Raymond Lull

CONCERNING BL. RAYMOND LULL, HERMIT,

ILLUMINATED DOCTOR OF THE LULLIST SCHOOL,

AT BOUGIE IN AFRICA A MARTYR,

Patron of the University of Majorca named from him.

IN THE YEAR 1315.

PRELIMINARY COMMENTARY OF JOHN BAPTIST SOLLIER.

Raymond Lull, Solitary, Martyr in Africa (B.)

BY J. B. S.

§. I. A brief notice about the Saint.

It was once doubted, whether his place here would obtain that great specimen of divine at once and human love, as him our Busser calls; of great certainly contentions and disputations the material; with praises no less adorned, Opinions disagreeing about Lull, than torn apart with vituperations; and even by that title most famous, Bl. Raymond Lull. "Lullius" others write, from the Catalan word "Lull" or (as to others it pleases) "Luyl": but which in Latin ought to be preferred, it nothing helps laboriously by trifling to inquire: "Lullius" to us he will be and "Lullus" the same, as long as it shall be treated of the Majorcan. A sign indeed you would call (if with sacred words it is lawful to use) a Sign, others poured out into reproaches, I say, you would call set, against whom by many it was contradicted; a sign, for whose defending and championing not fewer egregiously sweated. There are who a Vagrant, an Erroneous one, a Buffoon, memory; and what in these is worst, a Heretic, and a Master of errors, to the Christian world most pernicious, to pronounce do not hesitate; and that with an effort so untiring they perform, that to them does not seem of the Catholic name worthy, who Orthodox should call Raymond, as it is in Wadding and Arthur du Moustier. But on the contrary rise up others, in number far superior: who of atrocious injury and enormous calumny the accusers demand to be charged; scarcely him about to hold for a Catholic, who the due to the holy Martyr praise denies and veneration.

[2] Doubtful certainly and scrupulous can seem that province, others into the eximious praises of the man, and so to Wadding once it seemed, of that man the life to write, whom Authors, in the whole Catholic world most received, cry out with a black token into the album of heretics to be cast back; whatever others, no less learned and pious everywhere, as the Fair, an Organ of the Holy Spirit, and a Doctor divinely illustrated; Alphonsus the Great, King of Aragon, an egregious Doctor; Surita, a Great inventor of teaching a new art of Philosophy, and of the liberal disciplines and of divine and human letters, through new revelations and mysteries; others finally, the Trumpet of the Holy Spirit, the Organ of God, the Fount of Truth, the Lamp of Faith, the Restorer of the Church, as and openly, extol, honor, venerate. One remained and that safer way, by Nicolás Antonio greatly approved; namely from the judgment of the aforesaid Wadding, so the whole matter should be proposed, that with as if suspended foot proceeding; both his to Lull should stand fame, and from the adversaries no more should be detracted, than would demand the of the thorny and intricate dissension to be composed necessity. And caused that circumspection, that that Annalist, and also the more recent of Majorca Historiographer Vincent Mut, and others, to Raymond devoted, rather than opposing, from all those ornaments or appellations abstain, which to him either with the Martyr's title, or of Blessed, or of Saint the name should be ascribed.

