) else signifies, His most beautiful sentences, than that the Evangelical voices, with which the ears of Christians assiduously resound, but with a sterile and idle, through their vice, signification, with a ready and effective faith into Paulinus's mind thoroughly descended. He drank therefore from the first the Gospel with his whole breast. And because (to say it with his most sweet formulas) "the savor of the mind in speech is tasted: the speech of a man of the mind is the mirror, and the treasure of the breast is made public by eloquence." Letters 32, 37, & 33 Hence it is, that the divine sayings of Christ and decrees, about perfect and to the highest led virtue, so everywhere with magnificent mouth he pours forth.

[26] Hence those lights or oracles, about Evangelical death, "Let the former life perish, that the future life perish not. Feast-poem 10" And: "--- Let us die that we die not. Let us cover the deadly life with a vital death." About the humility of heart: "Humble in heart, the heart of Christ it is. Letter 2 to Severus." About forgiving injuries: "To return the like of an injury, is human vengeance; but the enemy even to love, is heavenly vengeance." About Evangelical poverty, "We have nothing except Christ; and see if we have nothing, we who have him having all things"; and others everywhere like these; always in this fixed, that Christ is to be followed, and to him to be lived, Christ is to be served so, as he wills himself to be served. by the law which he taught and sanctioned, and the form which he set forth. Letter 5 to Severus. Which indeed to all Christians before other cares, nay the only care ought to be. For if worldly wisdom thus in its errors glories (says St. Leo) "that whomever for himself each as leader has chosen, his opinions, and morals, and all institutes he follows; what to us will be the communion of the Christian name, unless that to him inseparably we be united, who is (as he himself insinuated) the way, the truth and the life? Sermon 2 on the Resurrection." What therefore else ought he to do (that this too from Nyssen I may add) "who of the great surname of Christ worthy has become, except that all his things both thought and said and done diligently he explore, and, whether each of them to Christ tend, or from him be alien, he judge? John 14" This therefore did everywhere St. Paulinus, that, since to Christ he had dedicated himself in service, to his laws and nods wholly himself he might compose. Contrary to which very many most perversely do, not only with a deadly but also with a shameful crime; who so their life and morals temper, as if not Christ, but the world and Satan, for a leader and God they follow; and thence the name to have received content, hence laws they receive. to Olympius the monk But to the order of the narration let us return.

CHAPTER IV.

Paulinus ordained a Priest at Barcelona, from Milan and Rome to Nola comes and wholly delivers himself to the cult of St. Felix.

[27] From the letters given mutually of Ausonius and Paulinus, and especially from that, whose beginning is, "The fourth now to the hard reapers this summer returns," openly it is established, that nearly four years in Spain Paulinus was, wholly to God devoted, and the rudiments of his heavenly warfare, with the greatest ardor and most attentive care laying. Letter 1 to Ausonius. But there while he passes mostly at Barcelona, although solitude and pious hiding-places he loved, yet to be hidden could not the city upon a mountain of most lofty virtue placed. The eyes of all upon himself by the splendor of the Evangelical light he turned. And so while the people admires equally him and venerates, so with charity it was inflamed, that to the Priesthood by a pious force it compelled him. There flourished that custom at that time, Paulinus to the Priesthood by the people is forced. you would not know whether more religious or more violent, that those whose sanctity far to eminate above the common measure they noticed, and whom vehemently they loved, them the peoples forced into the sacred warfare to give their name. Thus at Milan St. Ambrose was co-opted Bishop: thus Pinianus that as a Presbyter he be created. At Hippo a contention tumultuous arose, which to St. Augustine a business indeed of much trouble stirred up: thus the brother of St. Jerome, Paulinianus, seized, and his mouth held shut, was initiated by Epiphanius: thus Maximus the Palatine to the Priesthood civic love (as Sidonius speaks) bound: thus at last our Paulinus, by the force of the suddenly inflamed people, by Bishop Lampius was consecrated on the natal day of the Lord, two years nearly after Baptism. Letter 24, 4

[28] Moreover he had to be forced, not because from divine ministries he bore a mind averse, but for a double cause. With how great piety he undertook and treated the Priesthood. First, because monastic humility he meditated, and an obscure withdrawal; as one who had chosen "to be cast down in the house of God." Then, because if at last to the Priesthood his mind he should turn, since unworthy himself of the august sanctity of the office he reckoned, and nothing exceptional and beyond the laws he could bear, by grades little by little to be raised, and through long servitude to render himself worthier he wished. Which all to Severus familiarly he sets forth with these words: "We now in the Barcelona (as before I had written) city stay. After those letters, to which you replied, on the Lord's day on which to be born in the flesh he deigned, by the sudden (as he himself a witness is) force of a multitude, but I believe by his own ordination seized, and into the Presbyterate initiated I was; I confess, unwilling, not from disdain of the place (for I attest to him, that to the doorkeeper's name and office I wished the sacred to begin servitude) but as destined to another place, elsewhere (as you know) in mind composed and fixed, the new and unexpected pleasure of the divine will I dreaded. Letter 6 to Severus. For the rest, because the plan of the Monastic life fixed clung to his breast, although at last to be consecrated he permitted, yet he excepted expressly that to a diocese certain he be not bound, to the Priesthood only of the Lord, not also to a place of a Church dedicated. But with what sense of mind, with how great submission, with what reverence to the most divine yoke his neck he subjected, the same he himself thus pursues: "Having given my neck to the yoke of Christ, I see greater than my merits and senses works to handle: and now to the secrets and inner shrines of God most high received and inserted to communicate heavenly things, and to God more nearly admitted in the spirit itself of Christ, and the body and splendor to be engaged. There. Scarcely yet the understanding of the sacred mass I grasp by the straits of my mind; and the burden of my office, conscious of my infirmity, I shudder at. But he, who wisdom gave to little ones, out of the mouth of infants and sucklings perfects praise to himself, is powerful in me also his work to perfect, and the office to adorn, that of himself worthy he may make, whom from the unworthy he called."

[29] Created a Priest, now wholly he was in this, that intimately with God he might be joined; and for that cause, that himself from faculties and the other human goods, He resolves to sell all his and give to the poor. as the matter of sins and from the highest good distracting, he might free. Which (as other things) was pleasant, from his most grave and most sweet sermon to have learned. For thus to Augustine he speaks: "Meanwhile me, from the dangers of this life and the depth of sins to escape

striving, by your prayers as by a plank sustain; that from this world, as from a shipwreck naked I may escape. For therefore me to lighten of burdens and the burdening garments to strip off I took care, that this billowy, which between us and God by sins barking between separates, salt sea of the present life, all the clothing of the flesh, and the care of the following day, Christ commanding and helping, unencumbered I may swim out of. Letter 41 Nor that I have accomplished do I glory; for even if to glory I could, in the Lord I would glory, whose it is to perfect, Into Gaul he returns, and in deed distributes all. what to us it is given to will: but my soul still longs to desire the judgments of the Lord." Such things when he meditated, that the same at the first time he might bring into effect, into Gaul, as I think, he returned. Here (as Uranius speaks) "he opened his granaries to the poor, his storehouses to those coming he laid open. For little it was to him to feed those near, To Milan he goes. unless also from everywhere he called forth those whom he might feed and clothe. How many unjustly oppressed he raised up? how many for debt enslaved, the debt being paid, from the servitude of creditors he freed? how to others besides many the debt he dissolved; by one trade the creditors equally and the debtors gladdening, and to himself binding; these from misery delivering, to those their own restoring." Letter 45 to Alypius. His affairs in Gaul being composed, or rather to the Lord restored, Italy having entered, to Milan to holy Ambrose he came; by whom so he was received lovingly and honorably, that of his own Clergy (since otherwise he could not hold him), although in diverse places he should dwell, he wished him to be reckoned; by no means alien the conjecture of those thinking it done, because him for himself Ambrose, in old age now heavy, destined and desired as successor. Baronius, year 394

[30] From Milan to Rome he came. Here indeed with diverse zeals of minds he was received, with honor and great veneration by the people, To Rome he comes, and is vexed. by some of the Clergy, and by the Pontiff himself, not without a certain appearance of envy, or certainly little considered zeal. Siricius was Pontiff, little in that matter (to say it most mildly) fortunate, because with him holy Jerome too, as Baronius the Cardinal observes, offended. Vehemently he had set himself, that the rampant through those times depraved custom he might crush, by which lay men, or even Neophytes hastily into Priests were consecrated; and certain intervals he had established, through which gradually to the sacred warfare of Order one should ascend. Baronius, year 394 Therefore, while all Rome is turned upon Paulinus, and whom now it had looked up to as Consul, now as Presbyter, and nearly Monk it admires; Siricius (as far as it is permitted to conjecture) let emanate the rumor, that his company he did not wish; namely, lest the sudden consecration of the man to approve, and the laws passed by himself to weaken he might seem. That nothing further was done sufficiently show those words of Paulinus to Severus, "Who are said to hate us, and from the company of his sanctity to segregate us." This same however to a great impediment of divine glory tended, and of the Lord's grace a detriment made, since from following Paulinus's footsteps not a few that rumor about the alienated Pontiff's mind retarded: when indeed the more worthy of every pardon Paulinus was, because nothing through contumacy he had committed, but the force of the inflamed multitude to avoid he could not. Letter 1 For the rest the more maturely the son of peace into his Felix's longed-for bosom hid himself; that envy, which by sight and presence was nourished, the fuel withdrawn, as it happens, might be extinguished. But if any of the detractions in a few of the Clergy remained, of these scarcely a thin rumor into Campania breathed: that not otherwise than a cold breeze, or the importunate of an empty gnat's murmur (for thus them Paulinus calls) from ears fenced about with thorns it was excluded. There. For, what to me pertains, he says, "even with those who hate my peace in mind peaceful I am; for if anyone wishes to be contentious, this our custom does not receive."

[31] In a pleasant field, to five hundred from the city of Nola paces, the bones of blessed Felix the Martyr rested, and today are kept. He withdraws to Nola to St. Felix's. Into that as it were a port where Paulinus from the heat of the age the wearied bark brought, I would not hope indeed to be able by speaking to attain, how he breathed again, with what joys he overflowed, What life here he instituted. how to the most loving Patron himself wholly he dedicated and committed, and wholly into every excellence of sanctity he poured out. Now to reign, now above all earthly things to eminate; before all things to pay, what by that votive recently poem he had received: "Open easy ways, grant to run on gentle waves; And, servants for thy servant, winds from the stern to rise: And in thy threshold let there be for us a placid port. Feast-poem 1 There the sweet yoke, the light burden, and the gentle servitude under thee as lord we shall bear: even if just, of unjust servants thou hast no need; yet both thou wilt suffer, and wilt love Whatever ones to thee, Christ granting, dedicated: And to serve thy doors; thy thresholds in the morning With cleanliness to tend thou wilt allow, and at night in turn With pious watches to keep, and in that office To close the well-earned life with a weary body." Thus with faithful service to his heavenly Patron ministering, wholly on him to depend, How pious toward St. Felix. all things in him placed to have, all things received to him to refer, especially in sanctity to advance. Which as if by a divine breath inspired, with most charming sanctity describing he sings: "Thou art father, and fatherland, and home, and substance to us; Into thy bosom transferred our cradle, And thine is to us for a nest thy bosom; here well cherished We grow, and into another changing our bodies form, Of the earthly stock we are stripped; and with wings coming up We are turned into birds by the seed of the divine word. Feast-poem 4" Nothing did he doubt that he was loved by the Martyr, at least as "a lord with love deigns to favor a little dog." "Since," he says, "to me life, home, substance, grace, glory, bread Is Felix, God granting it —" The highest too toward the holy Patron of a holy client's zeal those words to Severus declare: "You have therefore from me two little books, one in verses the Feast-poem of my solemn to my Lord-of-the-estate chant: to whom in body and spirit daily, but in tongue yearly I pay the most sweet tribute of voluntary servitude, on the feast day of his consecration immolating to Christ a sacrifice of praise, and rendering to the Most High my vows." Feast-poem 9, Letter 9

[32] So great was Paulinus's toward the blessed Confessor and Martyr piety, the renowned now widely through the lands name of Felix of Nola, More illustrious he rendered him first by poems. in many ways more famous he made: first by poems, which the whole were scattered through the world of lands: from which both we the whole life of the Martyr, and his sacred contests, and the deeds at his tomb the prodigies have. And without doubt more he wrote than exist, since Feast-poems to us have come only ten: and certain it seems, that by Paulinus, who a new one yearly as it were votive paid, in the space of nearly five and thirty years, in which at St. Felix's he lived, Second, by the magnificence of the Basilicas. were composed many more. Then by built and adorned Basilicas, and with sacred painting from the old and new Testament decorated. Which sacred magnificence wonderfully availed both to frequent the crowds of strangers, and to the sacred Feast of the Martyr religiously to be celebrated. For by this salutary industry it seemed to Paulinus that there could be caught and detained the eyes of men and minds; and the feastings gradually be removed, which from ethnic superstition everywhere among Christians were retained; nor from mortals', especially rustics', manners could be eradicated. He had added to the painting titles, and the reason of his counsel thus explains. "--- That while the painted things in turn They show and read over to themselves, or more slowly of food May be mindful, while pleasing fasts they feed their eyes: And so a better use into the astonished may insert itself, While the painting beguiles hunger; and to the reader the holy Histories, of chaste works the honesty creeps in, By pious examples induced; there is drunk by the gaping Sobriety, the forgetfulness of too much wine comes upon them. Feast-poem 9"

[33] But much most of all he illustrated the most holy Priest by his domicile, Third, by his authority and sanctity. and by the institute of his marvelous life, and by his wisdom, and the other virtues' ornaments. For there was run together from the most remote shores not so much of Felix, as of Paulinus to see by the desire. The holy Bishop Nicetas, once and again all the way from the Dacians for that cause came: whom both in Feast-poem nine Paulinus with marvelous praises coming a second time receives, nor with lesser before three years had he pursued departing with a Sapphic propemptic. Holy Augustine, when a most troublesome had arisen case between Bonifacius his presbyter, and his accuser, nor could the truth be established; that one praying, this urging the crime; according to the custom of his age, by which such controversies were wont to be finished by an oath conceived at the tombs of the Martyrs, both to Nola to holy Felix he sent: asserting the cause, why from the Martyrs, at whose monuments in that kind miracles were given, Felix especially he had chosen, "To many," he says, "is most well known the sanctity of the place, where the body of Felix of Nola is laid; whither I wished that they should go, because thence to us more easily and more faithfully can be written, whatever in any of them divinely shall have been disclosed. Augustine, Letter 137" By which speech the friendship, piety, and faith of Paulinus he designates, whom Augustine especially loved, and admired. So the client's esteem and fame, which most desired to Paulinus happened, to the amplifying of the Patron's honors and to the dilating of his cult profited. Hence it happened not only that Nola was increased with citizens, but also at the very tomb, where at first a poor heaped-up mound was, now the appearance of a city stood forth.

[34] But not many times after, than to holy Felix Paulinus had come, as if of a new building the foundations by patience to be solidified, into a grave sickness he was involved. Feast-poem 6 He willed, the wonderful arbiter of things and tempering God, Through sickness he becomes famous. through that vexation, not only an exercise profitable to his athlete, but also manifold solace to bring; and before all things, the contumely received at Rome to repair; and the grief of Paulinus to wipe away, fearing lest the work thence divine might be impeded. He was loosed therefore from such solicitude through that occasion: for the sickness about him known, the minds of the dwellers toward the man of God laid bare. He narrates the matter himself to Severus, that the glory may be to God, and may be known of his highest goodness the work. "They saw," he says, "your boys how assiduous us, how sedulous the solicitous brothers' monks', bishops', clerics', and even of the seculars themselves often offices, through all that our time of sickness celebrated. Paulinus, Letter 1 to Severus. Which before your unanimity, of the Lord's grace however (whose this too the work and gift is) to glory it is permitted. No one almost in all Campania of the Bishops did not to visit us a right reckon for himself. And those whom infirmity or some necessity had bound, sending in their stead clerics and letters were present. The Africans too to us the Bishops to revisit at the first summer sent."

NOTES OF D. P.

a) See Chifflet chapter 4, where from Letter 6 to Severus, given at the beginning of the year 394, and the course of the Dominical letter B, in the same year the Lord's day with the feast of the Nativity of Christ composing, he concludes,

that the matter was done at the end of the year 393, in the first still year of his conversion.

CHAPTER V.

Paulinus's friendship with the African Bishops especially Augustine, the judgments of other Saints about his example, effective for the contempt of the world.

[35] Moreover what last he said about the legation of the African Bishops, thus the matter was. Long since (as above is indicated) Paulinus Alypius, though unknown, had known at Milan. He now a Bishop, when so remarkable a change of the man he heard (for most swiftly the rumor most widely spread), to salute him by letters by a Christian office he thought: The African Bishops salute Paulinus. and as a gift sent St. Augustine's five books against the Manichees. By the reading of these volumes so captivated was Paulinus, that not only thanks to Alypius the highest he gave; but also of his own accord to Augustine his, full of praises and of his modesty letters he destined, a boy being sent, through whom others too illustrious men of Africa he might salute. Augustine's and Paulinus's mutual charity. Which letters when they were carried into Africa, and a specimen of his wisdom and sanctity afforded, it is wonderful how eagerly they were read and made public, and toward Paulinus himself how incredible were stirred up of the Africans the zeals of the Priests and Monks. Before all of these themselves between them Paulinus's and Augustine's, as of David and Jonathan, were glued together the souls. Which neither more faithfully can be described, nor more sweetly by anyone, Augustine's judgment of Paulinus's letters, than the very letters of Augustine, that is, that of truth's tongue and of charity may set forth: who indeed both with special zeal seems to have accurately made the description, and to it the marrow as it were of his honey copiously to have sprinkled. Thus he begins: "O good man, O good brother, you lay hidden from my soul: and to it I say that it endure, because still you lie hidden from my eyes, and scarcely it obeys, nay it obeys not.

[36] Then a little disputation about pain being interposed, that him in face he was ignorant of, he subjoins: "How therefore should I not grieve, that not yet your face I have known, that is, the house of your soul, which as my own I have known? expressed in letter 32. For I read your letters flowing milk and honey, setting forth the simplicity of your heart, in which you seek the Lord, feeling about him in goodness, and bringing to him brightness and honor. The brothers read them, and rejoice untiringly and ineffably at so abundant and so excellent gifts of God, your goods. As many as read them, snatch them; because they are snatched, when they read. What a sweet odor of Christ, and how it is fragrant from them? It cannot be said, they when you they offer that you may be seen, how much us they excite that you may be sought: for both perceivable they make and desirable. For as much as your presence to us in a manner they exhibit, so much your absence us to bear they do not allow. They love you all in them, and to be loved by you they desire. Praised and blessed is God, by whose grace you are such. There is excited Christ, that the winds and seas for you to calm, you striving to his stability, he may deign. There the wife is excited, not a leader to softness to her husband, but to fortitude restored into the bones of her husband: whom into your unity reduced and rendered, in spiritual things to you with so much firmer as chaster bonds joined, with the offices due to your sanctity in you, with one mouth we salute. There the cedars of Lebanon to the earth laid down, and into the building of an ark by the joining of charity erected, the waves of this world incorruptibly cleave. There glory, that it may be acquired, is despised; and the world, that it may be obtained, is left. There the little ones, or even the somewhat bigger sons of Babylon are dashed against the rock, the vices namely of confusion and secular pride. These and such most sweet and most sacred spectacles your letters afford to readers, letters of faith unfeigned, letters of good hope, letters of pure charity. How to us they breathe your thirst, and the desire and faintness of your soul into the courts of the Lord? What of most holy love do they breathe? How great an opulence of a sincere heart do they boil with? What thanks do they render to God? What do they obtain from God? Are they more soothing, or more ardent? more luminous, or more fruitful? For what is it, that so us they caress, so inflame, so rain upon, and so serene they are? What is it, I ask you, or what to you for them should I repay, except that wholly I am yours in him, whose wholly you are? If it be little, more certainly I have not."