[3] But if to us should please that counsel, to be kept silent plainly it was, doubtful would hesitate the deliberation, until from those men's opinion by the judgment of the Apostolic See, to the inveterate discords an end were imposed, just as in the 16th and 17th century, at Rome not once to be agitated it began, as in its place will be said. Another moreover sufficiently perplexed vexed anxiety, that everywhere in the Catholic schools, more sharply to be beaten is wont the name of Lull; whether that to the engrained prejudices of some, whether also to a not sufficiently exact notice of things (as among the Doctors Scholastic, of facts less solicitous, often happens; while some others without discrimination transcribe) whether finally to the zeal of parties it should be supposed to be attributed. Troubled that religious scruple, nor sufficiently safe appeared, about him among the Saints to be placed; whose faith's integrity to be doubted at least could; Wadding sincerely confessing, that the keenest even of Lull's defenders, not so his doctrine in all things explain, that fully they satisfy. Nor dissents Vázquez, and he himself to the Lullists not hostile, Vol. 2 on the 1st part, disputation 133, ch. 4 asserting, that several of this Doctor's (Lull's) propositions harder to himself seem. Adds furthermore the same Wadding at the year 1315, no. 11; and confesses again ingenuously, that the greater and chief part of those propositions, whom even some of his patrons coldly defend, which in his Directory of Inquisitors Eymeric described, in Lull's works (genuine, or spurious he does not explain) at least as to substance are found: "Of which some harder and grosser are, than that them the common of Theologians School should admit, or without censures to slip away should permit:" Namely, because with a rude Minerva, with an inelegant style, in barbarous speech, thus Lull certain things enunciates, that to the Schools' tenets, method and phrase, not so easily are adapted. In a similar almost manner speak a few others, who neither to Lull's sectaries, nor to his impugners acceding, about his doctrine to feel themselves they say both most mildly and most moderately.

[4] That indeed most true is, that the pretended those errors, although submitting all his [writings to the judgment of the Church,] of whatever kind finally they were, to stand in the way cannot, so that the man, with the zeal of the Catholic faith most ardent, and with poured-out blood the assertor of it egregious, the place to himself due among the Saints should occupy, after in very many of his books' places most holily he professes, himself his writings all to submit to be corrected to the Church Roman most sacred, as a faithful Catholic Christian. These in Vernon p. 186, 187 and 188, not once he repeats. One out of many example I append from the book of the Clerics, finished, in the year 1308, in the city of Pisa, in the monastery of St. Dominic; where thus he speaks: "If in this book, or in all others, which from me have gone forth into the public, anything perchance, by excessive abundance of mind, or inadvertence has happened me to have said, which from the truth of the most holy faith Catholic declines; I confess it said ignorantly, not bound on my words to swear; nay rather this little book and the rest all, which very many I have made, most humbly to my holy mother the Church I submit to be emended." Such a profession of faith and submission to the Church's judgment, from all at least formal error Bl. Raymond to exempt, there is no one who doubts. Add to these eighteen other ones reported by Custurer p. 192, 193, 194 and 195; and see how by no merit of his own our Blessed to the heretics is reckoned.

[5] For neither is to be heard Bzovius; or his defender Nicolaus Jansenius after Jodocus Coccius, falsely supposing and nowhere proving, but falsely it is supposed that his doctrine was condemned, by Alexander IV the Pontiff to have been condemned Lull's errors, around the year 1260; then namely, when in the world still immersed, about writing books not yet he had thought. From which false supposition infer Lull's adversaries, a heretic him to be able to be called, whom it is established the errors by Alexander IV condemned nowhere to have revoked. But these in their place will be discussed. But now since in his natal city of Majorca, and for a Saint always held, nor sufficiently proved a cult: and as such with erected altars, rayed images, titles, offices, and signs other adorned, and famous with miracles, from almost the very exit of his life he was found; extended also to other regions his cult, and most celebrated, among the Aragonese especially, of the prodigious man the memory; what forbade so illustrious virtues among the other Acts of the Saints to be placed? But that these by Lull's patrons speciously be circulated, there were lacking to us instruments some, by which that cult from time immemorial (as they say) to have lasted, in the city of Majorca and elsewhere, legitimately should be proved: which lacking, rash to seem it could have, against of the Writers,

against the opposition of Lullo, to wish to struggle against the torrent.

[6] At length the scruple was removed by the work published in the year 1700

at Majorca, in the Castilian tongue, the Apology of Lull but he shook off both scruples,

or rather a pair of Historical Dissertations; the one concerning the immemorial cult

of Blessed Raymond Lull, the Illuminated Doctor

and Martyr; the other concerning the immunity from censures,

which his doctrine enjoys; the author being James Custurer,

Professor of Theology of the Society of Jesus; commended by very many

of the most distinguished learned men, not so much with censures

as with praises. Nor was this undeserved:

for the writer, accurate as well as

diligent, has there collected whatever can contribute most especially

to the Lullian Defenses, with such perspicacity of intellect,

maturity of judgment and weight of arguments, James Custurer, S.J.

that he impelled us, wavering as we were, to illustrate

the Life of Raymond entirely. For the rest, although we esteem his trustworthiness and

authority very highly, we have thought we ought there to make use of

them only where, through the lack of documents, it was not permitted to examine

the more ancient sources elsewhere,

which meanwhile are most diligently reported by him.

But here, before we undertake to examine the Acts of Lull,

and set before the Reader the controversy, entangled on all sides,

examined more accurately; those things must be premised

which suffice to prove the sacred cult,

immemorially rendered to Raymond;

then adding afterwards the things which, for the plan of our undertaking, will seem opportune

both to his Life, and to vindicating his

doctrine from the suspicion of heresy.

§. II. The sacred cult rendered of old to B. Raymond, with Office and Mass.

[7] The aforementioned Custurer proves and amply confirms the immemorial

course of veneration rendered to Raymond, The cult as of a Saint from time immemorial,

throughout the whole first Dissertation,

through six very long Chapters: which leave

absolutely no doubt remaining, but that in

the city and the whole kingdom of Majorca, for many centuries,

indeed from his very death, all those things were rendered to the blessed

Martyr, from which a cult of this kind is wont

to be demonstrated. To enumerate each one, there is neither

leisure nor need; yet that we may pluck a few

from many, indicating cursorily those things which are commonly drawn

from witnesses, documents,

and histories; we shall report especially

those which are wont to pertain to the external, and more

public signs of veneration.

Now, just as by Charles Bovillus, in the Life

afterwards to be illustrated, and written in the year 1511, not only the diplomas of Princes prove it;

instead of a surname of Patron, he is ascribed to a certain friend who was called Raymond;

and by Nicholas de

Pax, in another Life of our Raymond, published in 1519,

he is called the Divine Illuminated Doctor and Martyr; indeed even

already then Protector of the city of Majorca, together with Saint Praxedes;

so in the privilege of Ferdinand the Catholic

King, granted to the Lullistic school

on February 21, 1503; so in the twin donation

of Beatrice de Piños, the one of September 23,

1478, the other of April 6, 1489,

he is called Divine Master and Divine Martyr; again

in several documents, reported there by Custurer,

Divine Doctor Master Raymond; Blessed,

Glorious, and with other titles of this kind, he is everywhere

distinguished.

[8] But indeed that these tokens of honor and of more sacred cult

were attributed to Raymond through the duration of a long time,

so that they ought to be traced back even from the death of the holy man, but even the adversaries acknowledge it,

can be made clear from no other testimony better

than from that single and decisive one, which

is drawn from the mouth of the adversary most hostile to Lull;

while among the articles objected to Raymond's disciples,

in part 2, question 9 of the Directory, he places this

twelfth in order: That the aforesaid Raymond

is foretold to be Blessed in the heavens, and to be held as such

by his followers, and to be named so. These things, to be sure,

not more than forty or fifty years

after the death of the holy Martyr, were spread abroad by the Majorcans,

and without doubt even before, were openly

bandied about; and that his glorious memory has

persevered from that time, the Defenses already

praised by us plainly attest, abundantly shown and

demonstrated in the Processes amply instituted

for the Canonization in 1612.

[9] I do not enumerate the witnesses, there cited in great number,

as also the sworn witnesses in the Process for Canonization by whose lawful depositions, in

the same Process for Canonization, it was established,

"that for a very long age Raymond Lull was

held as a man most devoted to bodily

afflictions; that he had lived an admirable life; that he had been

cultivated and always celebrated as a great Saint;