[37] Therefore by these letters of Paulinus, when so great toward him were excited zeals, other letters supervened from the same, neither in piety to the former, nor in charity unlike: and meanwhile Augustine by Valerius was co-opted as helper, and created Co-bishop. Then all together, Valerius and Augustine of Hippo, Paulinus's exhortation to Licentius. Alypius of Tagaste, Profuturus of Calama, and Severus of Mileve, Bishops, by their letters Paulinus most dutifully revisited. There had commended to the same in former letters Augustine Romanianus, and his son Licentius, of Alypius the one his uncle, the other his cousin; that both, and especially Licentius, to the studies of perfection he might try to bring. There had come both to Rome from Africa, and at Nola Paulinus had saluted. He therefore a worshipper of the Christian office most diligent, the day after he received the letters from the Bishops of Africa, wrote to both with gladness exulting, and especially congratulating about Augustine's Episcopate: and Licentius not only in prose to the Christian virtues and the flight of the world, but also in verse he exhorts, because that delighted was the youth in poetry he had known. So much charity in alluring to piety mortals is clever: and to each one's taste itself accommodates, that the vital food, by a good enticement caught, they may drink. Which all Cardinal Baronius places done in the year of salvation 395, in which especially year also in the East Paulinus's name became famous.

[38] There had died at the beginning of the year the elder Theodosius Augustus; His Panegyric on Theodosius. whom when the Ethnic Writers unworthily accused, Paulinus by the admonition of holy Endelechius, a man most closely joined to him in friendship, to be defended from his merits and adorned undertook; with this especially counsel, that in Theodosius not so much an Emperor as a servant of Christ; not by the pride of dominating, but by the humility of serving powerful; nor by his kingdom, but by his faith a prince, as he himself speaks, he might proclaim; or, as plainly and simply Gennadius says, that he might demonstrate, that very Christian Emperor over the Tyrants by faith more and prayer than by arms a victory carried off. Letter 9, Catalogue of Illustrious Men, chapter 48. And indeed Theodosius's faith magnificently holy Ambrose in the Oration on his death proclaims. And the same once in the Proem of the first book to Gratian he had written. "You ask," he says, "of me a little book of faith, holy emperor, about to set out to battle. For you know that by the faith more of the Emperor, than by the valor of the soldiers, victory is wont to be sought." That laudation Paulinus through Vigilantius, who then a Monk in appearance to be praised, afterward a most foul heretic was, to St. Jerome sent into Palestine, a letter being added, in which both Vigilantius he commended, and precepts of the life to be led by himself he asked; St. Jerome's felicity extolling, that in Christ's footsteps for himself a domicile he had chosen. To which letter while he replies St. Jerome, and precepts of the Monastic life some gave; persuading that near cities rather and in solitude, than in a throng and in Jerusalem itself he should dwell; Jerome's judgment of him. for not to have been at Jerusalem, but at Jerusalem to have lived well was to be praised: and about Theodosius's defense thus he pronounces: letter 13 "Your book, which on behalf of Theodosius the Prince prudently and ornately composed you transmitted, gladly I read: and especially to me in it the subdivision pleased; and when in the first parts you surpass others, in the penultimate you yourself you exceed. But also the very kind of eloquence is pressed and polished; and, when with Tullian purity it shines, frequent it is in sentences: for it lies, (as someone says) the speech, in which only the words are praised. Besides great is the consequence of things; and one hangs from another. Whatever you assume, either the end of the upper, or the beginning of the following it is. Happy Theodosius, who by such an Orator of Christ is defended. You have illustrated his purples, and the usefulness of his laws to future ages have consecrated." To these a sharp exhortation to cultivate the studies of the Scriptures, which we above have placed, he added. Nor did he abstain from this: "Let the Church have you noble, as before the Senate had."

difficult indeed it is by thought to attain, how much to Religion by his deed of splendor, how much of authority to the Evangelical counsels he procured. To estimate however it is permitted, when servant men, if faithful and modest they be, the doctrine of our Savior God, as holy Paul speaks, adorn; how much one of that rank a Senator by that kind of life would adorn it. To Titus 2 From the City itself the supreme Pontiff Anastasius, when to Siricius he had succeeded, of those things which to adorning the man pertained, nothing remaining made. It is narrated in the letter to Delphinus the second: "Let your veneration know, that the Pope of the city Anastasius most loving is of our humility: for when first the power of his charity to us to be offered to have he began, not only to receive it from us, but to thrust upon us with most pious affection he hastened. For shortly after his ordination a), letters about our name, full both of religion, and of piety, and of peace, to the Bishops of Campania he sent; by which both his affection he might declare, and to others of his benignity afford an example. Then us ourselves at Rome, when by solemn custom to the blessed Apostles' Feast we had come, as kindly as honorably he received. Afterward too some time having intervened even to his Feast, which to his Co-priests only he is wont to grant, to invite he deigned." With the same benignity Venerius, who after Simplician, in the year of salvation 400 b) the Milanese fillets put on, as soon as he was first consecrated, Paulinus to be saluted by himself thought. Nor indeed praisers only most renowned men, but also imitators he had, and especially Severus himself, whose to the interior wisdom transition by a modest interpretation Paulinus prefers to his own. "You brother most beloved," he says, "to the Lord by a greater miracle were converted, because in age more flourishing, in praises more abundant, in the burdens of patrimony lighter, in the substance of faculties not more needy, and in the very still world's theatre, that is, in the forum's celebrity dwelling, and of an eloquent name the palm holding, by a sudden impulse you shook off the servile yoke of sin, and the deadly chains of flesh and blood you broke. letter 1"

[40] To have availed much, I think, Paulinus's example for Pammachius too after the death of his wife, How great force and celebrity in Paulinus's example from a noble Patrician into a nobler Monk to be changed. And so when the heavenly philosophy through the flower of men and the senatorial summit was now so spread abroad, deservedly St. Jerome to the same Pammachius congratulating writes: "In our times Rome possesses, what the world knew not. Then rare were wise, powerful, noble, Christians: now many Monks wise, powerful, noble. Jerome, letter 26." But what below he says, "That of Patrician birth first among the first Monks you began to be," nothing hinders Paulinus's glory, as if either not from Patrician birth he himself, or not before Pammachius to Monasticism ascended; but that only

he signifies, that he who had been among the first Patricians, now among the first Monks was numbered. That this glory even among men was greater, than the profane splendor before was, excellently in the same place he teaches: "Before," he says, "to Christ with his whole mind he served, known he was in the Senate, but many others had the fillets Proconsular: the whole world with honors of this kind is full: first he was, but among the first: now all the Churches of Christ Pammachius speak of. The world admires the poor man, whom hitherto rich it knew not." Wherefore he concludes: "More therefore we receive, than we have given. Small things we have dismissed, and great things we possess: with a hundredfold interest Christ's promises are repaid." Which to Paulinus rightly agree, so much the more, as he more to Christ brought of the mind and of the mouth ornaments, and in time too and in ardor of mind he preceded.

[42] So far availed his example, that holy Augustine greatly wished, that in person to be beheld to the Africans he might afford himself. He is celebrated by St. Augustine, "Not impudently," he says, "I beg you, and demand, and entreat, that into Africa, laboring with a greater thirst of such men, than of the dryness of the soil, you may deign to come. letter 34. God knows, that not only on account of my desire, nor only on account of those, who either through us your purpose, or from anywhere by fame proclaiming have learned; but also on account of the rest, who partly do not hear, partly the heard do not believe, yet can the discovered love, you to these lands even bodily to be present we desire. This therefore glory of Christ even to the eyes of our men we desire to be brought, in one marriage set forth to each sex of pride to be trampled, not of perfection to be despaired, examples." And to Licentius his writing, "Go into Campania," he says, "learn Paulinus the excellent and holy servant of God, how great a pomp of this age with so much more generous, as more humble neck without delay he shook off, that it he might subject to Christ's yoke, as he subjected it: and now him the moderator of his journey quiet and modest exults. and letter 39 Go, learn with what resources of talent sacrifices of praise to him he offers, pouring back to him whatever good he received from him, lest he lose all, if he repose it not in him from whom these are." The same his Presbyter by name likewise Paulinus, when to this our Paulinus he had come, he bids to God thanks to give, that such a master to receive his rudiments and to nourish [him] he had given. And our Paulinus thus he addresses: "Not with a richer fruit he reads or hears me teaching, and discoursing, and even with any exhortations approaching, than he beholds you living. letter 59."

[43] Holy Jerome, while Julian to perfection he exhorts, the man's renowned birth, and ample substance, defenses of the world very firm, by St. Jerome, with this same engine he shakes. "Nor is there, why you should excuse your nobility, and the weights of riches; look upon the holy man Pammachius, and of most fervent faith Paulinus the Presbyter, who not only riches, but themselves to the Lord offered: who against the devil's evasion by no means skin for skin, but flesh, and bones, and their souls to the Lord consecrated: who you both by example and by eloquence, that is by deed and by tongue can to greater things lead. letter 34. Noble are you? and they: but in Christ nobler. Rich and honored? and they: nay from rich and honored poor and inglorious, and therefore richer and more renowned, because for Christ poor and unhonored." With the same Jerome the Author of the third letter in volume nine, a contemporary of those times, a Writer not unlearned, a singular man (for so he names him) Paulinus, who, the Senate, honors, riches leaving, like Abraham a sepulchre for himself had procured, in which together with his matron dead to the world, from worldly works he rested, to be imitated proposes to the daughters of Geruntius, whom to neglect their inheritance, by St. Eucherius, and to prepare for themselves a like sepulchre of rest he exhorts. A few times after holy Eucherius, while ornaments for heavenly philosophy he sought, that to it from vain cares Valerian he might bring over, his kinsman, in the first line he places Paulinus, whom a peculiar and blessed example of his Gaul he calls. Isaiah 49, 2 So whoever against the world through those times should make war, as a chosen arrow, to which no impenetrable breast would resist, Paulinus from the divine quiver drew forth.

[44] But it is better to know with how great gravity, and with how great magnificence that of such marvelous sanctity Bishop, by St. Martin. whose nod for an oracle was, Martin of Tours, not only to provoke, those who came to him, by the authority and admiration of Paulinus was wont; but also blessed in the present he esteemed the age, to which such a spectacle had happened. "His speech," says Severus, "was no other among us, than that the world's this allurements and the burdens of the age were to be left, that the Lord Jesus free and unencumbered we might follow: and the most excellent to us example of the present times, of the illustrious man Paulinus, of whom above mention we have made, he urged, who, the highest wealth being cast off, Christ having followed, alone almost in these times the Evangelical precepts had fulfilled. chapter 26. Him to us to be followed, him he cried to be imitated: and blessed to be the present age by so great a document of faith and virtue, The fruit of good example, since according to the sentence of the Lord rich and possessing much, by selling all and giving to the poor, what was impossible to do, possible he had made by example." Thus St. Paulinus the dignity of Apostolic virtue, by human vices obscured, with the Senatorial brightness of light opened: the cast-off-by-the-common-people Evangelical pearl as if from mud he drew out, the filth he wiped away, the horror he shook off, the heavenly price of it and its most charming brightness he made public.

[45] The known and beholders struck the magnitude of the new work, to their eyes and minds subjected: fame smote the unknown, to whom most widely through one and another mouth of the wise it was spread abroad. Hence it happened, that a most abundant from God grace the Consular Monk merited, not for those things only which he himself did; but also for those, which to do his imitators and followers tried: nor God with one only mind and tongue one, but a thousand and far more praised; and that not in the Nolan corner only, but through all Italy, and Gaul, and Dacia, and Africa, and Palestine, and other most remote shores of the lands. Nay even his eminent virtue to the admiration of itself, and to Christ God's preaching, as of the author and master, barbarians too and of the Christian religion enemies allured. Homily 13 on Genesis Which, since holy Chrysostom of any illustrious example the goods wisely enumerates, so much more abundant to Paulinus returned, as more bore his example both of majesty and of weight: to which also an exhortation Paulinus added. which at the same time the very sanctity of Therasia to women's singular incitement, and in such a marriage so great a consent of perfection more fruitfully alike and more becomingly made. But yet to all these, and to the most vocal trumpet of works Paulinus added the voices of mouth too and of pen, both with sermons most ardent the present, and with most sharp letters and other lucubrations to perfection the absent instigating; near at hand alike and afar, of mouth and hand powerful, equaling deeds with speech, speech with deeds, with both the rich contumacy of the world, and the proud riches into the obsequy of poverty and of the humility of Christ captivating. For the rest, those whom loves the heavenly Father, never to them affairs so prosperous makes, but that of virtue to be proved and to be hardened to the patience's anvil he leaves the matter.

NOTES OF D. P.

a) There succeeded to Siricius Anastasius in the year 398, on the 2nd of December.

b) The same reckoning confirmed see in our Treatise on the Bishops of Milan, number 24, before the last Volume of May.

CHAPTER VI.

Paulinus's patience, humility, gratitude, zeal for poverty.

[46] Among those applauses Paulinus not Ethnic only detractors had, not only that among friends first and most dear master Ausonius, as above is demonstrated, nor only at Rome by the malevolence of the envious was he assailed; but also forsaken by his own. For, as the commerce of the age almost by substance and hope is conferred and contained, Paulinus endures detractors, and is despised. when one to Christ's poverty passes over, namely as now of fruit empty a husk, or a superfluous corpse, friends mostly and kinsmen and clients cast off. So Paulinus testifies it happened to himself, when Severus thus he addresses: "Besides I ask, because the highest right of your mind to have me I trust, that, if it be necessary, my freedmen and servants and brothers failing me, your care you may lend, and to order may deign, how to us the old wine, which at Narbonne still we believe we have, may be conveyed. Letter 1 Do not fear, holy brother, loss, if us you make even of money debtors. Letter 5" "For all our own from us have turned away: at once impious they are made, and the enemies of a man are his domestics." And elsewhere: "Where to me now is the consanguineous brotherhood? where the old friendship? where the former fellowships? I have vanished before all those." But such things by the followers of humility for gain were counted. But praises he dreaded, abhorred, to bear he could not, He dreads praises, by which both his sins to be aggravated he said. Whence those complaints to Severus: "What therefore wretched shall we do, hence too an account and a penalty about to owe, that honors we accept unmerited: and, who hearers only of the law we are, by the doers are proclaimed? Letter 1 By which the more namely is reproached to us of-to-be-condemned the torpor of sloth." And: "You much love even to the sin of lying drags. See lest against its (that is, charity's) rule you seem to work evil to your neighbors, on whom the burden of sins by the weight of undue praise you accumulate. Letter 2" In which place to note it is convenient, how among the Saints themselves the sense agrees. For great Gregory the same sentence, and perhaps by the reading of Paulinus admonished, thus expressed to Anastasius: "But that me 'the mouth of the Lord,' that 'a lamp' you call, that 'to many to profit' you declare, this too to the heap of my iniquities accedes; that, when to be avenged on me iniquity ought, praises for vengeance I receive. book 1 of Kings, chapter 7"

[47] Therefore Paulinus, lest by the commendation of men, of which himself he reckoned unworthy, before God he should be condemned, so his praisers abhorred, and his praisers he chastises. that unchastised by no means he dismissed them. An example is the freedom, with which Severus, a holy man, because sometimes to be carried away by the heat of charity farther he allowed, not once he reprehended. Besides the usual at that time custom (afterward indeed more urbanely than truly it was received) in the title of his letters Severus a servant himself had inscribed. Paulinus a new preface by no means silent passed over. Letter 1 "In the title of the letter," he says, "to imitate the excellent in all things to me brotherhood of yours I feared: because safer I believed truly to write. Beware therefore after these things, a servant of Christ to liberty called, of a man, and brother, and fellow-servant inferior a servant yourself to write: because a sin of adulation it is rather, than of humility a justification." At another time the same Severus asked, that an image of himself painted to him Paulinus should send. He indeed not lightly at that request flared up: and not the mind,

but the words imitating of those, who said once to the Apostle: "Many letters have led you to madness"; "Severus, my Severus," he says, "much charity nearly delirious makes you: and toward me, not in age, but in sense your little one, as a grandfather toward a late grandson, by excessive piety (which however with the peace of your prudence I would say) foolish you become. Acts 26" And he subjoins: "What kind do you wish, that we send an image to you, of the earthly man, or of the heavenly? Letter 8 I know, that you that incorruptible appearance long for, which in you the heavenly King has loved." And soon: "How to you shall I dare myself to paint, when the heavenly image to deny I am proved by earthly corruption. On both sides me shame shuts in: I blush to paint what I am, I dare not paint what I am not." Thus sagacious the cultivator of modesty thence the praises excluded, hence of casting himself down and despising himself causes he hunted.

[48] He did everywhere this Paulinus, that from his praises not more elated, Everywhere he seizes the matter of humility. but viler to himself he became. And so when he had heard, that together with St. Martin he had been painted at the Baptistery by Severus, and the done deed had grieved over, at last he excuses it by this reason, that the sinner (himself he understood) with the just compared the more might be foul, and the sinner compared the more the just (that is Martin) might shine forth. Letter 12 Finally, because verses also to be subscribed to the painting had asked Severus; "By this grace only I have obeyed you," he says, "that the reason of your counsel might be made manifest, by which salubriously to the new men's instruction studying, diverse far between themselves images you had proposed, that those emerging from the sacred font, both what to avoid and what to follow alike might behold. Besides, what the most holy men teach, for the custody of our humility to be looked at in others what them might raise, in us indeed what us might depress, that so cleverly in place and skillfully does Paulinus that there appears even humility to be ingenious; especially when Severus to himself preferring, by a miracle he says greater converted, and among other things even those he reckons: 'To me an age more advanced, from my first years an honored person, a body weaker.' Letter 1" Which all when from habit and weakness more arduous the way of virtue they rendered, and therefore justly to the amplifying of praise pertained; he however to diminishing it refers. He adds then also, that Severus in the burdens of patrimony was lighter: as if to Paulinus to be wished more it would have been to be relieved of them. And since not altogether the possessions the same Severus had abdicated, he extols his constancy in the cares indeed retaining, but the fruits into God's obsequy conferring. Thus at last lovers of true modesty, their eyes remove from others' vices, and confer them on virtues: but in themselves not, if anything be of good and praiseworthy, but whatever vile and to-be-vituperated is they behold.

[49] From the same submission and esteem of himself the lowest arose the encomia, with which humble in heart, He esteems greatly all toward himself whatever offices. that is the heart of Christ Paulinus, those who any toward himself office performed, he proclaims. For he reckoned himself of all goods unworthy, and rather by all to be trampled he ought. Hence the benevolence he looks up to, and the virtue of them, that so himself (as persuaded he had it) abject and despised they did not abhor. With immense praises Victor he extols, who to himself certain out of charity ministries to apply had wished. Wherefore he groaned: "He served therefore me, he served, I say: and woe wretched to me, that I suffered it. He served a sinner too, who did not serve sin. But hence to me some relief of so great a weight I hope (let us learn, Religious, with what mind are to be received the obsequies of the brothers) that the holy brother's service not with pride I claimed, but in the manner of charity to be attested, and the faith of receiving a blessing I admitted. Letter 3 to Severus." He adds, that the same also his feet to wash for himself wished, only once by the Apostolic example he yielded, because in Victor Christ venerating he wished, that to the remedy of his infirmity a better fellow-servant might touch him. For the rest, not these only with the proclamation of voice to repay the obsequies enough he had, but a mutual with his own hand he repaid service, grieving that the good Victor, a forestaller of servile works, scarcely water to be ministered by Paulinus with his own hands allowed. Which however that by name he had usurped he testifies, that St. Martin he might imitate, who to one coming to him Severus (as the same himself is author) his hands had washed. For indeed among the other offices of charity in those times the holy men of their own someone they sent with letters mutually to salute. Letter 24 These, as they came, with incredible charity he received, and with most sweet embraces he bound Paulinus: the same to his little table he applied, with every obsequy he obliged. A certain Cardamas, a man a servant, and nearly a buffoon, and ill-sober, because to and fro going into Gaul and Italy, those pledges of charity to the Saints he carried, so he commended and indeed polished, that both with freedom endowed, and into the Clergy taken he was an Exorcist; and at last thence he praises him, that nearly a daily guest to himself to be he did not flee.