and that it was public and notorious that, by the help of his

Relics, and by oil drawn from his lamp,

God had worked many miracles." Of these

signs there will be a place to treat later; but as for the other witnesses,

the aforesaid first Dissertation can be consulted,

cap. 4, from §. 12: of which Dissertation

chapter 5 will give us a fairly large handful of miraculous

graces, from a Manuscript in the Majorcan tongue

and its Spanish interpretation, to be rendered into Latin

and exhibited below after the Lives

of the Anonymous author, of Bovillus and of Nicholas de Pax. Nor

is there need to weave through each of the proofs of the ancient cult,

such as are had from juridical documents,

duly drawn up, of men of advanced age,

by whose testimonies the antiquity

of those matters may be established. These are to be found in the aforesaid

Processes, at the place cited and elsewhere; concerning which

we shall sometimes more opportunely recall some things,

together with those which, of most approved character,

published on all sides in historical monuments, it befits us rather to recite

than to gather together in a longer discourse.

Let us now see those things which can be more than enough

for the sum of the whole matter.

[10] In the first place, most ancient images and statues and icons,

adorned with rays; Images and statues prove the same even on altars: altars and chapels; other

painted monuments of this kind, openly prove

the perennity of the Lullian cult. Certainly that

sacred honors were rendered from all memory to B. Raymond with solemn rite

is so widely known at Majorca,

that nothing is lacking to him for canonical Apotheosis,

except the breadth of cult and the ecclesiastical Office,

granted or enjoined to the Catholic world.

For as to what we know was at one time

recited in honor of Raymond; that it was restricted to the Balearic

Franciscans alone, is rendered probable from the fact

that it is found in no Breviaries common to the diocese of Majorca.

But that other thing is

no less probable, that our Blessed was once cultivated with the canonical

Office by the aforesaid Religious,

the possessors of the sacred body, by the concession

of Leo X. I do not dare to assert the matter as certain,

because I do not have at hand the book of the *Holy Academy

of Perfection*, printed at Lyons in folio at the house of

Laurence Arnaud and Claude Rigaud

in 1657, and a Mass and Office granted to the Minorites, in which (according to John de Aubri, a Presbyter of Montpellier,

Abbot of B. V. of the Assumption,

in Custurer:) in which book, I say,

there exists testimony concerning the aforesaid Bull of the Pontiff,

as though the faculty had been granted, both to celebrate

you prefer to believe that a concession of that

kind was made by the oracle of the living voice. For the rest, it suffices for the present

to have brought forward into the open the authority of a distinguished man:

for indeed others most worthy of trust are not lacking, from

whose report it is abundantly proved that an Office was

celebrated in his honor, to which also a Mass was added,

either a proper one, or at least one Prayer, or at least from the common

of Holy Martyrs not Pontiffs. Take, as equal to all of them,

one testimony in Custurer,

Dissert. 1, cap. 4, §. 21, drawn from

the already cited Processes of the year 1612.

[11] a copy of which from a book preserved among the Preachers; We transcribe the document as it stands. "On

the 2nd day of the month of December of the aforesaid year 1612. On the said

day and year, by the mandate of his most illustrious

and most reverend Lordship, and at the instance

of the Magnificent Father Jurats of the present

City, University and Kingdom of Majorca,

personally constituted, I, Antony Solivelles,

one of the scribes of the ecclesiastical Curia and scribe of the present

cause, within the library of the monastery and

convent of S. Dominic, of the Order of Friars Preachers

of the aforesaid city; and having taken in my hands

and there guarded and reserved, printed in the renowned

city of Valencia, in the year of Christian salvation one thousand

five hundred and six, on the last day of the Kalends of March,

entitled *The Natural Metaphysical Art of the natural order

of every intelligible thing, of the tree of nature*,

of the Reverend Doctor, the most renowned Master James

Januarius, Monk, of the Diocese of Tarragona, for

elders and juniors etc.; of which book the table

thus begins. Table of the first book of the Metaphysicales

(he meant to say, Metaphysicalis) concerning the generality of

the principles of the general art of Raymond, the Illuminated

Doctor, fol. 1, concerning the Alphabet etc., fol. 2, Epistle

of the reverend Master etc., fol. 3.

[12] it is authentically brought forward, The Office of the most glorious and most blessed Martyr

Raymond Lull, fol. 281. The tenor of which folio

runs thus: The Office of the most glorious and most blessed

Martyr Raymond Lull, who suffered for

the name of Christ in the city of Tunis (read Bugia, as will later

be said), and fell among the stones, and

so was stoned by the Saracens: and translated after

death to Majorca, and there rests in the peace of the Church,

in the Monastery of the Friars Minor, in

he did many miracles, by reason of which he deserves to be canonized by

the Church; because the testimonies of his sanctity

sufficiently suffice for canonizing this

Doctor and Martyr. At Vespers, the Responsory,

and the Antiphon at the Magnificat.

Raymond, abounding in precious praise, the profound

Doctor, reigns joyful without end; and many shall praise together

his wisdom, and unto the age

his name shall not be blotted out. Versicle. Pray

for us, B. Raymond etc., that we may be made worthy

of the promises of Christ. The Prayer or Commemoration.

O God, who for the illuminating of the darkness

of this world, didst illuminate B. Raymond, thy Martyr,

with the wondrous doctrine of thy wisdom; grant

to thy Church, that, illuminated by his doctrines,

with errors and the darkness of vices driven away, it may walk by the way

of virtues; and may grow strong to remember,

understand, and love thee; and may he be for us

eloquence. Through our Lord

etc."

[13] These things were said chiefly that it may appear

through how long a duration of time both as Saint

and as Martyr Raymond was heard of among his own people; whatever

meanwhile may be determined about that question, which I see can here be

raised, and which you will find solved

in Custurer: namely, how long at Majorca

such an Office was in use by the Friars Minor?

when it was introduced? whether it lasted

even to the reformation of the Roman Breviary? However it

may be, both for the Office and Mass proper to Lull, besides

Vincent Mut, the most Illustrious Cornejo, and others,

Bonaventure Armengual stands expressly, in

his Archielogium, published in the year 1643; "Most devoutly,"

he says, "on diverse days of the year, feasts

are celebrated to Lull; and it is said that our countrymen obtained

Martyrdom they might celebrate a proper Office and Mass," As to

what was done in the year 1541, an elegant epitaph testifies, and the epitaph agrees. superadded

to an older and more barbarous one, where it is thus

sung:

And to the blessed ashes

incense is laid to be burned on the sacred hearths.

To this man therefore let the Priest, to be beheld in his Tyrian robe,

concelebrate pious praises by night and by day.

But a longer digression has carried us hither, on the occasion

of the Office and Mass celebrated in honor of Lull;

to which other festivities could be added, accustomed to be instituted

more solemnly, with public money destined to that end,

were it not that those things must first be dispatched which

pertain to the signs, of which we had already begun above

to speak.

[14] This is well established, that to Raymond all external

signs of sanctity at Majorca, Images with rays from the year 300, formerly and today,

have constantly been wont to be rendered, which are accustomed

to be displayed to the Blesseds most received by the universal Church.

His image, surrounded with rays,

endowed with the other prerogatives of the Saints, in each of the principal temples of

that city, whether painted or sculpted,

is exposed to the veneration of the people, and was long ago exposed

from the 14th century onward; from which by no means doubtful monuments of immemorial cult

flow forth as it were of their own accord.

And first indeed, in the Cathedral

temple of Majorca itself, in the Cathedral church next to the Mother of God, in the chapel which

they call the Conception, there exists a very ancient effigy of Lull,

painted on a panel, and adorned with rays; and lest

you doubt concerning the sacred cult, it has been placed in that spot so that,

since the image of B. V. Mary holds the middle, S. Francis of Assisi

occupies one part, and Raymond

the other, the very circumstances display open indications

of veneration. And the same effigy is also affixed,

likewise illustrious with rays, in the form of a shield,

over the door of the barrier by which the chapel

of B. Virgin of the Crown is closed. What more? On the very alms-dishes

by which alms are collected, both

in the cathedral and in the other churches of the whole city; on the alms-dishes for the Canonization; on these,

I say, on the dishes is displayed the rayed image of Raymond,

as if for an incitement, that the citizens may

freely confer what was lacking for the expenses of Canonization,

now sought for a century and more;

and this by order of the most Illustrious John de

Santander, as appears from his decree, given on the 30th

of July 1638; programs also being affixed throughout the temples,

by which the faculty is granted to the Procurators of the Lullian cause

sometimes to address words to the people on this subject.