[50] From the same opinion of his vileness it happened, that monitions and precepts of leading life everywhere he sought out, from Jerome, from Augustine, from Delphinus, from Amandus, from others; He seeks out monitions. and likewise the prayers of all for himself without any intermission he asked. Nor did from his words and deeds differ the external apparatus. All things simple, cheap, breathing humility were. His silver furniture from the beginning, Cheap furniture he uses, into wooden he changed and earthen. Therefore a boxwood dish to Severus sending, he says: "We have sent a testimonial of our riches, a boxwood dish; that as a parting-gift of a spiritual vow you may receive it, about to have for an example, if not yet similar silver you use. Letter 1" And he asks for himself to be sent earthenware, which to love himself he says, because according to Adam akin to us they are, and the Lord's treasure in such vessels committed we have. and a table both cheap, and most sparing. His table moreover what it was, appears from this, that just now to say about Cardamas we had begun, whom thence he admires, that the measure of his little table he did not disdain: "And when with rare and tiny cups he was sprinkled, by which his lips' top scarcely he wetted, nothing of an empty belly or dry throat's injury he complained. Letter 24." And elsewhere: "An assiduous partaker of our little table so himself to the measure of our throat constrained, that neither our little herbs nor our cups he avoided. Letter 17" And so the continence and frugality of the Consular man now was of such a kind, that wonderful it was, The poverty of Paulinus wonderful. who of the common Monks could bear it. Yet, what mortals most wondered at, and ascetics even noble (as indeed Severus about himself professed) to imitate themselves denied able, the highest was, from the very ample riches an emptiness. And so deservedly him St. Augustine with that Preface names: "Our Paulinus, from a most opulent rich man, by will most poor, and most copiously holy." A little garden he cultivated at first: on whose account in jest Severus, Hebromagus left by him when he had said, answered Paulinus: "Hebromagus not for the little garden's cause, as you write, we left, but for Paradise's. book 1 on the City of God, chapter 10 That garden we preferred both to our patrimony, and to our fatherland; because there more the true home, where the eternal: there more truly the fatherland, where the original is the land, and the principal habitation. Letter 5. For if you believe Christ propitious, on whose account if nothing we have, in him all things we possess; now in this soil of thorns and labors, not even in the little garden's clod the slime of earth holds us. But would that so no dust from sin to us clung." Behold how perfect the nakedness of Paulinus, how from the slime of earth loosed his mind was.

[51] He esteemed however nothing great by that emptiness perfected by himself. Rudiments these he reckoned of his warfare, as holy Jerome calls it. But a rudiment it he thinks, not perfection. In this manner he discoursed: "Easily to us the goods or burdens placed-upon, our cloak letting go, fell off: and, what with us we had not brought into this world, nor could take away with us, as borrowed we restored: nor as skin from flesh we tore off, but as a garment we laid aside. Now there is need, that what truly ours are, we pay to God, that is, heart, and soul, and our works exhibiting, into a living victim. Of temporal, which in the age are held, goods the leaving or distribution, not the running of the course, but the entrance; nor as the goal, but the door it is. For not the athlete then conquers, when he is stripped: who therefore is stripped, that he may begin to fight, when lawfully having contended he is to be crowned. Letter 2 The swimmer, the river interposed about to overcome, is stripped: nor however with this so great apparatus that himself he has stripped, will he swim across, unless by the effort of the whole body, and of all the skilled mobility of his members, and by the thrust of his feet, and by the oarage of his arms, and by the gliding of his side, the torrent's force he cleave, and the labor of swimming exhaust." With these thoughts continually himself to the contest he spurred. But at other times, when the laid-up-with-God reward's amplitude he beheld, he exclaimed: "O wretched men! to bestow something we believe. Letter 12 to Severus. We trade; and liberal we are held, who most avaricious to be are convicted: and indeed so much more avaricious than the most greedy of earth's usurers, as more it is heavenly things from earthly, and blessed things from wretched and needy things to buy; than earthly things with earthly and falling things to-fall to barter, Nor that he bestows on God, but trades. and the Lord rather than a man to put out at interest." And with no less admiration those things sometimes he added: "— And a great thing is it thought To buy with a perishing thing one's own salvation? For perpetual to exchange perishable; and to sell earth, To buy heaven? Feast-poem 9 Behold God, how much more dearly me he bought By the death of the cross? having suffered, cast down in the image of a servant, That cheap he might buy with precious Blood his servants."

[52] For the rest, from the obedience, which he himself to the Evangelical counsel had exhibited, and from the consideration of the divine benignity, there to that faithful servant existed that confidence of praying, which St. Augustine commemorates. For about the year of salvation 410, Nola the Goths when they had taken, and were laying waste, and Paulinus by them was held, thus in his heart (says Augustine), as from him afterward we have learned, he prayed: "Lord, let me not be tortured on account of gold and silver: for where all my things are, you know. book 1 on the City, chapter 10" There indeed he had all his things, where to treasure up he had advised, who these evils to the world to come had foretold. And to believe heard the pious prayers is fitting. For although perhaps vexed the man of God; yet in the city he was left. But in so great beggary never a morsel he omitted his own with the beggars to share, For bread withheld from a poor man a ship perishes carrying provisions. not rarely with himself less needy. Nor did the faithful fellow-servant differ, under a better yoke now his wife. There was however, when to a begging beggar ordered to give alms, she reported to Paulinus, that one only bread at home there was: and that very one to give when he had ordered, beyond her custom too provident, she did not give; arguing (as is probable)

that in an equal necessity worthier was the one who should feed on it, Paulinus, and consequently for him to be kept. But shortly she learned, the faith of Paulinus how much was more wealthy, than the timid solicitude of her own care. There were present presently men, who themselves sent by their masters said, Gregory of Tours, On the glory of the Confessors, chapter 107 that to Paulinus of wine and wheat provision they should bring: and therefore delayed, because a storm one of the ships laden with wheat had sunk. Which hearing Paulinus, to Therasia turned, "Understand," he says, "that you from that poor man one bread were having stolen, and therefore this ship was sunk."

[53] But he who, to those to whom nothing he owed, so was benign; easy of understanding it is, how he was grateful and effusive toward those, to whom to owe something he seemed. How prolixly to Ausonius; Paulinus how grateful he was. how honorably he renders all things? How piously from himself the crime of impiety, rashly by him objected, he repels? "Piety," he says, "to be absent from a Christian who can? For a mutual argument it is Of piety, to be a Christian: and of the impious, not to be to Christ subject. Letter 2 This when to hold we learn, can I to you not exhibit, that is to a Father? To whom all holy rights, dear names to owe me willed God; To you discipline, dignity, letters, of tongue, of toga, of fame the ornament, Advanced, raised, instructed I owe, Patron, preceptor, father." Delphinus indeed, by whom both with Christian waters he had been besprinkled, and to piety kindled, thus with letters given both to him and to Amandus he addresses; he commends, asks, with certain mingled with holy ingenuousness as it were blandishments, that more observant nothing be done, nothing sweeter or more amiable can be. Letter 18 He had commended to the same Delphinus and to Amandus a presbyter old and poor, from whom by injury a house had been snatched. The commendation availed; but worth the labor it is to know, with how great force the benefit he proclaims of those, from whom it was obtained, that a house not theirs, and which by right they owed, they should restore.

[54] "On behalf of our own brothers, whom before to be asked we had requested, now your unanimity we ask (Amandus and Delphinus he addresses) that them beyond the usual affection you love: and, if perhaps they to Bordeaux, as they are wont, come, to the present too of our senses and bowels the affection you render. Or if slow shall be of them the abundance, when the first occasion shall be, deign to them the due congratulation, Homily 2 on the epistle to the Ephesians. and the merited blessing of their work to send; that they may know and understand, how acceptable to God a sacrifice they have given, &c. For although a debt they have done by acknowledging justice, that another's house to be restored they ordered; yet of grace largely to be had worthy they are, for the very good affection of will, by which they could have transgressed, and have not transgressed." This namely is God's custom, who, as says Chrysostom, our salvation, that is, that safe to be we may wish, How clement. buys from us. Thus God the Saints imitate, in a benefit counting if anyone by their monition from faults abstains, when in reality a benefit incomparable he who is monished receives from the monitor. But Paulinus, as benign toward the calamitous, so clement toward the guilty, when whatever affection by injury to be defended he undertook, Letter 36 so the succor to the innocent he wished, that to the guilty it might be granted. And so of the letter to Macarius this is the close: "By this moderation we ought to intervene, &c. that with equal labor you defend and excuse to the best Senator, that is, to the Christian man his guilty one; so that to the robber himself may suffice the gain of impunity, we from him God's gifts to receive content."

CHAPTER VII.

The other virtues of Paulinus, especially veneration toward the Saints, living and dead. A fire extinguished by him.

[55] The friendships of the Saints not by other only observance, but by sending too little gifts diligently he cultivated, How dutiful Paulinus. especially of sacred bread, which were called Eulogies: while however that by himself bread was sent he said, which the recipient's condescension made a Eulogy. To recognize was Paulinus's upright nature and most candid soul even in this, that, those who an appearance of goodness set forth, easily good he esteemed. And so both Vigilantius, and Rufinus, and Pelagius, and Julian, How well of all esteeming. before into the open their fallacy and heresies were brought, among friends simply he numbered and commended, so that St. Jerome, with Vigilantius speaking, that at first he did not detect him, excuses with these words: "What to you shall I do? I believed the holy Presbyter Paulinus's letters, and his over your name believed not to err the judgment. Letter 75" Therefore others' morals from his own estimating, what kind himself each bore, such he held him.

[56] By no means however if anything less to be approved in any of his intimates he saw, through carelessness or adulation he dissembled: but a true friend himself showing (for a friend good, How free in admonishing friends. as the same says, the medicine of the heart is) he gave his labor, that with a free and modest admonition he might heal them. Teach this all to Ausonius verses, teach many to Severus letters, and that besides others by us before produced, place from the fifth: since no end made Paulinus of Severus to himself of calling, and the same by zeal of poverty so himself stripped, that nothing for the varieties and necessities of times he reserved. Severus, in jest without doubt, had written that to that to be reduced of want, that at last to himself him to invite he should cease. Letter 5 But Paulinus, not even to jests place to be reckoning, where about the most holy counsels of Christ it was treated; "How does it agree," he says, "that the same you poverty, which to admire you profess, to dread you confess? If you believe this to me granted to be a virtue, which you to wish and not to be able to attain confess, that having food and clothing with this content I be, nothing beyond the day think; why either me by want's necessity to-be-overcome you think, that you, whom not to desire I cannot, to invite I should cease? or yourself so weak and distrustful of Christ you betray, that you fear to a such as this, as you proclaim, friend to come, if in truth you follow him, who said: Take your cross, and come, follow me? Luke 9. 23 How otherwise do you think Christ to be followed, except by the law which he taught, and the form which he set forth? who when into his own he had come, of reclining however a head's place among his own had not. Psalm 15. 5" And after a most charming and most grave reprehension he subjoins at last: "I wish therefore that of your courtesy rather this jest, than of your weakness the faith was." At the end worthy of his faith a golden close he adds: "You, if this good (that is, for Christ to have sent all things away) so believe as you proclaim; and in it me to be believe, as that you believe you write; and more slothfully me desire; now not in me a sinner always, and always unworthy of your sight, but in the Lord himself you commit; if you think then at last to be about to fail us of mortal life the nourishment, when to us has begun God to be a possession."

[57] From these things which hitherto are remembered, begins to shine forth the species and form of Paulinus the Monk, on all sides absolute, The sum of Paulinus's virtues both toward himself and his neighbors, and in a manner from every side squared. Before all things there was in him a most ardent faith, that not with deaf ears and a torpid heart Christ's voices he heard; but for a norm he received them (as they are) and a sure law of living. From a vivid and keen faith the other virtues, as from a root, the vital sap and vigor drew; and namely that Monk's first virtue, the opinion of the age and of little rumors generous despising; and a confident, free, finally unconfusable in all places profession of Evangelical sanctity. There was the highest nakedness of all human things, the highest abjection and contempt of self. Besides benignity toward the needy and calamitous by no bounds circumscribed: toward the well-deserving of a grateful mind the memory constant, open, munificent: toward friends an observance liberal: prone to the better part the estimation: simple, where the matter demanded, the admonition; which things what kind toward himself, what toward his neighbors it was, show. It remains that toward holy and divine things how he bore himself, we adumbrate.

[58] Those whom even among the living a special with the Divinity conjunction seemed to be, them with submission incredible, and with every kind of office he venerated … Niceta indeed with what sweetness of piety, with what magnificence of speech does he celebrate? how toward the living saints. To the immortality of memory him he transcribed. But of Victricius, afterward Bishop of Rouen, whom a Martyr living he calls, no less eloquently than holily described contest, one of Paulinus's letters from the destruction of oblivion vindicated. Letter 28 Which narration when thus he concluded, "Let us doubt still whether perfect you are, who about perfection have begun? and, if lawfully to-be-crowned you are, the contest run out, when to run you have begun for the crown?" grieving that of him to enjoy the sight not it is permitted, equally sweetly and religiously those things he sighs: "Who would give us wings like a dove, and we would fly to you, and rest in the sight of your sanctity, before, in your mouth, Christ God admiring and venerating. We would wipe with our hair his feet on your feet, and with tears bedew; and those scars of yours, as of the Lord's passion impressed footsteps we would lick." But that, which to exhibit before Victricius he desired, the time fell that to a certain good old man, whom Victor he names, abundantly he might render: whose marvelous from shipwreck deliverance the letter to Macarius describing, when to him the Lord himself to have appeared in the ship, and with incredible benignity his bosom for resting to have afforded, and his ear to rouse to have plucked he had said, "I confess to you my affection," he says, "while too much such remarkable in a man of our time God's deeds I admire and love, nearly toward the very old man to have been cruel. Letter 36 For so assiduously his ear I handled, that nearly I wore it away. I would have wished also even of one part of his ear to cut off, unless in him a wound, which to me a pledge a thing would have been."

[59] With this piety Paulinus toward men to God dear even still by mortality surrounded was borne: Christ in their breasts, as in precious treasures, He celebrates the praises of men outstanding in virtue. but still earthen he recognized: he desired the absent, the present he enjoyed: he seized occasions their excellent deeds and virtues to make public. So besides the already-said Victricius and the old man Victor, of the elder Melania, whom by Origen's errors depraved he did not know (that she came to her senses at the last a good conjecture it is) zealously he pursues the praises. So from Alypius he asked, that to himself he should write his birth and life. Paulinus, Letter 10 to Severus. Which when Augustine to do himself more abundantly on his behalf had answered, argues acutely Baronius, not only that performed by Augustine, and by Paulinus celebrated Alypius's affairs, but much more from the same asked the life history of Augustine himself; and from that it happened, that he a form devised, by which modestly it and usefully he might explicate

in the books of the Confessions. Letter 45, Augustine, Letter 32, Baronius, year 395 But if so it be, not indeed moderately by this one title posterity owes to Paulinus.

[60] But he to the Saints now into heaven received and Blessed what kind of obsequy and pious cult did he not apply? The dead he honors with writings, His Felix how he cultivated, how he adorned, how he celebrated, is recounted enough. I would not doubt that by him many Histories were written. Certainly about the martyrdom of Genesius of Arles the brief narration which exists, with the name of Paulinus of Nola is inscribed, and the style altogether agrees. Come, toward the Apostles' chiefs Peter and Paul how great piety was, when yearly to their sacred bodies in person to be venerated on their natal day to Rome he went, by pilgrimages, neither by the labor of the journey retarded, nor by the now nearly heavier through that time Roman on account of heat sky deterred? Which office so constantly he held, that a solemn custom, and an annual to himself that vow and journey he calls. Sometimes however to have anticipated the Feast of the Apostles, from that letter is plain, which to holy Augustine returned now from the pilgrimage Roman on the Ides of May he gave. Letter 44 At Rome moreover what he did, how he was received, the letter to Severus the thirteenth to be conjectured proposes. He dispatched himself most swiftly. The time before midday in the vows, for whose cause he had come, through the Apostles' and Martyrs' sacred memorials he consumed: then when to his lodging he had returned, by innumerable visitations, which partly friendship, partly religion drew together, so was he occupied, scarcely that evening dissolved the gatherings. Letter 13 The same in seeking out, cultivating, decorating with both expense and his golden tongue the Blessed sacred Relics, was much engaged, in collecting and adorning Relics, of which from St. Ambrose some he received. Nor only to St. Felix's, whom always Patron and lord, and his Lord-of-the-house, as the lord of the house rejoicing he calls, magnificent basilicas, but also at Fundi a sacred building he built, no less by that thing benign toward men, than pious toward God. Feast-poem 9 in building Basilicas, Through the occasion of a paternal in that tract possession, familiarly with the town he was acquainted. "Therefore either as a pledge," he says, "as of civic charity, or to the memory of his past patrimony, a basilica to give in that very town, since both it needed it, a ruinous and small one having, of my vow it was. Letter 12"

[61] For the rest the most sacrosanct Relics of the Lord's Cross, both with religion, as he ought, the highest he venerated, The cult of the wood of the Lord's Cross. and one of all most their glory to posterity by his letters he laid open. There had sent through Melania to him John Bishop of Jerusalem a fragment from the saving pledge. Paulinus, the opportunity using, both published the history of the found Cross (which now is read in the eleventh letter to Severus) and that singular of the same of-nothing-diminished, however much from it should be taken away, miracle he made known: that from what time it had been found, with innumerable nearly daily men's vows its wood lending, detriments it did not feel, and as if untouched it remained; daily divided to those receiving, and whole to those venerating. Whence to understand it is in what manner of the vital trunk so great through all the Christian world an abundance to be propagated and scattered could. He sent also in the name of Therasia (whom a fellow-servant in the Lord to call he was wont) to Severus and Bassula his mother-in-law a great in a small gift, and in a segment nearly an atom of a short splinter, a defense of the present, and a pledge of eternal salvation. Letters 1 & 2 Thus he describes a part from the given to him particle of the holy Cross. He sent it in a little golden tube enclosed, an interpretation being added, expressing with such an apparatus the form of them. Namely that they themselves gold fiery are, who within themselves had the kingdom of God, that is, the faith of the Cross. But from that little portion's, which to himself he had reserved, possession and cult a manifold indeed fruit he received both at other times, and especially, when a fire huge at once, as against it was opposed, he extinguished. The matter is described in Feast-poem ten, and a double miracle is noted.

[62] Before the doors of the built and adorned by himself basilica of holy Felix, stood two huts of rough material, which the place's appearance deformed, and to the approaching people as it were a stumbling-block met. They had obstinated their minds by no means to yield the place, who the huts inhabited. To the most modest man grievous it was by a lawsuit the right to pursue, and even to conquer through contention. These things being thus, of the little buildings in one under the first rest a fallen into the hay spark, through its particle to the fire opposed suddenly a great fire raises; cries and groaning of the neighborhood. Awakened Paulinus, sees all things so to boil with fire, that the very basilica too to burn he thought. Trembling each of their own things, water eagerly, and whatever apt to suppress the plague to supply: but in vain they sweated: the evil was irritated by the remedies: the victorious flame, whatever was thrown in, into food turned. Paulinus not to mortal water's, but to mercy's divine fountains ran. it Paulinus extinguishes They hasten to pray at St. Felix's body, and at the other monuments of the Saints. Thence home rapid and confidence full he flies forth, the Relics of the holy Cross he takes up, and in his hand holding before his breast as a shield, with which to cover himself, the enemy with the boss to strike, against the raging fires he takes his stand. But behold forthwith the force of the Cross the fire "Terrified, and in the place, from which it had risen, that very one, As fenced about by a prescribed limit the flame To settle, and to be extinguished with a dying roar it compelled; And from ashes arisen, to ashes to return the storm. Feast-poem 10 How great the virtue of the Cross, that nature leaves itself? All wood devouring, by the wood of the Cross the fire is burned. Many a hand with frequent vessels then those fires Sprinkling, with abundant waters desired to conquer: But although with exhausted fountains they balanced the showers, With greater force however, the weary sprinkling, all The fire had conquered the water: We with wood extinguished the fire. And what the water could not, conquered the brief splinter the flame."