[15] Raymond moreover has his signs of heavenly

honor in the Parish church in three places, in the principal parish

temple of the city, commonly called S. Eulalia: in which, in three different

places, an image is exposed, everywhere distinguished

with its rays. The first is seen in the chapel of S. Catherine

Martyr, the second on the altar of B. Virgin of Pity,

the third in the chapel of the Conception, where it is painted on

the wall. and in the Franciscan church on a proper altar, But nowhere do the indications of Lullian

veneration shine more splendidly than in the temple of S.

Francis, that is, where the venerable Body is deposited.

On the very principal altar, divided into five niches,

larger statues stand out; the first

four of which represent Saints, namely S. Francis,

S. John the Baptist, S. John the Evangelist,

S. Onuphrius; the fifth, blessed Raymond,

equal to the rest, and as to the ornaments,

entirely similar. There is also superimposed a painting

of Lull, in a gilded border, where he is shown adoring

the child Jesus, presented in the arms of the most blessed Mother.

But indeed these things will be able

to seem of lesser moment, if they are compared with the Chapel,

consecrated to the blessed Martyr in the aforesaid church of the Franciscans.

There all things are precious and elegant;

the architecture, for its antiquity, of no small

luster, of the Corinthian and composite order, with gilded

borders, reliefs, and other ornaments

neatly interspersed. Here is Lull's own altar,

at which Mass is celebrated; here the statue, with all the ornaments of sanctity, here the burning

lamp, here all the proofs of veneration that can be

displayed to the Saints. Concerning these matters, moreover, it is pleasing to hear

speaking, not now a Majorcan or a follower of Lull,

but a religious man, as remote as possible from partisan zeal.

I rely on the trustworthiness of Father Vernon,

in the Life of Lull published in 1668, cited before:

but they are taken from the Persian Itinerary of P.

Pacificus of Provins, a Capuchin, from p. 395 of the second

edition of the year 1645. Thus he has, among other things,

concerning Majorcan matters observed by himself on that journey,

in Vernon p. 219, which from the French I

render into Latin.

[16] (as Br. Pacificus the Capuchin saw them in the year 1645) "What I examined more curiously in the third place," he says, "I trust

will be most welcome both to those professing learning

and piety: for it concerns

whom each of the most learned Frenchmen count among the heretics,

and whom I myself hitherto, to speak candidly,

held in no better place: I name Raymond

Lull, whose is the Ars magna for learning thoroughly

all the sciences. Behold for you what I learned about him at Majorca.

About to perform the sacred rite, I sought the convent

of the Friars Minor, by whom I was led into a chapel,

at the side of the high altar; so skillfully

wrought and enriched with gifts that the whole seemed of gold.

I was truly astonished; and that most of all,

when, raising my eyes a little, I noticed a niche

in the altar, which a most elegant wooden statue occupied,

variegated with colors, representing a venerable old man,

with a flowing beard, clothed in the habit of the Tertiaries of S. Francis,

with face raised, gazing upon the image

of the Crucified, conversing with the Blessed man

from the sun in a tree, with this gilded inscription added

at the foot of the statue itself, Blessed

Raymond Lull (he ought to have added, Martyr).

The unexpected spectacle struck me:

but that scruple was at once removed, in that I thus reasoned;

Here, where the tribunal of the Sacred Inquisition

reigns, that man would by no means occupy a place among the Saints,

if he were truly a heretic." Thus far

the Itinerary of Pacificus, at an expense of 4000 Scudi cared for. those things being passed over which

he relates concerning Lull's Martyrdom, concerning the School instituted

in his honor, and other things to be more conveniently illustrated below.

Nor do I enumerate the remaining ornaments of that chapel,

conspicuous no less for their cost than for their variety;

since by the sworn testimony of the Architect himself

it is manifest that the whole structure cost more than

five thousand Majorcan pounds, that is,

nearly four thousand Roman Scudi.

An expanded illustration, transmitted to me from Majorca, will supply the description, in

which the ornamentation of the whole work is so accurately expressed

that the magnificence of that most elegant

altar, to be beheld no less than praised, can easily be read and gathered by the eyes.

§. III. The notable Mausoleum, two Epitaphs, and other proofs of constant cult.

[17] Above the other monuments, the Saint's tomb is famous in this very

temple, In the Marian chapel among the Franciscans the Mausoleum is placed, not on the altar,

of which we have already treated (as the aforementioned

Pacificus wrongly reported), but in the neighboring chapel, which some

were pleased to call of B. Virgin of Consolation, others of Purity,

others of the Conception. By whatever name

one pleases to call it, there rises on the left, or

at the Epistle horn, a structure of old and skillful

work, of which it has also seemed good here to set forth a diagram,

that the things which perhaps need some explanation may more easily be understood.

The base is adorned

with accessory pieces of various kinds, redolent of their age,

namely the 15th century; in which, already advanced, it is certain

they were wrought, the work having been begun by Master John

Lobetius, who departed life in the year 1460. Seven busts,

erected in the 15th century, each distinguished by its own characteristics,

take the place of pedestals, which are destined to bear the burden of the figures

of practical and speculative science: these are the words of the Process of the year 1612, p.

649. The height of the niches contains about

eight Majorcan palms, from the upper part of which

emerging genii display a crown,

destined for the individual statues; with the inscription of the liberal

Arts, arranged in such order that, the order being taken from

the Altar, Grammar occurs first, then

Logic, Rhetoric, Arithmetic, Music, Geometry,

Astrology. Thus far the structure, in a manner built up beneath the sepulchral

urn itself, of a height of nearly eleven palms.

[18] Thereupon in the wall a niche lies open,

representing the appearance of a chapel, completed about 1490, on the summit of which traces

appear of the insignia of the Kingdom of Majorca,

whose colors antiquity has so eaten away that they cannot

entirely be discerned. But this is lawfully established from the city Archive

itself, that this part of the structure

was erected at public expense, between the year

1487 and 1492. The twin busts that you see at the sides of the niche

are themselves pedestals,

prepared for other statues. The one displays this Gothic

inscription, I am the Dispenser of health;

obtained by his merits. What

was placed on the other is doubtful. It is probable,

however, that it was either a palm, or some other symbols of martyrdom.

[19] From the inner part of that niche there breathes veneration

and placed upon a base, whose

front is adorned with three heraldic shields, of the Catholic King

Ferdinand, of the Majorcans, and of the Lullistic

family; but so effaced by the lapse of time, that

scarcely, and only close up, can the colors and golden decorations

be discerned. Now let us behold the Urn

itself. Sculptural work clothes its outermost part,

showing the Blessed in funereal habit, distinguished

nevertheless with rays; to which another also is superadded,

representing, in the ancient manner, the soul, and it too rayed,

borne up into heaven by Angels. The whole niche

is closed with curtains. The frequent devotion of the people and concourse toward the Saint

places wax candles on the candelabra:

but recourse is had most of all to the lamp,

lowered for that end so far that

oil can be taken from it. Let an authentic document be heard,

drawn up on the 5th of November 1614.

"A lamp burns continually before the tomb,

with the rope so loosened that even girls and boys of seven

are able to take oil from it, when they will;

to which a fitting dish has been set, with

who seeks it, as a singular amulet;

and so he draws it, that whether on feast days or business days,

you may call the business an affair in the lamp." Votive

tablets, silver offerings, and many more of this kind

it is enough to have named. Custurer testifies that many are lacking,

likewise fewer lamps; since out of three

silver ones a single one was forged, which

hangs in the middle of the chapel.