[63] The fire marvelously extinguished, when very many were thought burned roofs, the next day when it grew light, one only of the two huts consumed they saw; and the contiguous houses he saves. which by hand and labor was to be demolished, unless the flame had forestalled it; and a saving had made. Then indeed, the matter noticed, the Lord, and the heavenly penalty recognized, the remaining hut himself overthrew, and from importune delay St. Felix's basilica freed. "This to us," says Paulinus, "without a lawsuit seeing to have yielded the triumph, Himself only the wretch accuses, whom no grace Of obsequy has awaited, and let the confusion of penalty await." Therefore by no lesser prodigy it happened, that the obstinate man's breast by an evil was subdued, His charity toward God. than that by the opposing of the vital wood the voracious flame in a moment settled. By both Paulinus's faith, modesty, piety, as by a divine suffrage was proved. About whose toward God charity, and a special certain toward Christ the Lord zeal, superfluous it is by name to say; since what exist his writings that speak the one thing, which holy Augustine truly says to be fragrant with the most sincere odor of Christ.

CHAPTER VIII.

What kind of Bishop Paulinus was.

Part III.

[64] At what time, and by what reason created Bishop he was, plainly is unknown. a) I would not put for doubtful, that as at Barcelona by sudden force and a multitude strangling when first the Bishop died, by the common zeal and ardor of the citizens into the Episcopal seat he was driven. What exist his Works, a trace of such an office scarcely any offer, either because most were written before the Episcopate, or because he preferred everywhere himself a sinner, himself slender in talent, of heart gross, of mouth fasting to profess, and otherwise to depress, than of his own anything of praises to touch. Yet of the gravest weight of the burden how with a true and ample estimation he weighed it, and well his with every effort of his strength he strove, a document are, the things which, the lesser Priesthood, though to none assigned to feed a flock, undertaken, he meditated, and with Amandus communicated we read. Letter 23 "Which ministry," he says, "that I may well minister, and a good grade for myself acquire, and may know how it behooves me in the house of God to converse, and to handle the mystery of piety, you Lord venerable and brother and Lord in Christ for us pray to the Lord, in every good rich, that we may abound in faith, and in speech, and in knowledge, and in every solicitude." Which last words the whole contain of the perfect Prelate the form. For if to the sanctity of life, which in faith is signified, through which as a fit mediator, acceptable to God, venerable to the people he be, eloquence shall accede to exhorting, and knowledge to rightly teaching, and a costly and solicitous care to the rest of the ministry; nothing surely remaining will be, which to filling out the sacred pastor's parts may be desired.

[65] But these things if Paulinus, of the Pastoral free Sacrament, was engaged in, even before the Episcopate. how much more intently now bound by faith, and a vessel for the inheritance of God and the Blood of Christ made, those things he meditated, which a little below in the same letter he adds? "Therefore because we are made from enemies citizens, from the far-off neighbors, from sheep pastors, and placed we are in the foundation of the Apostles and Prophets; instruct and confirm hands to the knowledge of building, that to the stone, which has become the head of the corner, I may learn the wall both to connect; and into a holy temple and into the dwelling of God, bodies and hearts by faith cleansed to construct; through the arms of the Apostle powerful to God every exaltation lifting itself against the knowledge of God captive to lead; every understanding to obeying Christ to bring; the Evangelical axe to the roots of the trees to apply; and with the sword of the spirit, that is, the word of God, to slay the sinners of the earth, and with the shield of the Catholic Faith all the burning darts of the most wicked to extinguish; and the contest fought out and the course run out, the faith kept, the ministry fulfilled, to await that which the Lord on that day the just judge will render to all, who love his coming." These we have as the lineaments of Bishop Paulinus, by himself to us adumbrated. But also so accurate to the absent and to strangers exhortations, What especially he taught and handled. how to the present and to his own to be taught and exhorted sedulous and keen he was, not obscurely declare; and namely show, how he frequent mercy toward the needy, freedom of confessing Christ, and of human judgments despising, the cult of the Heaven-dwellers, the most sacrosanct Eucharist's veneration: for the sweetness and amplitude, with which about this to be adored mystery he speaks, his special toward it of mind zeal makes plain. Nor indeed a wonder, that he who the ways searched out all of sanctity, in the vein especially and the head clung; finally the most magnificent praises of Christ, and the immense treasures of his charity and glory, with how great gravity and majesty he handled.

[67] It is established that assiduous in chanting to God praises night and day with the Monks, whom from the beginning to himself he joined, and his Clergy he was: so that not even dying did he intermit the custom, Assiduous in singing praises to God. but the morning psalmody, with a panting though, yet glad spirit, all being ordered in time to be roused, and to himself summoned, he performed. And although nothing than he could be made milder,

nothing more beneficent could be; yet we have received that of discipline tenacious he was so, that against those whom it behooved, the weapons even of sacred censure strongly he wielded. In which order, under his departure from life, whoever they were, to be reconciled the pious father wished; A lover of discipline, benign however. hoping, I think, by his humility a more pacified Lord to himself to be about to be, by how much a more benign himself he had shown to his fellow-servants. Finally it is established, that so marvelous the man's sanctity was, that for veneration to barbarian peoples too, and to those alien from Christ, Jews and Ethnics, he was.

But now what kind Uranius, although too briefly the sum describes, What kind of Bishop Uranius describes Paulinus. in the Author's style let us bring forth. For it is not nothing of interest of an eyewitness testimony even the words to know. "But when to the highest grade of the Priesthood he was advanced," he says, "he was unwilling himself such to show a Bishop, who by anyone would be feared; but such himself he rendered a priest, who by all would be loved b)… Nor undeservedly by all was he loved, who was present to all. In Surius, Volume 3, the 22nd of June Whom indeed lying did not his right hand raise? whom interpellating himself did he not with pious voice console? For he was pious, merciful, humble, benign, spurning none, despising none. To all he gave, to all he indulged. He animated the trembling, he mitigated the violent: these with words, those he edified by example: some with letters, others with funds he helped: no wealth, no riches, except those which to his Saints Christ had promised, he admired… What more? Scarcely whatever about him is said, would the credulity of faith admit, unless his deeds drove away the lie."

[68] Thus far Uranius the things which he had seen pursuing. Which I most suspect the Roman Church afterward in Gregory the Great's sacred Vigils, Paulinus's life once read in the solemnities of Gregory the Great. on account of the similarity of wisdom and sanctity, to recite was wont. For teaches Paul the Deacon in the Proem of the Life written by him of the holy Doctor, that the Romans long lacked Lessons, which the holy Gregory's affairs contained, and that of Paulinus the Prelate of the city of Nola to be substituted them was wont. Nor is it a glory little of Paulinus, that his life as it were for a form was held of the life of the Great Gregory. Without doubt the renowned fame of the man, which so far and wide from the Monk's retreat before was spread abroad, somewhat was made by the Pontifical addition of brightness more illustrious; the more, because through that time flourished among the first of cities Nola, and a cathedra too quite opulent it had. Thus the wise Lord a good servant, who had been faithful in a little, over many set. For whatever of money, whatever of profane honors there is, in comparison with the heavenly slight and vile it is, since a price to those almost human estimation makes, to these Christ's Blood. Exalted was therefore he who himself had lowered: and to the faithful distributor a faculty of distributing was supplied new, if not ampler, certainly holier, The sacred faculties how Paulinus used. and the same perpetual; there being added even from the office of Pastor an incitement, that what by will he did, now by a certain necessity he should perform. And he the sacred faculties so did not spurn nor despise, that thence shows holy Prosper that without perfection's impediment by Bishops they are possessed. For thus he disputes. book 2, On the contemplative life, chapter 9 "Holy Paulinus (as you yourselves better know) huge estates, which were his own, sold to the poor distributed: but when afterward he was made a Bishop, he did not despise the Church's faculties, but most faithfully dispensed them. By which deed sufficiently he shows, both that one's own are to be despised for the sake of perfection, and that without impediment of perfection can the things which are common to the Church be possessed." Soon when the same deed by holy Hilary too he had taught, he subjoins: "Which surely men of both secular and divine letters without ambiguity most learned, if they knew the things of the Church were to be despised, never them ought, those who their own had left, to retain."

[69] He retained therefore and kept the goods of the Church Paulinus, but for distributing, not for enjoying; with the faith of a minister, not by the will of a possessor … c) and of the dying Paulinus the treasure was a debt contracted for the poor's garments, How great the esteem of Paulinus with the Emperor, and other chief men. with no remaining thing whence it might be discharged. By which virtues how much of authority to the veteran Bishop had accrued, teaches the letter of the Emperor Honorius, by which him into the City to a Council he calls. Which when in a grave disturbance of the Church, and of a great schism's danger was convoked, deferred therefore he says, because that one being absent on account of ill-health, it was esteemed nothing could be defined. But the letter is such: "To the holy and venerable father Paulinus the Bishop. So great was with us the sure sentence, that nothing by these Priests, who to the Synod had come, could be defined, when your Beatitude of the unequalness of body complaining, the journey's could not the injury sustain. Baronius, year 419 And on account of the absence of the holy man, not indeed to obtain, meanwhile however the vices congratulate themselves, when the depraved and old ambition both with a blessed man and of holy life long wishes to have a contest, that against these goods of Apostolic institution, about presumed by force walls it should think to be confided. O truly worthy a cause, which only of your crown the blessed life designates! The deferred therefore judgment we announce, that the divine precepts from your veneration's mouth may be brought forth, who them having followed you fulfilled: nor can another of those precepts the bearer exist, than who worthy of Apostolic disciplines is approved. Specially therefore Lord holy, deservedly venerable Father, just servant of God, the divine work, labor despised, this tribute to us of your visitation (if so it is to be said) gift indulge, that all things being put after, as much as temperance to these and tranquillity favor, the Synod about to profit, without intermission also to our desires, and to the blessing which we desire, yourself to afford you may deign." c)

[70] And the nearer to his last age he approached, the more ready to all for enjoying his goods Paulinus to offer; Paulinus makes debt for the poor's cause. like a fruit-bearing tree, which the branches heavy with fruits, the nearer to maturity it comes, the more forward, as if to gathering inviting, bows and offers. Nor his own only to offer, but also whatever (even for the beggars' cause himself a beggar making) from everywhere he could himself scrape together, or to him now for his noted mercy as to a benignity's public prelate, and a needy's provision's curator, of their own accord was submitted. Finally nothing to doubt, when all things had failed, debts to make, of faith secure, as one who chiefly trusted God; whose chest by expense is enriched; and to him lies open and overflows most, who most frequently and most has taken. And so when of departing the day approached, nothing reposited was found; empty granaries, cells exhausted, purses empty, a plainly bare house. But his great soul now thoroughly faith and blessed hope, now charity, now the joys of heaven, and immortal riches, and God's singular gifts had filled.

[71] The most holy Bishop's marvelous migration Uranius, to whom present it was given to be present, with us by this description communicated: d) "… About the fourth hour of the night, all who were present anxiously watching, suddenly with so great his little chamber by an earthquake was shaken, that those who at his couch stood, terrified and disturbed, An earthquake at his migration. to prayer themselves cast, nothing however knowing those, who before the doors stood: for not a public that, but a private in the chamber had been the earthquake; for he by Angelic hands received the debt to God his spirit exhaled. Psalm 131" Of this earthquake makes mention also in book 3 of the Dialogues, chapter 1, Holy Gregory e), to this of Uranius, as I think, narration referring f)… There died holy Paulinus in the year of human salvation 431, on the tenth day before the Kalends of July, on which day his memory in the sacred Roman Church's Calendars with an illustrious eulogy was inserted in these words: The encomium from the Martyrology. "At Nola, of Campania a city, the feast of blessed Paulinus the Bishop and Confessor; who from a most noble and most opulent man was made for Christ poor and humble g)… But he was renowned not only for erudition and copious sanctity of life, but also for power against demons: whose excellent praises the holy ones Ambrose, Jerome, Augustine, and Gregory in their writings celebrated. His body to Rome translated, in the Church of holy Bartholomew on the Island together with the body of the same Apostle honorably is preserved." To the power against demons here described to pertain I would believe many of those things, which Paulinus himself narrates done at St. Felix's body. For it is the custom of the Saints, to other Saints from themselves the praises to turn aside: as holy Benedict the walking of Maurus upon the waters, to the obsequy attributed of the disciple; that one to the merits referred of the Master.

NOTES OF D. P.

a) I have already above shown that it seems to have been done in the year 409.

b) Since the whole context of Uranius above I have given, it pleased to contract the more prolix periods, word for word transcribed by Sacchini.

c) Here the Author began to commend the Saint's charity so great, that, the things which he might bestow being exhausted on the rest, himself too he willed to be spent in undergoing a vicarious for a Widow's son captive among the Vandals in Africa servitude, and word for word he weaves the history received from the beginning of book III of the Gregorian Dialogues: but this in the appendix I shall show to pertain to Paulinus III and the 6th century. Wherefore from a) to page 725 I pass.

d) Here Sacchini had described from Uranius, whatever you have from those words, number 2, with an asterisk marked: "Three days before from this world … he was called," which there can be read, up to the other asterisk , number 4.

e) Gregory's words are these: "About whose death too, at his church it is written (namely in the aforecited letter of Uranius) that when with pain of the side he was touched, to his last he was brought; and while his whole house in its solidity persisted, the chamber in which lay the sick man by an earthquake made trembled, and all who there were present with excessive terror struck; and so that holy soul from the flesh was loosed."

f) The rest in Uranius above read, as also that about John of Naples.

g) The remaining words of the Martyrology here omitted, in a compendium hand down what at length Gregory narrates about the Vandal servitude, and to another Paulinus much younger to pertain, I have already said.

CHAPTER IX.

On the works of holy Paulinus, preserved and lost.

Part IV

[72] The monuments of Paulinus's wisdom, for the man's greatness, indeed slight exist. The cause double seems. First, The works of Paulinus few exist, that many perished: then, that to writing of set purpose with a view of posterity his mind he himself did not apply. There perished what he wrote before his progress to a severer life, without doubt neither in number few, and in kind noble, since so great of Oratorical and Poetic faculty glory he had obtained. For neither was he one, who in that age from writing would abstain. because many perished Which signifies Ausonius, when interrupted between them of letters and poems he grieves the commerce; when privately certain letters he commends, which "very lettered" he calls;

and a poem he proclaims, in which the three on the Kings books of Suetonius into a compendium he had reduced with so great elegance, that alone he seemed to have attained (which is against nature) that brevity should not be obscure. in verse, But in another letter about another Poem the same Ausonius: "That about the erudition of your letters, about the pleasantness of your Poem, about the invention and continuation, I swear all, to none ever imitable to be about to be, even if they confess it to be imitated." These therefore Poems imitable to none perished. letter 21 He wrote also Paulinus immediately, I think, when sanctity thoroughly he had entered, some Hymns, which praised by Alypius signifies the same, when from him he asks, which of his Hymns he saw. Besides much more than exist to have composed of St. Felix's Feast-poems, in rhythm, with me indubitable it is, as above too I noted, since yearly a votive as it were gift he paid, and so many years there he lived. letter 45. And indeed Dungal (which lately I noticed) in the Supplement of the Fathers published, in the book against Claudius of Turin, fifteen enumerates: and excellent even certain from those, which do not exist, fragments brings forth, which we to be added to this edition took care.

[73] But of the loosed-speech works, before all there perished the Book on behalf of b) Theodosius, and in prose whose loss to learned men more intolerable renders that magnificent of St. Jerome approbation. c) Alypius's affairs, as above we said, by holy Augustine sent to Paulinus (as he had received them) and committed by him to memory, it is likely: for nothing probable occurs, whence a counsel full of benevolence, and of honesty, would have been impeded or changed. But that lucubration too we miss. As holy Genesius's affairs, of him who among the people of Arles martyrdom made, lest gradually they should perish, he himself to letters bound, so nothing with me is of doubt, but that with the same zeal histories of that kind others he wrote. On the Treasury, not a letter, but a popular exhortation it is. Of that kind certain it ought to be held that many he elaborated, which the age's antiquity, and public calamities, and men's carelessness have abolished. For who so benign was in feeding bodies, him to suspect injurious it would be to have been in feeding souls negligent, especially after he was created a Pastor. That he wrote also against the Ethnics' impiety, signify those of St. Augustine's letter, "Against the Pagans you to write I have learned from the brothers. If anything from your breast we deserve, without distinction send, that we may read: for your breast such of the Lord an oracle is, that from it to us so pleasing and against most loquacious questions most explicit to be given responses we presume." letter 34. Perhaps then he was writing to Jovius those things which exist in speech both loosed and bound. Now of letters a huge number d) to have perished, sufficiently is clear from the letters which survive of his, and of others of the same time.

[74] In sum, of works of every kind that we lack many, which were worn in his age, teaches holy Eucherius by that illustrious proclamation, "Paulinus too the Bishop of Nola, St. Eucherius's testimony. a peculiar and blessed example of our Gaul, with a huge once of riches census, with a most abundant fountain of eloquence, so into our opinion and purpose migrated, that even absolutely all parts of the world with his eloquence and works he besprinkled." Parenetic letter to Valerian. But Gennadius this index of his Works wove: "Paulinus of Nola in Campania the Bishop composed in verse brief things, but many: and to a certain Celsus by way of an epitaph a consolatory little book on the death of a Christian and baptized infant with Christian hope fortified: and to Severus several letters: to Theodosius the Emperor before his Episcopate in prose a Panegyric on the victory of the Tyrants, in that especially, that by faith and prayer more than by arms he conquered. He made also a Sacramentary, and a Hymnary. Gennadius's index To his sister too letters on the contempt of the world he gave, and on diverse causes with a diverse disputation treatises he published. The chief however of all his Little works, is the book on Penitence, and on the general Praise of all the Martyrs. He was renowned in the times of Honorius and Valentinian, not only for erudition and sanctity of life, but also for power against demons." Thus Gennadius: who more aptly would have said, "an Epitaph on the boy Celsus, and a Panegyric on behalf of Theodosius the Emperor written."

[75] Some have suspected, among holy Augustine's letters the thirty-eighth, On the letters to Laetus, Armentarius, which to Laetus is inscribed, and the forty- fifth to Armentarius and Paulina, and likewise among the letters of St. Jerome the fourteenth on the Instruction of the matron to Celantia, to be of our Paulinus. None to us enough seems, although they set forth an author eloquent and pious. Less however about that, which to Celantia is, we dissent. For it has many marks of the Paulinian style, Celantia, and certain familiar to him figures. But that the composition less sometimes constrained is, of set purpose perhaps, since from his institute both precepts of leading life, and to a matron he was writing, his that implexed concinnity he relaxed. * Finally worthy to us it seemed, to those regarding use, that into these Works it be inserted. Marianus Victorius, among the letters of an uncertain Author, and on those which from the 9th Volume of St. Jerome are attributed to Paulinus: which to St. Jerome falsely ascribed into the ninth Volume of his Works he rejected, very many judges the style of Paulinus to be redolent of, and namely the fourth to Marcella, on enduring adversities; the fifth to a Virgin, into exile sent; the twenty-third, in which is convicted a certain one, that a Levite fallen he did not console; and the twenty-fourth to last is beyond controversy, and now long among the letters of Paulinus published was read. * Of the rest the fourth most to approach to the diction of Paulinus seems, and therefore we have published that too here: with the others, although not wholly unworthy of Paulinus, yet because his to be not we judged, of the labor we did not think to burden the volume.

[76] On St. Jerome's letter 103 to Paulinus on the books of Scripture. In which place that too I would note, the letter of holy Jerome on the books of the sacred Scripture, plainly to be to our Paulinus given seems, although the greatest Scribe on account of this conjecture denies it, that both somewhat it differs from the letter on the profession of the Monk to the same before written, and no mention of that one makes. Baronius, year 394 Which conjecture, by the inscription first he refutes, to this time by the learned received: then, that to a Monk it is written, who his patrimony from the Gospel's counsel sold and distributed; whose morals' honesty, contempt of the age, fidelity of friendship, love of Christ is praised; besides that it is inscribed to a man eloquent, whose prudence, and eloquence's charm his very to Jerome letter had set forth; who much to advance in divine letters could: finally, who not only most sweet letters, but also little gifts had sent, which custom was perpetual of Paulinus of Nola. And these all so in him fall, as in no one more aptly. Nor indeed between the former letters and the later a discrepancy greater, than agreement is. For not obscurely had invited to himself even in the former letter Paulinus Jerome; whom when by artful insinuation nothing allured he saw, then namely to open monition he proceeded. But what in the last letter about the patrimony not slowly to be divided he advises; not therefore, that in that matter slower Paulinus had been, he mentions; but that to build at Fundi and Nola basilicas when something he had reserved, a less sincere perhaps rumor of the matter to Jerome into the Bethlehem retreat had penetrated.

[77] Let someone ask, why so a man of such great expectation and faculty great Works he undertook not, Why he did not write great Works. or certainly why the renowned wealth of his tongue, and that rare light of talent not to illustrating of set purpose the divine monuments he applied: and likewise what it is, that so easily what we know him to have composed, flowed away. I answer, that of each thing the cause is the same, the marvelous humility of the man, and contempt of himself, so that in great part it suits him what about holy Pamphilus the Martyr written by Eusebius reports holy Jerome: "And he himself indeed of his own work nothing at all wrote; except the letters, which to his friends perhaps he sent: to such a degree by humility he had cast himself down. letter 67. But of the ancient treatises of Writers he read most studiously, and in their meditation continually was engaged." Certainly Paulinus not only of the ancient, but at the same time of the flourishing Doctors writings most eagerly read through, especially however holy Augustine's. How greatly he was esteemed by St. Augustine. But he himself very greatly was esteemed not by others only, but even by holy Augustine himself, who both consulted the same in matters more obscure certain, and consulted by him professed that he profited through his interrogations, about which he said: "When by interrogating you dispute, and ask keenly, and teach humbly": whose breast too, as a little before was demonstrated, the oracle of the Lord he called. letter 59. But Paulinus desirous of lying hidden, nor himself fit reckoning who the sacraments Christian with a Doctor's authority should handle, in Little works of lighter labor content was. letter 35. To Desiderius, who an explication had asked of the words, by which the Patriarch Jacob his sons blessed, ingenuously he answers, How he despised himself. that of so great names and mysteries the weights he not with a finger even dared to touch. Wisdom 1. 4. "For I read," he says, "Into a malevolent soul will not enter wisdom: and therefore of my malice conscious, I could not of divine revelation have confidence, since of prudence the light with a dark heart I did not grasp."

[78] In which place there comes the calamity of our times, when the most frivolous and most wicked of men not to touch only of the heavenly the secrets of letters dare, but also to themselves alone, against the holy oracles of the ancient Doctors, and against the firmament and column of truth the Church entrusted and laid open, with an impious heart and a mouth polluted boast. But Paulinus not from impious arrogance only, but also from of hidden almost inquisition of things, of which slight traces the divine codices set forth, although holy Doctors them piously searched out, to be abstained by himself he thought, with care almost all to action from cognition led over. letter 44. And so to holy Augustine himself thus he answers: "What indeed after the resurrection of the flesh in that age of the Blessed to be about to be our action, you me to interrogate deigned. But I about the present of my life's state both a physician and a master spiritual consult, that you may teach me to do the will of God, and in your footsteps to walk after Christ: and that death Evangelical first to die, by which the carnal dissolution by a voluntary we may anticipate departure; not by death but by resolve withdrawing from this age's life, which wholly of temptations full; or, as you once to me spoke, wholly a temptation is." Nor however afterward does he omit to the proposed question piously and learnedly, what occurred to bring.

[79] And Augustine, to the sense accommodating himself of the most modest man, in the following letter many to him doubtings, which not so much to knowledge as to conscience pertained, A question to be considered by the curators of souls. and to teaching

that the whole life is a temptation, he proposes, the beginning from it drawn, "Every question, which acting and seeking disturbs men, such as I am, that is, In what manner one is to live, either among those, or for those, who not yet to live by dying have known, not by the dissolution of the body, but by a certain themselves from corporal allurements turning-away affection of mind. letter 250. For mostly it seems to us, that unless to them somewhat we conform, to those very things, whence to draw them we desire, nothing with them salubriously to do we shall be able. Which when we do, of such the delight creeps in also to us; so that often even to speak vain things delights, and an ear to afford to those speaking; not to smile only, but even by laughter to be conquered, and dissolved. Thus by certain dusty, or even muddy affections our souls aggravating, more laboriously and more sluggishly we are raised to God, that we may live the Evangelical life, by dying the Evangelical death." How I would wish to this, and the subjoined of that kind questions, and to that which in the letter sixty-fifth on recognizing God's will to the same he proposed, there existed Paulinus's responses! they would have surely of solace much and of light, who the same to a loftier wisdom a way through the same difficulties take. Thence however shines forth, those most holy and most learned souls, which with a golden between them knot Christ's charity had coupled, with what offices, with what businesses the commerce of letters they knit; how accurately in polishing themselves to the purest religion, how submissively and candidly communicating mutually the state of their souls, and seeking and conferring help, they persisted.

[84] Moreover Augustine, that to Paulinus he might do a pleasure, who had inquired, Augustine's books to Paulinus whether it profited near the Saints to be buried bodies, a book published, which exists, on the Care to be taken for the dead. To the same is, equal to a book indeed weighty, a letter against the Pelagians: of which the same in the book on the Good of perseverance, and Prosper against the Collator made mention. But this he wrote therefore, that at Nola he had heard to be Pelagians so pertinacious, that sooner Pelagius himself, if to the Catholics (which he had simulated) he consented, than the now drunk-in into his mind heresy to forsake they would bear. Therefore that more fortified Paulinus to storming men's pertinacity, and to refuting errors might become, Augustine if anything he could of support to be suggested thought, as he himself toward the end testifies, when himself too by Paulinus's letters to be helped to that faculty he said: and brings forth from the eighth to Severus letter that place, in which Paulinus to Severus about the asked of him painted image of himself answering, how varied his nature is, and how greatly the divine grace it needs, professes. Whence two things are established: first, how Paulinus's letters were scattered, since both familiarly given into Gaul, even into Africa were carried. Wherefore also Uranius written left, that when all desired the man of God only to see, to whom this to obtain was not given, at least they desired something of his letters to obtain. Then, how without cause that of holy Augustine against the Pelagians letter to Bonifacius is inscribed.

[80] But to Paulinus's Works that we may return, he those so far neglected, Paulinus how negligent of his Writings that of the few which survive (if however those very ones survive) letters, to Sanctus and Amandus, who collected them, the chief gratitude is owed. Which so beyond the opinion of Paulinus was done, that them thus he addresses in a letter, which now first into the Plantin edition to be inserted we took care. "We read," he says, "on the back of your letter a note of the letters, which mine to be you indicate: for truly nearly of all my letters so unmindful I was, that mine to be I did not recognize, unless your letters I had believed. letter 26. Whence a greater I received document of your charity, because more me to you, than to myself known to be I perceived." And so when a man wholly to acting turned, so nearly contemptuously wrote, and his writings neglected, no wonder it is, if his offspring as if by a parent deserted prematurely-dead are, with a great indeed our loss. * That too to note it seemed, that there exist in the name of Paulinus to Rufinus letters two to his Works prefixed, which I have suffered to be added to the Paulinian; although the style, more affected by someone to the likeness of Paulinus, than genuine of Paulinus himself seems. Letter 32 Moreover of Paulinus's writings this proper praise is, by holy Augustine's judgment, that with a sweet they were fragrant odor of Christ. though by others praised. Apollinaris Sidonius indeed, when other to other Writers praises he attributes, "Paulinus," he says, "provokes." Which of his singular sharpness I interpret, and a force most sweet, by which his readers to the obsequy of Christ, and the exact of his counsels custody he provokes, allures, and inflames. book 4, letter 3. At the end, to remember that it behooves, that these very things which we have, much are inferior to that plausible of the most eloquent man's talent and mouth: because through that time, those who seriously dedicated their minds to piety, a certain religious not of other only things, but also of eloquence temperament assumed, which of holy Cyprian namely holy Augustine written left. On Christian Doctrine, book 4, chapter 21. Besides in so great of profane letters erudition altogether a wonder it is, A marvelous despiser of Ethnic erudition. how sparingly those Paulinus, how considerately uses; so far now nothing himself except with Paul Christ, and this crucified, to know he reckoned. Nay even, how far in those is to be engaged letters, and how far their help to be used, beautifully he teaches, and worthy of observation it is, in the letter to Jovius, whom to bring over to Christ he strove.

NOTES OF D. P.

a) By such an admonition other Feast-poems too Paulinus to have struck off became known. But a thirst moved to Muratori the price of the fragments, and some drops of the wave being seen, immediately wholly to him in his wishes was the fountain. And so while a most abundant series of manuscript Codices he surveys, which in the Ambrosian Library is preserved, fell into his hands a most ancient volume, in which Venantius Fortunatus's, Prosper's, Juvencus's, Arator's, and of other ancient Christians poems were contained; three and ten of St. Paulinus's Feast-poems there written he found; which collated with Dungal's fragments, the genuine forthwith of so great a writer offspring to himself and to the literary world he congratulated. The Codex tastes of venerable antiquity, the characters square and most minute, and with marvelous charm in straight lines between themselves distinguished in the century, as Muratori judges, ninth were elaborated. Fifteen moreover Feast-poems Paulinus to have sung hitherto was believed; since expressly the poems Dungal both from the 14th and from the 15th cited. But that Author, or the copyists in copying him deceived were: for the poems which from the 14th Feast-poem drawn are reported are altogether to be rejected into the 13th, the Codex found and the order of things prove. And so the Feast-poem in Dungal the 15th hence is to be inscribed the fourteenth, which in those Membranes described not to have been we greatly grieve. There followed in the aforesaid codex another of Paulinus's poem without a title; which, as filled with the highest erudition, to be brought forth too judged Muratori: from whose dissertations and Chifflet's animadversions about Paulinus's letters some things perhaps could be observed to this chapter of the Life useful, but it is not permitted now on such to linger.

b) "Happy Theodosius," says Jerome to Paulinus, "who by such an orator of Christ is defended. You have illustrated his purples" &c. to which words turning his mind Chifflet, "Scarcely about a dead man would anyone so speak," he says, "as of one whom of his purples death has stripped, and beyond the enemy's weapons thither has transferred, where he has no need of a defender. Therefore, whether the living or the dead Theodosius Paulinus praised, in doubt he leaves. Because however that oration, from the Nolan emerged hiding-places, into which at the end of the year 394 himself he had hidden, and Theodosius died in the year 395, on the 17th of January; fears the same Chifflet whether, Theodosius still living, to strike off through the time it was permitted a work so praised.

c) These words of Rosweyde without doubt are, as also those which follow marked with asterisks: and perhaps this whole Chapter. Some of them rubbed out Chifflet, of which previously mention I made from his Preface; the rest manifoldly he illustrated.

Here I had finished, when into my hands came a votive Poem to Paulinus of Nola, in the Jubilee year 1625, by the author Justus Rycquius the Belgian: likewise an Ode of the same subject, to the most illustrious Pietro Cardinal Valerio, Bishop of Padua, printed at Rome by the types of Andreas Phaeus 1626, which to Heribert Rosweyde, about Paulinus's works four years before so well deserving, the Author for the sake of respect as a gift sends, as by his hand inscribed I read. He prefaces, that what now for some years he was doing, in the Jubilee year he did a little more solemnly, that of the Divine Paulinus the most holy Bishop the Feast in verses he might celebrate. The Ode of fourteen strophes of lesser moment is and of lighter labor, as also that by which the Cardinal he asked, the Author, to protect he wishes the little verses, thrown-off, sudden, and perhaps unpolished. It suffices therefore the Poem which of more accurate plainly study is.

THE VOTIVE POEM OF JUSTUS RYCQUIUS THE BELGIAN.

A guest from the farthest borders of the Belgians, your altars I come to, Paulinus, which the Dardanian of things Queen, the head, established, and to peoples to be venerated exhibits, and by so great a foster-son now herself measures. Not I so with tawny metal the thick ceilings, and the marble domes, and Augustan apparatus, and the stones which the Phlegraean arms to have disgraced could not, about to see I came; as the pledges of the gods to the Romulean places fitted, as the chaste sepulchres of the Key-bearing old man, and of the Divine interpreter of the breeze the Tarsian's, and your ashes, O Nolan Priest. There is a place in the City's midst sacred, where the Lydian river, with Serranian waters twisted, drives, and its waves marvels that nothing can do. If the ancient warning fame we press, of the first venerable there Liberty the honor: for the Kings being put to flight, that Island the Tarquinian harvests, and the wicked crop composed, and to the mound heavy sands heaped. Such in the Ortygian (if true is the fable) Sea the wandering lands could Nature in the deep straits commit, and to the rocks fix Delos. Once of marble the joining of the sides of a keel it figures the appearance, nor of the gods from the seats anywhere wholly is free: it seemed then for religions apt. Therefore the temple of Lycaonian Jove, and the serpent's roofs of the Phoebus-born by an ancient rite it disdained; but after it sustains of the Bartholomean urn the weights, and the Paulini placed, more purified it stands against the floods, and holy now does not falsify honors. Fortunate error, who so great the walls enrich Romulean by such a deposit, and the Tiberine rivers with stars you insert, the Eridanus not disdaining the prior! Scarcely otherwise could the rare of the twelve-fold Senate glory, not otherwise could Paulinus be held. Him opening the mystic things of the starry Word to nations innumerable, which the morning with the Eastern star Phoebus visits, the dusky race born of Memnon looked up to, and the Parthians fierce, and the extreme of things India: but this one with pure Oenotria dedicates on altars, Paulinus, of Nola the column, and of a great citizen the stock, by whom Consul the Latin Calendars swelled. Soon, the spoils of the realm laid aside, through the shady of Hesperia woods lying hidden, and the lairs of silent wild beasts, with his chaste wife. What then to you the feeling, friend Ausonius, lost? with how great alas! weepings him you pressed, vainly pitying, that the rocks of Pyrene horrid for the Pierian he should change for Phocis, and those which he cultivated, woods with the laurel-bearing Aonian shades, alleging the seeds of the Bellerophontic disease? But the consecrated to God happy breasts the foolish laughed at the prayers: to Phoebus and the Muses is denied

him whose mind wholly lies open to Christ. Who would compare with the garden's narrow bounds the content Epicurus, and the shades of Egeria's valley, and the Pandionian recesses? Who the Libyan seers in a wooded seat lying hidden, in the midst of the heats? not here oracles by blind ambages entangled, not vain dreams, and a Sage ambiguous; but from the upper citadels sent-down fire; with the perpetual true, and of constant honor inflames the mind with its rays, and with divine love kindles. Not otherwise (nor vain the faith) in the Mareotic wood, by an ethereal bird fed, renewed the honors Thesbiac Paul, and the great Elias restores. And as, by a now greater ray to be seen, whom a little from the lands a cloudy shade had begrudged, from the midst of the clouds is shown golden-haired the Sun, and the whole with rosy light illumines Olympus; so the people, snatched from the wise of light, and much gleaming, and of his pleasing life the little shade in vain desiring, for the seats of the Nolan citadel chose as Father. Not so through the trackless country the Maenalian shepherd guards the tender sheepfold, whether in your lairs, Erymanthus, or on the cliffs of lofty Stymphalus, and the timid from the huge beasts wards; nowhere with faithful eye losing it: than with perpetual care the beloved to keep the flock, Paulinus, you labor. You the Stygian wolves trembled at, you in the light steep pressing on, you by night to the work, and watchful guarding all things with protection, the horrid-sounding lions trembled at of the Taenarian seat. Nor so much your watchful eyes do I admire, and the solicitous prayers, and the Numen to your friendly peoples appeased; as (which is your greatest virtue) your munificent with abundant money hands: as the estates, the census, the Attalic garments, of gold, of silver, the talents dispensed to men, whom either evil shamefully presses hunger: whom devouring usury, whom a hard embitters creditor, and with numerous offspring the much household-gods. Do you anything Erechthean to us now, Fame, Solon object, to bound citizens counting money largely, or the Latian, Asiatic land, Luculli? A greater honor comes: while pious Rome, and the pole shall stand, and the watery earth shall be beaten by the wave; always your honor, Paulinus, and praises shall remain. And yet these could less to be admired seem, if they were compared to you. What that will of the egregious breast, when, the metal failing, and the kingly census, for a dear citizen the workhouses to be dreaded you undergo? Knew, the foreign trembling sceptres, fierce Libya, which you (who could believe?) with fetters to serve heavy, and with a hard mattock the acres cleaving the Lord's beheld in the gardens. Happy gardens, happy acres, by such a wearied hand, with what praises shall I you adorn? To you the Mopsopian of Hymettus in vain would have contended the glory, or the sprinkled by the Zephyrite breeze fields on the Idalian summit; or the Phaeacians' rich country by the Dulichian old man trodden, or the Campanian land, or by the Lacedaemonian region possessed by Phalantus. Go now, the offspring of Latona bear, lying Greece, Admetus's flock to have fed, when Cynthia at her brother blushed seen: or who the Tirynthian limbs might gird the knots of the polluted-with-blood walls of the Snake-born people: Paulinus no crimes agitate, no Furies torture beneath the breast; but of divine Piety the love, and of the people to be ruled care watchful, spur him to have undertaken holy labors. Nor however unworthy long to endure labors the Father of the gods willed, but the barbaric King now familiar venerating (and nocturnal visions admonished) with magnificent gifts increased, and the youth released of fertile Ausonia, to his paternal shores dismisses him. What was that day, when you, before the shore standing the Ausonians, returning with festal keel beheld? When the trembling mothers their sons, and the sons their parents lost, and the partner of the bed, the most glad wife received, whom long sad chains constrained? At it to heaven both the clamor of men, and with the applause of roaring gladness the rocks and the Campanian wave rebellowed. Then sweet everywhere embraces, everywhere kisses, and with wet cheeks the pressed eyes, flowing with glad weeping. Nor is it enough to have pressed once; it helps continually to return, and to rush into the known faces, and of the Powers above the benign faith to explore: Paulinus all the shores, Paulinus the seas and cities and the country speak of. How great to your Nola then the joys, Great Priest! How it feared to be conquered, while all the walls a Parent recognize, and contends every place for your honor! Recognized however it its own, and the constancy of the holy breast the offices embraced with a nearer favor. Such, from the Elean contest of the palm returning (if less lofty things please) with bitter parsley begirt his great head, or with the gray olive wreathed as to hair, with kindred applause is received, and through the towns, and through the peoples loftier goes, conspicuous in a golden chariot with white-yoked horses, and scarcely the fatherland holds so great a citizen. But whither, Calliope, do you tend? to run through the whole Hero with the plectrums would you wish, and so to go through all Paulinus? nay, Muse, beware: ill-credulous to a skiff you will go into the stagnant backs of the watery deep, and with an unwarlike flight you will seek the stars of Hyperion. And, you being leader, certain things sung in former years, while the holy light returns, and a greater for the following presses Paulinus: some shall be said in their own years, if it be permitted; the honor reflourishes, and the to-be-praised virtue, and nothing from so great a heap the sport diminishes. You rather, the strings spurned, Divine I will pray, Bishop, the mind which the chains constrain of Stygian servitude, and the wretched under a hard fetter turn, may you break gently, as in the Libyan citadel you are known of your fellow-captives the paternal companies to have loosed. Namely this, the sacred Mysteries of the old Jubilee, by the Christ-born people in the Great Year to be sought again, bid to aspire to: bids this your holy will to trust, and the immense Piety attested through the world. The Christ-born peoples too, whom the sad of things discords, and of war the furious Enyo vexes, under Urban's auspices, in a safe station may you replace: that the golden leisures be recalled to a pacified World, and the crimes, and the sources, the seeds of wars, the causes, and the ill-persuading hatreds, and any to bear superior unteachable pride, the happy realms may leave. Then to your tombs, Evandrian Rome gladder will pour itself, and the citizen to its vows will call more readily, and to all the altars libations will offer. Then to you, the harmless to Christ to serve Muses you ordered, the chaste violet, and the pallid garlands of the Hyantian frond, with snowy privets interwoven, gifts they will bear: and always to your Temple a golden lyre, always the songs of the Echionian plectrum will resound.

I wrote at Rome on the 10th day before the Kalends of July, on the Paulinian Feast, in the Jubilee year 1635.

APPENDIX

On the three Pauliniuses Bishops of Nola, Saints.

Paulinus, Bishop of Nola in Campania, a province of Italy (St.)

BHL Number: 6560

BY D. P.

§. I. On the immediate successor of the elder Paulinus, the younger Paulinus; and on a third Paulinus about the beginning of the 6th century, and their writings.

[1] Paulinus the Younger The Reverend Abbot Andrea Ferrari, Canon and Treasurer of the Cathedral Church of Nola, in the year 1644, with Neapolitan types and in the Italian language a Commentary published on the Nolan Cemetery and some of the Holy Martyrs and Bishops there once buried lives. He in chapter XII of several Bishops the old Epitaphs recites such as on the sepulchral marble urns engraved in his own time still were read: known from an Epitaph and so on this St. Paulinus's coffer he asserts to be seen letters of this kind. "THE DEPOSITION OF ST. PAULINUS THE YOUNGER, BISHOP, ON THE 4TH DAY BEFORE THE IDES OF SEPTEMBER, FLAVIUS DIOSCORUS BEING VICE-CONSUL."

[2] If the aforepraised writer had been as expert in reading such ancient monuments as he was faithful in describing them, he would not have placed this younger Paulinus after St. Felix the Younger, dead (as he himself judges) at the boundary of the 5th and 6th century, nor would he have made succeed him Leo I about the year 535; but the Epitaph of him thus would he have read. to have died in the year 442 "The deposition or deposit of St. Paulinus the Younger Bishop, on the fourth day before the Ides of September, Flavius Dioscorus, a most renowned man, being Consul": he would have found moreover that this Dioscorus is Dioscorus Eudoxius for the cause of nobility forenamed Flavius; in the Consular Calendars in our Bucherius corrected marking the year 442; which is the year twelfth after the death of the elder Paulinus: but that one who by him is referred to the end of the 5th century, because he was a contemporary of St. Perpetuus of Tours, he would have believed from each to have been distinct.

[3] Meanwhile the found by Ferrari distinction of a double Paulinus, and observed by us the immediate after one another succession a great afford convenience to saving the life of the successor of St. Deodatus, on the 27th of this month to be brought forth. For on his account that one to Milan went to Valentinian the Younger, it is said, that from calumny he might free that innocent Archpriest of his, at that time in which the emperor now a daughter had begotten and so not before the year 437. perhaps the elder's nephew But a strong to me suspicion is that the Younger here Paulinus the elder's from his brother nephew or otherwise consanguineous, by his example to the church's ministry, the world dismissed, passed over; and to St. Ambrose himself joined and to him dying was present, ordained by him a Deacon and finally his life which exists to Augustine wrote; but afterward, hearing of the elder Paulinus's among the people of Nola promotion to the Episcopate and the renowned everywhere fame of his virtue, thither hastened, worthy finally who into his cathedra, in the year 431 dead, should be substituted. And because by no argument is it gathered that the elder Paulinus after his Episcopal ordination ever returned into the Gauls, probable to me it becomes that the Younger is who the use of his eyes recovered at St. Martin's tomb already old, through the occasion of going to Milan to Tours making an excursion, of such a benefit so much the worthier as greater the charity was which the Milanese journey, even to a blind or dim-sighted man so inconvenient, to retrace compelled; whose also reward after a few years he received dead, as was said, in the year 442. who at Milan made a Deacon, A third moreover Paulinus necessarily is to be admitted on account of the authority of a double Gregory, the Roman and the of-Tours, and also of Venantius Fortunatus in those things which they narrate about St. Paulinus of Nola the Bishop, and which not to the first (as hitherto believed) nor to the second but to the third referred no from any head suffer difficulty. Gregory of Tours on the miracles of St. Martin the second chapter thus begins. "Paulinus too the blessed of the Nolan city Bishop, different he was from the writer of the poems on St. Martin after written in verse on his virtues, which Severus embraced, five books, those comprehended miracles, which after his were done passing, that is in the sixth of his work the book." The related then certain ones toward the end of that chapter thus he speaks. "These Paulinus in the sixth of his work the book in verse wrote, from whom the last seeks to be illumined received from St. Perpetuus the Bishop of these a little index." Baronius at the year 402, number 52, these citing does not doubt to assert that Gregory plainly is deceived; and in it consenting to himself he has Andrea Ferrari, to his opinions everywhere wont to adhere: but he the more willingly because his assertion Baronius seems evidently to demonstrate from the very of the aforepraised work author who in the second book, after various of St. Martin's miracles, thus proceeds: "Nay also to Paulinus a like medicine health Restored, whom the glory of remarkable faith widely Exalted, over whom drawn with a cloud lay hidden his Sight, and the gloom stretched with infused darkness warded off all the light with a covering of spots, as the elder Paulinus had been illumined which light and with a slight touch suspended put to flight a sponge, by the near gift of a blessed right hand; scarcely brought to the eye, learned, now restored, the light to bear his vision, and the new light marveling received." These, I say, about Paulinus the Elder having pursued, on his own behalf

thus he prays: "And would that the darkness of our heart to touch or rather the Younger. with such a light might wish the medicine of the holy Patron, that of the ancient deed again the mysteries it render: the same name, the same physician, an equal cause of healing." He could not much more clearly distinguish the person of his predecessor Paulinus, already once by Martin cured, from himself writing the book, and similarly to be cured in spirit wishing. Would that equally clearly he had distinguished the condition then his own from that which had the other Paulinus, when the healing of St. Martin's hand he experienced. If however it first was done, That third one wrote in verse the life of St. Martin it must have been when that one still secular was, perhaps not even baptized but only a catechumen. But if the miracle happened to the other whom they call the Younger, as our conjecture has it; to be distinguished he nonetheless will be from him who received the little index of the miracles of St. Martin, as above we saw asserted by the of-Tours Gregory. That indeed nowhere in that work is indicated; not could however have erred Gregory in so near to himself a predecessor's name, who his ordination about the year 575 made by a century not whole preceded, ordained Bishop about the year 460, and the Episcopate held up to the year 490. And so is solved the difficulty to Baronius seeming insoluble as indeed it was in respect of Paulinus the Elder; although even here he seems to Baronius to have been solicited, that what about St. Martin had written in prose Severus Sulpicius, he himself with these his verses might adorn. For thus (as notes Baronius) at the end of the Dialogues on St. Martin speaks Severus himself about Paulinus: "He, of Martin's glories not envious, and of the holy in Christ virtues a most pious estimator, will not refuse our Prelate with his own Felix to compare." Something more to Baronius seemed to indicate and so to be deceived Venantius Fortunatus when about the year 600 thus he sang: "In lineage, in heart, in faith, prevailing Paulinus; and in art the work praised by Venantius Fortunatus. in verses explicated the doctrine of Martin the Master: whose in prose sang first the deeds Severus; in verses thundered then blessed Paulinus."

[5] Yet I do not see why here it ought to be judged that erred even Venantius about the name of Paulinus, since the nobility, Him preceded fidelity, virtue by which the first was renowned could also have been in the third equally as the poetic faculty; and only it remains that this we show to have been a contemporary of St. Perpetuus of Tours, that from him he could have received the aforesaid little index of miracles. This that it be done, the series of successors is to be woven. But it is woven in this manner: There succeeded to Paulinus the Younger St. Deodatus his and perhaps also the elder's Archpriest, Deodatus and Felix, and the seat he held for thirty years; and so up to the year 462. To Deodatus mediately or immediately succeeded Felix II, of whom such is found an Epitaph.

"THE DEPOSITION OF HOLY FELIX BISHOP ON THE 5TH DAY BEFORE THE IDES OF FEBRUARY

AFTER THE CONSULSHIP OF FAUSTUS FLAVIUS, A MOST RENOWNED MAN," that is, then the seat being vacant John Bishop of Alexandria "The deposition of St. Felix the Bishop on the 5th day before the Ides of February after the Consulship of Faustus Flavius a most renowned man," that is: in the year 484. Meanwhile it had happened that John Talaia (as narrates Liberatus the Deacon in his Breviary of the Cause of the Nestorians and Eutychians, chapter XVIII), driven from his seat by Zeno the Emperor, to the Roman appealed to the Pontiff. And when this one, the cause of him handling, had died, there was substituted Felix Pope II, and nothing he profited. John, having the Bishop's dignity, remained at Rome: to whom the Pope the Nolan gave Church, which is in the region of Campania (namely through the death of Felix aforesaid vacant), in which residing very many years, in peace deceased he was.

[6] Scarcely doubt to me is but that the Nolan Church equally as the Neapolitan some then had Parish-priests of the Greek rite both within and without the city; for a time he governed at least the Greeks at Nola that to the faithful of each language promiscuously dwelling might be relieved in the administration of the Sacraments. Wherefore I will not hesitate to believe that the people of Nola, to Latin Bishops holding the Cathedral under the Latin rite accustomed, quickly obtained a proper for themselves Bishop to be instituted, under whom John, a fitting to himself being assigned pension for his sustenance, the Greeks might serve, and after very many years, (of whose number nothing we can define) at Nola passed, in some of them so was buried, that no of a monument indication still anywhere is found.

[7] The first who, that one there acting, was ordained by the Latin rite Bishop after Felix II, can be judged Theodosius, But over the Latins presided Bishop Theodosius whose tomb Ferrari asserts page 74 to be beheld at the steps of the ambo or pulpit with this inscription:

"THE DEPOSITION OF THEODOSIUS THE BISHOP ON THE 7TH

DAY BEFORE THE IDES OF DECEMBER, FAUSTUS THE YOUNGER BEING VICE-CONSUL." Although

indeed of this Younger Faustus a Consulship is not found in the Calendars, probably because substituted that one was for some during the course of the year of another consul beginning to be marked by name; I think however not ineptly it is judged that the consulship of the son not far from the Father's consulship succeeded and so to that Theodosius very conveniently a place be given between Felix II and Serenus, to the Roman Councils subscribed under Symmachus the Pope in the year 499 and 501. But lest even Felix's epitaph itself suspect anyone wish to hold because the year after the consulship of Faustus ascribed to the deposition of Felix proper had consuls, namely Theodoric, of the Goths the King and Venantius, I note that there seem the people of Nola together, up to the Consulship of Faustus the Younger, with the Neapolitans not yet fully subdued by the Goths, the Gothic Consuls to have made of no account: but Zeno the Emperor, who at least could a Consul of the East name, that to do scorned, since to the West too him to give he could not. So the first Council Roman under Symmachus in the year 499 is entitled "After the Consulship of Paulinus," although that year in the West had John Gibbus; and the fifth Council of the year 501 "After the Consulship of Avienus," in which Dexiocrates in the East, Volusianus in the West were named; nay Pagi in the dissertation Hypatica, page 316 and following, with various examples teaches, that it was free with Post-consulships to mark writings whether public or private, especially in the 5th and 6th century.

[8] However however these things may be, and at whatever time Theodosius sat; not long after the Consulship of Faustus the elder to me certain it seems and from what is to be said below will appear that the middle space between Felix II and Severus not enough suitable is for Paulinus III: granted that his time so would agree with the time of Perpetuus of Tours who was from the year 461 up to 491, but rather I would place him in the 6th century between Severus and Leo I. For although it is not established in what year this one began that one ceased; easily however appears between the year 501 and 535 in which the first of this, of that the last mention is found, easy is it to conceive twenty years or more, and so before Severus the Bishop. in which Paulinus III sat and not only wrote poems about St. Martin; but also in Africa the Vandal served servitude, about which to Paulinus I referred so doubtful hitherto was among the learned the dispute, that Ludovico Antonio Muratori, of the Ambrosian library at Milan the Prefect, of his Anecdota the beginning making from some newly found of the Elder Paulinus Poems and these illustrating with learned commentaries; subscribed to the Roman Synods 499 and 501 preferred, as he himself to me writes, from a question of this kind fasting to withdraw, than the most difficult matter to handle, from which with honor of escaping no hope there was: inasmuch as in which easier it was another's opinion to refute than his own rightly to establish.

[9] I twisted also myself, I confess, in all directions, as long as one only Paulinus before my eyes I had: but when, Muratori suggesting, to think I began about distinguishing several, of whom the first from the last would be distant by a whole nearly century; I saw in the Gregorian about Paulinus narration so rightly to agree all things with the Vandals' history, whom succeeded Paulinus III that either here was to be stood or nowhere: for what to Perpetuus of Tours's little index pertains, the words of Gregory likewise of Tours about him in the beginning related, could hence from him have received Paulinus still plainly a youth much before than Bishop he was elected, since he had proposed to himself in St. Martin's Acts to exercise his style, nor however the work to have completed and to Tours to have sent before a mature age the Episcopal ordination undertaken about the year 505 or 510. Moreover as of the aforesaid Severus no is found Epitaph, so a wonder it is not neither of Paulinus III any to be indicated. But what if abroad dying each obtained a foreign burial?

[10] Certainly Leo I aforesaid; a tomb for himself made which Ferrari cites thus inscribed. before Leo

"LEO THE FIRST. I BELIEVE TO RISE AGAIN."

Which beginning of a Christian epitaph, a wonder it would be by no one to have been after his death supplied, in the year 535 known. if he at Nola died and buried was.

§. II. On the Vandal servitude which in Africa not the Elder nor the Younger Paulinus but the third in the 6th century served.

[11] Among the other of egregious piety works which St. Gregory Pope I to the catholic Church to be read left, not least of usefulness praise have the books of the Dialogues, Gregory the Pope, book III of the Dialogues which even the Greeks, into Greek rendered by Zacharias the Pope, more studiously read, and the very of them author from the work's title surname the Dialogue, just as John "of the Ladder," that is the Ladder (which is the title of the work leading to perfection) they call the Climacus. Of the third book this is the beginning: "While to neighboring very parts I attend, the deeds of greater ones I had left; so that of Paulinus the miracle of the Nolan city Bishop, who many of whom I have made mention in virtue and time preceded, he narrates how Paulinus Bishop of Nola from memory to have been lacking seems." This therefore takes the author of Chapter I as argument, and accurately through all the circumstances deduces it with that tenor, which first it pleases word for word to transcribe, before into the time of the deed done a question be instituted. But the history is such.

[12] "When in the time of the raging Vandals Italy in the parts of Campania had been depopulated, and many were from this land into the African region led across, the man of the Lord Paulinus all things, which to a Bishop's use he could have, to the captives and needy bestowed. book 3 of the Dialogues, chapter 1. And when now nothing at all remained, which to those asking to give he could, on a certain day a certain widow came, who from the King of the Vandals' son-in-law her son to have been led into captivity declared, and from the man of God his price demanded; if perhaps his Master this would deign to accept, and this one would grant to his own to return. But the man of God greatly to the asking woman what to give he could inquiring, nothing with himself else but himself he found: and to the asking woman answered, saying: Woman, what I can give I do not have; but myself take; a servant me of your right to be profess; and that your son you may receive, me in place of him into servitude hand over. offering himself to servitude in Africa Which she from

the mouth of so great a man hearing, a mockery rather believed, than a compassion. But he, as he was a most eloquent man, and especially in exterior studies too learned, the doubting woman more quickly persuaded, that the heard she should believe, and for the recovery of her son, into servitude the Bishop to hand over not to doubt. Went therefore both into Africa. But the King's son-in-law advancing, who his son had, the widow about to ask offered herself; and first asked, that his son to give he ought. Which when the barbarous man, with the pride of haughtiness swollen, and with the joy of transitory prosperity puffed up, not only to do, but even to hear scorned; the widow subjoined, saying: Behold this man for him a substitute I offer, only piety on me show, and to me my only son restore. And when he the of-comely countenance man had beheld, what art he knew he inquired. To whom the man of God Paulinus answered, saying: An art indeed any I do not know, but a garden well to cultivate I know. Which the gentile man very gladly accepted, when in nourishing vegetables that he was skilled he heard.

[13] He received therefore the servant, and to the asking widow restored her son. Which received, the widow from the African region departed; but Paulinus of cultivating the garden took the care. he was assigned to cultivating a garden. And when the same King's son-in-law frequently entered the garden, and his gardener some things asked, and a wise very man saw him; his friends he began familiar to desert, and more often with his gardener to converse, and with his sermons to be delighted. To whom Paulinus daily to the table vegetables and green herbs to bring was wont, and, the bread received, to the care of the garden to return. And when this he longer did, on a certain day to his lord with himself more secretly speaking he said: See what you do, and the kingdom of the Vandals how it ought to be disposed provide; because the King quickly and with all celerity is about to die. Which he hearing, And the King's death there foretold, because by the same King above the rest he was loved, to him by no means was silent; but what from his gardener, a wise namely man, he had learned, he indicated. Which when the King had heard, immediately he answered: I would wish this, about whom you speak, man to see. To whom his son-in-law, of venerable Paulinus the temporal lord, answered, saying: Green herbs to me for dinner he is wont to bring: these therefore to the table him to bring I make, that who he is who to me these has spoken, you may know. And it was done: and while the King to dine reclined, Paulinus from his work vegetables and green things about to bring came. And when this the King suddenly beheld, he trembled; and his lord summoned, to himself through his daughter near, to him the secret, which before he had hidden, indicated, saying: True it is what you have heard: for in this night in a dream, sitting in tribunals against me judges I saw; among whom this one too at once sat; and the scourge which once I had received, by their judgment from me was taken. But inquire who he is, for I this of so great merit man, a commoner, as he is beheld, to be do not suspect.

[14] Then the King's son-in-law secretly Paulinus took, and who he was inquired. To whom the man of the Lord answered: A servant of yours I am, whom for the widow's son a substitute you received. And when instantly he required, that not who he was, but who in his own land he had been, he should indicate, and this from him by the repetition of frequent inquiry he exacted; the man of the Lord constrained by great conjurations, now not being able to deny what he was, hearing, he is freed together with the captives of his city. greatly feared, and humbly offered, saying: Ask what you wish, that to your land from me with a great gift you may return. When the man of the Lord Paulinus said: One there is, which to me to bestow benefit you can, that all of my city the captives you release. Who all forthwith in the African region sought, with ships laden with grain, for the venerable man Paulinus's satisfaction, in his company were freed. After not many indeed days the Vandals' King died, and the scourge, which to his own destruction, God dispensing, for the faithful's discipline he had held, he lost. And so it was done, that of the omnipotent God the servant Paulinus true should foretell: and, who himself into servitude only had handed over, with many from servitude to liberty should return. Him namely imitating, who the form of a servant assumed, that we might not be servants of sin, whose following the footsteps Paulinus, for a time voluntarily a servant made was alone, that he might be afterward free with many." These St. Gregory premising that as of the good deeds to become known more quickly to like ones are wont, to the elders through the just ones' examples walking, of the aforesaid venerable man the renowned name became known and his work admirable itself to their to be instructed zeals tended; "of whom," he says, "me it was necessary to the gravity (otherwise great-age) so certainly to believe, as if those things which they said with my eyes I had seen."

[15] Who here does not understand that Gregory could not with so certain faith hand down the aforesaid all things, as if those he himself with his own had seen eyes, unless from them immediately he had received who had seen them, men of great age and faith most worthy. These he as received from eyewitnesses, Such without doubt were they who born about the beginning of the 6th century, to Gregory about the year 540 brought into the light and in the year 493 the Dialogues writing the aforesaid narrated, men then nearly centenarians, so that it suffices that those Acts were not many years before the nativity of Gregory; and if indeed about Paulinus III (such as above I have described) be understood all things before the ordination of Leo I made before the year 535.

[16] Our Sacchini as the vulgar hitherto opinion even by the Roman Breviary's suffrage confirmed having followed, nothing doubted but that the whole matter to Paulinus I was to be referred, so never thought or certainly did not weigh how difficultly it could be done that St. Augustine, under whose almost eyes the matter was done, therefore to Paulinus I wrongly attributed or the intimate of Paulinus Uranius, both profuse in commending the Saint's toward the afflicted mercy, and toward the needy liberality, and other contemporary to Paulinus writers at once and praisers of him nowhere would have wished (if truly they could) to mention the charity, whose fame on account of the example's novelty through Europe and Africa ought to have been most renowned. By the same also persuasion led the same Sacchini to the History from the Dialogues word for word transcribed of such kind a not unlearned animadversion and from the Elder Paulinus's talent taken subjoined with these words: to a lover indeed of gardens, "This only of light I would add, that not rashly Paulinus to the barbarous satrap professed the science of cultivating a garden to be his. For that he was delighted at Nola with such culture, both from the placed above number 50 of Sulpicius jest appears and from his frequent mention of cultivating fields, but with the Vandals in the year 427 Africa they entered whence he teaches by what reason each one's mind is to be cultivated. Of which kind a most convenient admonition is that to Aper: 'Therefore when in the field you are, and your country behold, you too yourself Christ's field to be consider: and in yourself, as in your field look. What kind of appearance of your field to be made by your bailiff you demand, such to God the Lord of your heart render culture, and understand whatever in your field to you displeases or pleases, seventy years older. the same in your soul to please Christ or to displease.'"

[17] Finely all things: but that this aptly be noted of Paulinus the Elder, his zeal for the gardens' culture could even a third have imitated, as he imitated him in the cultivation of Poetry. Whose even then to the King But when of comely still countenance a man is said to the barbarian to have seemed suited to the garden's culture; quite clearly is indicated that it is not treated here of an old man of great age such as was Paulinus I, when in Africa dominated the Vandals there first entering in the year 427, of age Paulinian the 74th. This consideration Cardinal Baronius at the year 431 in which Paulinus died doubtful held. Lest however all faith he should derogate to the Gregorian narration about the death of the Vandals' King by Paulinus foretold nor should he strike against King Geiseric by whom it was established the Vandals into Africa to have been led and for whole 37 years governed, the Saint could not have foretold the death, that is up to the year of Christ 464, he looked to his brother Gunthar at once with him and indeed by a better right (inasmuch as the legitimate of Godigisel the father in Spain dead son) and to this one the death by Paulinus foretold to be believed could he thought. But Gunthar in the first African years by fraternal fraud removed quite it is established; nor through that death anything in the rule changed which would require his care to whom Paulinus was serving such as this him to have commended insinuates Gregory.

[18] Our Chifflet thinking the last Paulinus's years not to agree with the gardener's labor of his in Africa, much less several years before: the servitude to refer he preferred to the times of the Gothic into Italy irruption under Alaric the King about the year of this century the 15th, under whom some of the Vandals serving, a domicile however in Africa having, thither led away a captive youth for whom Paulinus a servant himself offered, of years about 62 born; but after the reign of Geiseric, in which how many incongruous things there are easily will understand whoever Gregory reads. Therefore the vain labor dismissed of the Vandal servitude with Paulinus the Elder's age of composing, I proceeded in Procopius as he is by Hugo Grotius published to scrutinize the succession of the Vandal in Africa Kings, and I found that to Geiseric succeeding the cruel father a more cruel son Huneric the tyranny held up to the year of Christ 474 for years 8; Huneric, Hence the kingdom came to Gunthamund the son of Gento the grandson of Geiseric; Gunthamund, who, the Christians being afflicted most badly, perished, having held now of his reign the year twelfth, of Christ 486 about.

[19] His brother Thrasamund was his successor, in form, talent, and greatness of mind excelling; there is found Thrasamund, desiring to transfer them, not by force against bodies he went as the former ones, but honors and magistracies showing, of money too to those obeying lavish, who they were, dissembling to know; nay also if any either by counsel or fortune in grave crimes themselves had involved, to these, the sect changing, impunity of crimes he gave. [A blander persecution, and so much more harmful the less it was feared. Otherwise far that Thrasamund the son of Gunderic whom in Spain dominating describes Gregory of Tours book II and says that the whole that to the perfidy of the Arian sect to consent by torments and diverse deaths he drove. But of this kind of the Vandals in Spain Kings neither Procopius nor St. Isidore of Seville nor others of the same age writers knew, different from him whom the of-Tours names to Godigisel alone the father of Geiseric ascribing all that of years 16 space, in which in Spain Baetica abode the Vandals so that to confess we are compelled by some fabulous narration deceived to seem the of-Tours.

[20] Not however therefore less mild that in appearance Thrasamund with impunity bore that placable and

to Julian the Apostate once familiar against souls rather than bodies cruelty; In 511 Paulinus III seems to have threatened death and first with his sacrilegious nation a most grievous slaughter he endured from the Moors: then the kingdom for years twenty-seven possessed, to be stripped he merited by death, to him as we believe foreshown by St. Paulinus not the first but the third, whose Episcopate to these times most well to be referred I judge, in which the aforesaid Thrasamund died in the year 511. For already we have seen, conveniently Paulinus that last to be set the successor of Severus; and then to have lived years 20 or more. nor to hinder anything on the side of age, why he should not in Africa have been a little before the death of Thrasamund the King of years born 40 or 50 that is of plainly manly age, and however to great labors equal which in Paulinus the Elder never will be found. But he lived after the return from servitude and held the seat to years 25 or more since of the previous one most recently ordained no exists notice before the year 535.

[21] To this Paulinus's merits to be ascribed also can it that the Christian cause, under the aforesaid four Kings so greatly afflicted, through the African Provinces formerly subject to the Roman empire, to breathe again began when the kingdom came to Hilderic the son of Huneric, of Geiseric and himself the grandson; who, by the witness of Procopius, of a clement mind, neither to the Christians nor to any other anyone grievous was. Against this one however as to the kingdom equally as to war useless, rising his nearest kinsman Gelimer, by parricide the gotten kingdom whole lost, and to Justinian the Emperor's Generals to be occupied left, more than once into captivity led with all his kindred and at last dead at Constantinople. So the Vandal kingdom in Africa, in the nearly hundredth from when it had begun year, an end had; God avenging the continuous nearly through one whole century tyranny, by a cruel and barbarous nation against the Christians exercised.

§. III. How to the return of Paulinus III from Africa to look seems the Anniversary of the Diocesan Parish-priests' procession to the Bishop of Nola.

[22] After our Sacchini the premised of Gregory place about the servitude of Paulinus in Africa word for word transcribed with a little observation not inept illustrated, That the Saint was most festively received cannot be doubted, thus he proceeds. "Returned from servitude to his fatherland Paulinus with ships filled with provision, and a crowd of freed citizens, besides with that immortal crown shining, and with rare glory triumphing, that himself the substitute of his commoner he had offered; it is ready to thought to subject, with what zeal the citizens and dwellers nearby, with what congratulation, with what applause mixed with tears they received him. He indeed, as a most loving father his most sweet sons, to embrace all, to address sweetly, to kiss, to exhort to render to God thanks, to preserve piety, to all of Christian duty's glory: his former benignly doing custom at once to resume, and to increase."

[23] But these rightly indeed conceived all but general very are. Something more we seem to understand to be able from that procession which on the 25th day of April to his Bishop lead the Parish-priests Diocesan, for that end at Nola gathered: wherefore worth the labor it would be that minutely described to propose from him whom in the preliminary Commentary number 8 we praised, Ambrose Leo in Ughelli among the Bishops of Nola Volume 6 of Italia Sacra, column 284. "An ancient," he says, "custom at Nola has fallen, that all the Priests Episcopal, whom Presbyters they call, both who in the city and who in the bordering towns dwell, to the city and the Bishop themselves betake. Yet it is not permitted to the Clerics the city to enter, except crowned and in order singing, with several pipers. The songs are of God and the Saints hymns; the garlands indeed woven with roses and citron flowers and others, which the most beautiful that day is wont to produce; in the hand too bearing little bundles of roses skillfully woven, and with art distinguished.

[24] In that manner therefore adorned the Priests, the city and the temple of the Bishop enter (but the single companies of them, [and hence could have flowed the annual procession to the Bishop on the 25th of April] from the single towns arriving in the front of the temple halt. Then when all in the choir gathered are, one by one they are called to the Bishop. He indeed then sits on a certain high throne, which is situated under a small vault: but the vault this between the larger cell (that is the chapel) and the lesser left is erected, by two little columns and a wall, three little arches intervening; it is sustained too by thrones, and by certain images is gabled: but this throne, which in the larger cell ought to be, is set forth in the manner which has been said. Called therefore the Priest, of his order and company alone, from the building to the cell, and from the choir to the Bishop approaches crowned and with flowers wreathed. Then the throne he ascends, the clergy bearing flowers and from Stabiae a lamb. and his knee bent and the garland drawn from his head the Bishop he venerates, and the garland and the little bundles of flowers all to him he bestows, and his hand kissed approaches to his own. The Bishop indeed when several garlands shall have been collected, them sends to the chief of the city matrons; for the people all, to this as it were triumph to behold are gathered. Among these indeed a Priest one from Stabiae is sent, who a lamb a porter carrying leads, (the lamb is great and white, and with gilded horns) which he as a gift to the Prelate leads, as the others garlands and roses bestow. Done therefore in that manner the census of the Priests, by the common of all of them singing the sacred Rogations are finished, and home all their own joyful return."

[25] Goes on then Ambrose Leo to inquire into the origin of the procession; and "That thing," he says, "and of the Clerics as it were a census, the use of the Basilica ancient and authority designates"; which he himself seems to derive, both from the use of the Praetor Roman, in the Nolan building or Palace, the people being gathered yearly, his even in the surrounding towns dominion thus demonstrating; and from a certain treaty between the people of Nola and the people of Stabiae once struck, and by the immolation of a lamb wont to be renewed, when Gentiles still each both were: which then all to the Bishop were transferred. But I more probably judge that from the ancient to the Episcopal Feasts of assembling rite a custom begun, and so far (as one and another successively were ordained) vague, fixed clung to the Feast of Paulinus: and that with a great of festivity increase, and an unusual otherwise of garlands apparatus, after the Saint returned from the Vandal servitude, where a garden and in it flowers he had cultivated, with the multitude of fellow-captive citizens, he seemed to have merited, that its redeemer by that extraordinary manner the people should venerate by offering the firstfruits of the gardens, not only in his person, as long as he lived; but also in his successors Bishops; granted their Feasts, on each one's day, should not therefore cease to be honored, by the customary Synods of the Presbyters to be held, as has been said. But that from Stabiae a lamb was offered, that (unless my conjecture deceives me) to this regarded; that the youth, whose vicarious servitude served the Saint, of Stabiae was: whom because it was just, nor however opportune perpetually to his redeemer's servitude to be enslaved, it pleased for him a lamb, now horns bearing, to offer; with regard to that ram, which to Isaac to be immolated succeeded a victim for a holocaust, Genesis XXII. To another thing seem to look the fairs Whether the Stabiae here mentioned are those which on the seashore placed today are called and noted in the Geographical maps Castle by the sea, a city once Episcopal: or indeed some inland Parish of the Nolan diocese; but in the maps passed over I desire to learn.

[26] The same Ambrose not noticing how aptly the aforesaid procession to Paulinus's from Africa return could be referred, preferred in that which in the Commentary preliminary number 8 we described place, thither to refer the fairs there described and wont to be celebrated at the little building of St. Paulinus from the 16th day before the Kalends of July up to the 10th before the same with games and spectacles, around the feast of the Saint. which nothing have whereby they may be referred to St. Paulinus except the place and time and that from the most common custom of most cities and towns, the chief of each one's Patron's feast joining annual fairs, to which that more frequent they may run together make games and spectacles especially of those running to the prize. On the contrary the aforenarrated procession of the Parish-priests to their Bishop on the 1st of May more has of religion and most well would have been instituted for that day on which returning from Africa Paulinus had been by his own received; which also day can have been Paulinus III's Feast either in the Episcopate or in the heavens. Perhaps too his was the house which to the Paulinian shrine clings, not Paulinus's the Elder.

§. IV. On the Body and Relics of St. Paulinus, at Rome and elsewhere preserved.

[27] Of the Cassino Chronicle up to the year 1086 carried the Author Leo of Ostia, book II, chapter XXIV, says that in the third year of Abbot John, Otto III in the year 1000 which is the thousandth from the Incarnation of the Lord, Otto III the Emperor to Benevento came; and for the cause of penance, which to him Blessed Romuald had enjoined, he went to Mount Gargano; and returning consequently to Benevento, he asked of them the Body of St. Bartholomew the Apostle. Who, nothing then to him to deny daring, craftily for the body of the Apostle, carries off to Rome the body of St. Paulinus, the body of Blessed Paulinus of Nola the Bishop, which quite decently at the Episcopium of that very city was kept, they showed; and it taken away, he withdrew by such fraud deceived. Which after he learned, exceedingly indignant; the body of the Confessor, which he had carried off, honorably enough at the Island of Rome he laid up.

[28] Thus far that not only in time, but also in place so near a writer (for the middle between Rome and Benevento Cassino is, whether of the first or the third from each by a two-days' journey distant) so that to him faith not to give a shame it would be at least as to the Body of St. Paulinus; especially when not even the Beneventans about it dissent. Only therefore it will be doubted, the supposed and now sufficiently proved of several of that name at Nola Bishops distinction, whether that Body is of Paulinus the Elder, whom at Nola dead and buried to have been it is established and his there still many Relics to be had and the day before the feast processionally to be carried about some, asserts Andrea Ferrari; or indeed of the Third whose no there monuments survive; so that, as above I have noted, it can be judged here that abroad dead and buried he was and on account of the great sanctity's fame, by a remarkable work of charity procured, for a saint held and worshipped even himself then too when of each a more distinct knowledge had flowed away from men's memory.

[29] Ferdinando Ughelli Volume 6 of Italia Sacra, one only Paulinus knowing, when he had said his Body to have been translated to Benevento "I believe," whether at Benevento or Nola did they die? he says, "on the occasion of some barbaric incursion or destruction inflicted on the Nolan city." But to one considering me the Body of St. Felix, the chief of the City's Patron, whom St. Paulinus with so many excellent poems and a new basilica built honored, even now to remain under the altar, under which this one laid it, by witness who up to the present day thence gushes a miraculous liquid;

as on the 14th of January of our work to read it is, in the preliminary Commentary §. VII: that, I say, to one considering and at the same time the memorials of so many other Bishops there still with their bodies whole; with difficulty I am brought to such a translation from Nola to Benevento to admit, and not rather to incline in favor of the Third hitherto unknown: granted that the Nolan territory and the very Nolan city sometime suffered something from the Vandals, Goths, Lombards who it and several other towns stripped of their walls, Campania being divided into the Capuan, Salernitan, and Beneventan Principalities.

[30] As for the Body of St. Bartholomew, whether the same Otto, against the Beneventans for the fraud done to him indignant, against them returned and the city besieged a long time, Whether also with the body of St. Bartholomew? with nothing accomplished was compelled to dismiss it, as consequently asserts the aforesaid Leo, too perhaps credulous to the Beneventans asserting the very body with them to have remained, or indeed it willing or unwilling they granted to Rome to be carried off as pretend the Roman and German writers; it is not mine to judge. The most eminent Orsini the present Archbishop of Benevento, it by himself lately as he believes dug up again, contends that never from Benevento it was moved: the Romans that they have it of seven centuries possession affirm. If the Sacred Congregation of rites, the cause's cognition undertaken, the sacred of each place cases to be opened should order and what each contains faithfully to be reported; perhaps will be found in each a great part of the same to be of one body. Certainly if to Benevento for that cause returned Otto and the city besieged as writes the of-Ostia; probable it is not, the siege dismissed, altogether empty to have returned; nor even the Beneventans by that terror compelled the whole to have dismissed; but rather so dear a pledge with the Emperor having shared, the old shrine being retained with himself with the chief some bones, and the inscriptions such as they were kept; the other part at Rome to have been deposited as a body whole, as commonly in such things is wont to be done.

[31] However it be, Rome has of some St. Paulinus the Body; and probably of the Nolan Bishop; about which matter Baronius in the Notes to this day from his certain manuscript on the Lives of the Saints: "The Body now seems to be joined to the Body of St. Bartholomew, in the Lycaonian island, in the church of St. Adalbert, which now is called St. Bartholomew's: of which three Saints by the merits there very many are granted benefits." Ottavio Panciroli, among the Treasures hidden of the city of Rome, of those bodies treating, that very church restored says by Paschal II, who in the year 1113 confirmed there indeed to be present the bodies of SS. Bartholomew and Paulinus; consecrated indeed by Alexander III, about the year 1179.

[32] But when in the year 1557 the Church of St. Bartholomew on the Island of the City, by the force of the river, which in that year nearly the whole city Roman inundated, That in the year 1557 translated into the Vatican a notable ruin, both of the church itself and of the monastery had suffered, so that the Brothers of the said church thence to withdraw were compelled; and the church, its walls burst, on every side open, to be closed could not; Paul Pope IV, lest the Relics of the Saints, which in the same church were and were venerated, without the customary of the church enclosure and the Brothers' custody there then should remain; them to the basilica of St. Peter of the City to be translated caused; and there into the custody of the Canons and Chapter of the said Basilica by inventory were consigned, it is carried to the church of St. Bartholomew as from a public instrument thereupon made narrates Pius Pope IV in the Brief by which he mandates to the Canons of St. Peter, that, since the Brothers aforesaid from the faithful's alms the said church have closed, the same Relics, as often as they shall be requested, to the same Brothers and Convent, to the church of St. Bartholomew, processionally, as is the custom, to be carried they restore and consign. That Brief receiving from the most illustrious Ciampini's work on the buildings of Constantine, I am compelled to fear, lest Panciroli, besides this inundation, and in the year 1598 from the waters preserved by a miracle was. wrongly note another of the year 1157, through one letter wrongly varied an error; more worthy of faith in that which he says, that in the year 1598 the Tiber overflowing the last time (but he wrote toward the beginning of the present century) there was not of such caution need because the holy Apostle himself forbade the surrounding waters, lest the coffer they should touch, from an interval of some palms, about which matter a public instrument is had.

[33] At the entrance of the Shrine of St. Paulinus hangs on the wall affixed a small little tablet, in which is had the following writing on parchment: Translated the bones of him and of others in the year 1601 "In the year of the Lord 1601 on the 27th day of August, sitting Clement VIII the supreme Pontiff, the Body of St. Paulinus Bishop of Nola, and parts of the bodies of St. Adalbert Bishop of Prague and Martyr, and SS. Exuperantius and Marcellus the Deacons MM., which first were in this Church, into this Altar, a place more lofty and more becomingly adorned, to be translated, and the altar itself to the honor of God, and St. Paulinus's memory, when by old age impeded this service to my most holy Patron a useless servant I myself could not perform; through the most reverend Lord Leonard Abel Bishop of Sidon, by sacred rites to be consecrated I took care, I Francesco Maria, of this title of the Holy Roman Church Priest Cardinal Tarugi, Archbishop of Siena. and a new chapel erected under Julius III," Likewise in the Shrine of St. Paulinus on the right side is had a writing in Italian on marble white. Which thus into Latin I render: "The Chapel of the guild of the Millers, by the same from the foundations built, through Gabriele Crispiati as of that very guild the Chamberlain, in the time of Julius Pope III of happy memory in the year 1626, and by Francesco Morretto, and Alfonso Herculani deputies and in the year 1626 Consuls of the aforesaid Guild, restored in the name and at the expense of it." Thus to me about the year 1697 the Reverend Father Aureliano de Baenst then for the Belgian nation Pontifical Penitentiary at Rome at St. Peter's, now of our Aalst College the Rector.

[34] Aegidius Davila, in the Theatre of the Church of Segovia, writes, that the local Bishop John Vasquez de Cepeda, Whether also a body in Spain? by the permission of King John to Rome having set out for the Jubilee year 1400, having been made to himself in passing by John XIII at Avignon power, of translating which he could of the Saints' bodies; lodging taken on the Island, with this end that the Apostle's body he might carry off; when he was present at the opening of a certain coffer, of many Saints' bodies containing, he received thence the body of St. Paulinus Bishop of Nola, and of the holy Martyrs Marcellinus and Exuperantius, and them to be honored deposited in the Charterhouse of Aniago; and that to be had from the account of the journey rendered to the King. About the Martyrs we shall see on the 30th of December, when their feast to be held writes Tamayo, namely because then are inscribed in the Martyrologies SS. Marcellus and Exuperantius: but these, as already we have seen, still at Rome were at the beginning of this century; but how thither they were brought from Spoleto where with St. Sabinus their Bishop they had suffered, I desire to learn on the day on which they are worshipped, the 30th of December. There also then to have been the body of St. Paulinus we know nor this or that furtively into Spain to have been translated easily shall we believe from such a relation; which it must be supposititious, which John XXIII (for so it ought to be written not XIII) says found at Avignon, where he was never; and that in the year 1400, since first made Pope he was in the year 1410, and in the same year the third after the death of King John. More easily you would believe, truly of the Nolan to be two parts of bones, among the Relics of the monastery of St. Saviour to Antwerp brought from the Lusitanian Kings' sacrarium; but those hither came through a donation in the year 1516 made by Francis I, Emmanuel likewise I, as is explained in the Appendix to the 2nd of April on St. Mary the Egyptian, number 2 and 3.

§. V. On the sacred at Nola buildings by Paulinus the Elder built and in verse adorned.

[35] After Muratori his about St. Paulinus not before the year 409 ordained opinion sufficiently to himself seemed to have established in dissertation XII, to our preliminary Commentary referred; he passes to dissertation XIII On the sacred at Nola buildings, with which therefore the more willingly this Appendix I finish, because more conveniently I judge it to be finished in an Argument most certainly proper to this one, on whose account about the two synonymous successors the preceding questions we have treated, deservedly having hesitated to attribute all to one which into several should be divided ought, that to the ancient about that name writers their authority may stand, nor basely be they said to have hallucinated about a person, so renowned and to their age so near. Then from the very Saint's letter XII to Severus I shall add the epigrams with which his structures the Saint adorned, about to give a specimen of the rest of the poems of so great a man, about which to illustrate so many learned men with great praise have been engaged; and to these about to refer whatever reader desirous of greater about them light. Muratori his dissertation thus weaves to the end.

[36] Three at least comings of Paulinus to Nola are to be enumerated. The first happened, when still in boyish age he was engaged, and scarcely from the Gauls into Italy had come: which he hints in those to St. Felix poems: "For as a boy from the Western shores of the Gauls turned, As soon as I touched with trembling step your thresholds &c." Hence it is that, the very St. Confessor addressing, again he sings: "--- to you me a possession from my first years gave Christ." The other to Nola he undertook journey, then as Consular of Campania; when from the held Consulship Campania as Consular made to be ruled he undertook; for thus he says: "Already then a pledge of the seat being sent ahead through honor in the Campanian places to be measured a dwelling I fixed, you founding your servant's coming resting-places." Long at Nola was engaged Paulinus, which demanded the undertaken dignity; and when daily wrought through St. Felix miracles before his eyes stood, he prepares a way to the building of St. Felix, then to the Christian faith from Ethnicism himself to convert to meditate he began. Among the Catechumens therefore placed, as I judge, certain of piety works immediately by himself to be performed he judged. Five hundred about from the city of Nola paces St. Felix's bones rested, where even now an illustrious Basilica is seen. Thither therefore the leading way fortified Paulinus, that for the flowing peoples' convenience he might consult. Thus he himself St. Felix addresses: "When in a silent inspiring care to me with a mind you bade to be fortified, and to be paved a way to your roofs leading." Nor with these content the pious man at the same of Blessed Felix building to strike off a magnificent house he willed. and there a hospital he builds; In a long tract was extended such a building, and first for the poor's use destined was a place, that hence too you may learn, how great Paulinus's piety was, although into Christ's flock not yet through the Baptism's waves he had been led. Let us hear thus the following: "And adjoining to your roofs in a long tract to rise a covering, under which the prior use of the needy inhabited. ---"

[37] The third at last Paulinus's to the Nolan city coming happened, when, the world abjured, and his wealth on the poor poured out, and finally converted from the world the Nolan retreat he chose, that there to Christ alone dedicated a holier he might institute and pursue life. This was done in the year 394. Then Paulinus in

all the offices of piety himself he turned, and nothing more important he had, than those to promote, which St. Felix's cult might increase. His first labor was, as I think, the built in the second coming house to amplify. Other therefore over the former walls roofs having raised so the old buildings he adorned, it he amplifies that to himself becomingly into a dwelling to yield they could. The poor into cells under a portico being cast, he himself in the upper roof a lodging for himself constituted. Hence thus he sings: "--- After these things with a doubled covering grew the built house, which now remains hospitable to our cells: the placed-beneath portico serves the poor sick, which us the placed-upon-the-imposed roofs dwelling sustains with lodgings ---" This building's charm moreover below he extols: "Behold for me through so many of the blessed Martyr's halls and in it for himself and his a dwelling both in spaces ample and in roofs lofty, and with hollow on high paneled ceilings ambitious, watered both with waters, and with porticos wreathed &c." So however the building Paulinus had constituted, that in its very amplitude for himself and his guests humble cells to be he willed, namely which no ambition would savor, but which rather the immense of the powerful roofs would reprove. Hence about his illustrious guests, to the people he says: "--- Whom you behold, and now in the very but humble. roofs of Felix with me measured beholding lodgings, forgetful of the old of houses lofty roofs, and content with narrow cells, the Martyr being near &c." These narrated Paulinus another work adds: "All the works being built, which seem to stand, in diverse manners composed, lofty through the halls, and through the vestibules extended surrounded widely with porticos, the ground at once all of waters the gift the roofs seemed to pray for the sad inhabitants, &c. Thither water he leads"

[38] A desired therefore aqueduct by the times' antiquity interrupted from the town Abella to St. Felix's Basilica to lead into his mind he brought. A long was interposed of way a tract, namely five of paces thousand. But by the work's difficulty not terrified the holy man, the soft channels, the Nolans resisting in vain, to 5 miles. and the sacred building's benefit spurning, opened up. Their labors to him the Abellans for the work contributed; and so he was kindled, that a huge of water force at last to the destined place he led. These most fully in the always-praised Feast-poem XIII are had. But other of Paulinus buildings me to pursue the proposed of brevity institute does not allow. Only I shall mention several by him to have been built Basilicas, which all from Letter XII to Severus by him described to seek you can. He founds also several Basilicas; The chief among these place held that, which to the Lord-of-the-house (as he says) the common patron in the name of the Lord Christ dedicated is celebrated. Ambrose Leo book 2 chapter II on Nola, this Basilica to God the Best and Greatest dedicated by Paulinus judges, for God, he says, then Lord-of-the-house was called, which word in the mouth of those swearing, and invoking God up to our times preserved we hear. But the true of the word signification he does not touch, since for "Lord-of-the-house" St. Felix Paulinus understands. especially of St. Felix Of this kind the word purely Lord or Patron signifies, which likewise by me will be proved in a certain of St. Maximus of Turin Sermon, which together with several others of the same Bishop unpublished in the remaining Anecdota books I shall bring forth. whom he calls lord-of-the-house. There indeed "Lord-of-the-house" for Lord is used. Paulinus too that he St. Felix hinted shows in Letter 9 to Severus, where the Feast-poem in the same St. Confessor's honor elaborated, "a solemn to the Lord-of-the-house chant" he calls: and in Letter 28 to Victricius, "of his holy Confessor most beloved Felix the Lord-of-the-house" he makes mention. But that elsewhere occurs. Nor better speaks the same Leo book 2 chapter 12, when St. Felix's Basilica anciently within the city of Nola's compass placed he affirms, this is distant from Nola by a mile, for from it by an enormous space it was distant, namely a thousand about paces. This same now as an exceptional of sanctity inner-shrine is seen in the place, which the Cemetery (commonly Cimitino) is called. Its moreover description to seek it will be permitted from Capaccio in the History of Naples book 2 at the end, from the Most Renowned Sarnelli in the Clergy's Mirror at the Life of St. Felix, from Pacichelli in his Italian Letters, and from others several.

[39] Thus far Muratori: from this I pass to the promised above part of letter XII to Severus by Paulinus given to which he referred us; to which leading new where the Saint his at Nola and Fundi structures briefly describes as to his friend, like things at Tours building, and his buildings to be adorned Paulinus's epigrams asking, both these sends and to those inscribed or to be inscribed communicates as he had wished, thus nearly beginning, "I congratulate, that one of heart and body ours, of works too and of vows likeness we have shown, at the same time basilicas to the Lord's sheepfolds adding. You indeed even a baptistery between two basilicas placed have built: that us in these too works, which visibly are built, in the building you might surpass." Hence profuse in of mutual love the testification and of praiseworthy on each side zeal the commendation, with much of his own slenderness testification joined, he sets forth verses by his command composed and for that new baptistery to be inscribed, it is inscribed with verses sent to Severus, worthy altogether which here too should be read, unless to judgment about them to be passed sufficed those which for his own basilicas he himself composed and which therefore himself in the same letter's series in which the former in the little book or letter he embraced, that in this too their conjunction might be figured, which, he says, as is joined to souls, and is distant in places; so also these, which in the name of the Lord with the same Spirit elaborated we have built in diverse separated regions, … to themselves as contiguous will seem.

[40] The Basilica therefore that which to the Lord-of-the-house our common Patron in the name of the Lord Christ dedicated is celebrated, under the apse to its four basilicas added, with the relics of the Apostles Martyrs within the apse, in a three-conched under the altars consecrated, not by the sole of Blessed Felix honor venerable is. The apse in floor and walls marbled a vault with mosaic adorned brightens, of whose painting these verses are: "With full mystery gleams the Trinity, Stands Christ with the Lamb: the Voice of the Father from heaven thunders: And through a dove the Holy Spirit flows; in which is painted Christ with the Apostles the Cross with a crown a bright globe girds; to which crown are a crown the Apostles, whose figure is in the choir of doves. The pious of the Trinity unity to Christ unites, the Trinity itself too having insignia: God reveals the paternal voice, and the Spirit: holy confess the Cross and the Lamb the victim: the kingdom and triumph the purple and palm indicate. and other symbols; The Rock stands upon, himself the rock of the Church, from which sonorous four fountains go, the Evangelists, the living rivers of Christ."

[41] But in the lower band, by which of wall and of vault the confine the interposed plaster ledge joins or divides, this title indicates the deposited under the altar Holy of Holies. and in the rim under which is placed a particle of the Cross "Here piety, here nourishing faith, here the glory of Christ, Here is the Cross associated with its Martyrs. For of the Cross from the wood a great pledge a short splinter, And whole in a small segment the force of the Cross is. This by holy Melania's gift brought to Nola, the highest good came from the city of Jerusalem. Holy altars to God a twofold honor veil, and the holy Apostles. Which with the Cross the Apostolic ashes associate. How well are joined to the wood of the Cross the bones of the pious, that for the Cross to those slain on the Cross there be rest!" The whole indeed outside the conch the space of the basilica, with high and coffered roof on both sides with twin porticos is widened, The Basilica a double portico surrounds with little chambers. in which a double through the single arches order of columns is directed. Chambers within the porticos four in number on the long of the basilicas sides inserted, for the privacies of those praying or in the law of the Lord meditating, besides for the memorials of the Religious and intimates accommodated to the rest of eternal peace, places afford. Every chamber with two through the lintels' fronts verses is prenoted, which to insert with these letters I have been unwilling: those however which the very basilica's entrances have, I have written because they could, if to use you wish, even to your basilicas' doors agree, as that is: "Peace to you whoever the inner shrine of God Christ with a peaceful breast bright you enter." Or this, about the sign of the Lord over the entrance painted in this appearance, which the verse indicates: Other verses above the vestibule "Behold the crowned over the courts of the Lord Christ to stand the Cross, to the hard toil promising lofty rewards: take the cross who wish to carry off the crown. and under the Cross."

[43] But to the other basilica, by which from the little garden or orchard as if private is opened the entrance, these little verses this more secret door open: "The heavenly ways enter, through pleasant green-places, Likewise on each face of the little door to the garden, Christ-worshippers; and from glad here is fitting the entrance from the gardens, whence a sacred to the deserving is given exit into Paradise." This same little door with other verses on the interior of itself front is marked: "Whoever from the building of God, your vows perfected in order, go out; return in body, in heart remain." But the prospect of the basilica, not as the more usual custom is the east faces, but to my Lord blessed Felix's basilica pertains, his memorial looking at: yet since with two on the right and left little conches within its spacious compass the apse curved is relaxed, one of them to the immolating victims of jubilation Bishop lies open, the other behind the Priest with a capacious bosom receives those praying. and to the crosses on both sides painted, With a most glad indeed view the whole at once this basilica into the basilica of the aforementioned Confessor is opened by triple arches equal through a translucent lattice, through which in turn to themselves the roofs and spaces of the basilica of each are joined. For because the new from the old a wall by the apse of a certain monument interposed obstructed would exclude, with as many doors laid open on the side of the Confessor, as on the front of its entrance with doors new was opened, as a lattice-window, an appearance from each into each to beholders affords, as by the given between each doors titles is indicated. And so on the very of the basilica new entrances these little verses are: "The nourishing house with a triple arch lies open to those entering, and attests a pious the threefold door the faith. and over the middle arch opposite the old basilica;" Likewise on the right and left with crosses in red overpainted these epigrams are: "The lofty flower-bearing Cross is girt with the orb of a crown, and with the Lord's poured-out blood stained is red. And the doves which over the heavenly sign reside, to the simple set forth the kingdoms of God to lie open." Likewise about the same: "By this Cross us to the world and to us slay the world by the death of fault giving life to the soul. Us too you will perfect as doves pleasing to you, Christ, if there flourish in pure breasts your part."

[42] But within the very lattice (by which that short, which the near to themselves basilicas rather separated, interval is continued) opposite the new basilica over the middle arch these verses are: "As the midst of the wall our peace Jesus resolves, and over the arch of each side"

"And by the Cross the dissension destroying he made two into one; So the new, the partition of the old roof destroyed, roofs we behold by the covenant of the doors joined. The holy court washes between for the servants with waters the laver, and the hands of those entering washes with a river ministering. A twofold people Christ in the hall of Felix adores, which Paul the Priest with apostolic mouth governs." But these with two little verses noted epigrams over the other arches on the right and left are: On one this: "To astonished eyes a new light is opened; and from one threshold standing he beholds twin halls at once." On the other this: "With thrice-twin arches the twin halls were opened, and they marvel at their own through mutual thresholds adornments."

[44] Likewise on the same arches at the front, which to the basilica of the Lord Felix lies open in the middle, these are: "Whom devoted faith with dense to celebrate the Blessed Felix peoples from diverse mouths persuades, through the triple entrances pour your loose assemblies: the courts however spacious to innumerable will lie open. Which joined to themselves through the open near arches Paul the Bishop to eternal uses dedicates." On the others these two: "From the old, having departed, of holy Felix the hall then to the two secretaries. into the new of Felix roofs cross over." Likewise. "One faith, which under a threefold name worships the one, the unanimous with a threefold entrance receives." But in the secretaries two, which above I said to be around the apse, these verses indicate the offices of each. On the right of the apse: "This is the place, where the venerable store is hidden, and where is brought forth the nourishing pomp of the sacred ministry." On the left of the same: "If anyone a holy in the law to be meditated will holds here he will be able sitting on the sacred to attend books."

ON THE FUNDI BASILICA.

[45] Let us now go out of this Nolan basilica, and into the Fundi let us pass. To Fundi the name is to the town which equally familiar to me was, Verses fitted to the Fundi basilica too while remained a possession, which there more frequently I had. And so either as a pledge as of civic charity, or to the memory of my past patrimony a basilica to give in that town (since both it needed it; a ruinous and small one having) of my vow it was. Therefore also these little verses to be added I thought, which for it in that town to be dedicated for the basilica we prepared; for still in work it is, but, God being propitious, to dedication near. Which however this to me especially reason persuaded, because both in its apse the designated painting my Victor loved, and to carry to you wished, if perhaps also it of the two you should choose in this more recent your to paint, in which equally an apse to be made he indicated. But about this "apse" or "abse" rather I should have said, you shall see: I confess myself not to know, because this kind of word neither to have read I remember.

[46] But this also little basilica of the blessed Apostles' and Martyrs' Relics the sacred ashes, in the name of Christ, they explicate the painting of the apse and indicate the Relics placed there. of the Saints the Saint, and of the Martyrs the Martyr, and of the Lords the Lord will consecrate. For he himself testified himself in turn of his Confessors a Confessor to be about to be. Therefore over this besides the painting for the sake of grace a doubled is the title. On the painting: "The Saints' labor and reward to themselves duly cohere, the lofty Cross, and the price of the Cross sublime the crown. God himself for us, the Prince of the Cross and of the crown, amid the flower-bearing heavenly grove of paradise under the bloody cross white stands Christ in the lamb; the Lamb as an innocent for the unjust given a victim to death. Whom with a placid bird the holy bedews gaping the Spirit, and from a ruddy cloud the Father crowns. And because lofty as a judge on a rock he stands above, twice twin flocks; a discordant from the lambs kind of kid, surround the throne: the left-hand kids turns away the Shepherd, and the deserving with his right embraces the lambs." On the Relics: "Behold under the lit altars the bones of the pious a royal with purple marble crust covers. Here also the Apostolic presents grace its powers with great in a small dust pledges. Here father Andrew, and with a great name Luke, and a Martyr and illustrious by his blood Nazarius; and whom for his own Ambrose after long he reveals ages, Protasius with his peer Gervasius; here at once one a pious embraces little-coffer the company, and holds in a small bosom names so great."

[47] These meanwhile my Brother, and other of this kind works visible from earthly things on earth a labor I had striven: but blessed be the Lord day by day, who does wonders alone: as he turns a rock into a pool of water, so also earthly things into heavenly he changes, and this with us (although about his here and there things) exchange to make he deigns, that the things which corporally I had striven on earth, secretly in heaven through him may be built; then to be revealed with us in appearance we shall see, which now through faith we promote.