[20] as the frequent offerings there testify. For the rest, concerning the offerings and the salutary oil,

the aforesaid document speaks thus. "From which

it comes that those who through the salutary oil are restored to their former

health, rejoicing according to the quality

of the past disease, again and again adorn the chapel

of B. Raymond with various and very many

gifts. From there hang very many, both waxen and silver

heads, eyes, necks, arms, hands,

breasts, hearts; likewise certain bands, which

indicate those laboring with hernia, by the help of the holy man, granted

health; legs, feet, each separately, jointly

heads and necks; from the head to the loins

all the members, legs with feet; finally

depicted members of the whole body. Then of the votive

tablets, of the staffs, of the crutches on which

the lame lean, the force and multitude is such,

that with them the walls of the chapel are no less everywhere clothed

than adorned." There exist besides two

other images in the same chapel, endowed with the customary ornaments of the Blessed.

[21] The old Epitaph. But the most ancient epitaph of Raymond ought not to be passed over,

engraved in Gothic letters (as

they call them) on marble, affixed in the front

of the wall of the tomb itself.

This bright tomb retains a body within,

That of great Raymond, shining with the name of Lull,

Distinguished in character: the climes of the world are his heralds,

And his writings bear it: who was more renowned than he

In Majorca, and the houses of his birth bear witness, and all.

The city was, and Lady of the Baleares, a great royal seat.

Three first ages held him wanton;

But the last made him perfect;

When Christ had laid open to all that bed:

Turning him from the vanities of the world to his holy things,

And teaching readily what all nature demands:

And the wondrous things which she created in secret and by nature.

This good man, chosen, by ardently loving Christ,

From that time the barbarous populace, touched as he went on,

And demonstrating that God was both Christ and man,

And the Redeemer of the fallen and first parent.

The barbarian disobeys, leaping up he rises against him;

And they strike with a stone; the end of life comes to him.

Behold Raymond, Fathers, recall this man of yours,

Your fellow-citizen, your glory and your most noble adornment.

Francis Ximinus, Canon of Majorca.

I have transcribed these unpolished verses, because by their barbarity

they without doubt smack of the 15th century. Another,

shorter, of three verses below at num. 45, found

after the original Life, by which it is signified that Lull

died in the year 1315, I let pass; because in it not

so much the sanctity of the man as his doctrine is praised.

[22] Another more recent one, It will be helpful to add another more recent one, of a somewhat more cultivated Minerva.

The TOMB of Raymond Lull, in which Phoebus AND Calliope CONVERSE.

Ph. Whence are these meadows, blooming with varied wood-nymphs,

O little Holy Sister, now seen by me more than is usual?

You are unlike yourself, Dear: these places indeed seem

to smile; you bedew your venerable face with tears.

Cal. Lull has a tomb; the place is sacred; within, on high

lilies rise up with bright violets.

Fragrant balsams breathe on the pyre, and to the blessed ashes

incense is laid to be burned on the sacred hearths.

P. O Stone, to be venerated before all others throughout the whole world!

O Stone! O how much, little though you are, you hold within;

To this man that God had given (for he knew him), deserving as he was,

whatever there was of Wisdom, whatever there was; and that kind.

Indeed a token of so great virtue; in the urn

so many violets were born of this man, so many roses.

C. Sprung of the gods was that man, bringing in Phoebus and Calliope, nourished with divine milk,

that he might be the greatest honor of the seats of the Gods above.

He did not indulge his desire, when his years flourished, ready to fail;

driving away leisure, he was an enemy to indulgences.

He unlocked the mystical things of the divine Law: to him too

belonged piety, and simplicity of mind.

Fleeing wickedness, he conquered the crimes that beset him;

and led pure days, himself purer.

P. Nor content with that (so great was his ardor toward the Heights)

the Martyr feared not to undergo grievous punishments.

For which his (but do you lay open the Niobean marble)

both shades Christ holds, and perhaps his bones too.

C. With the powerful virtue of Christ he raised up the failing

battle-lines, not fearing the threats of the enemy.

P. Kindly faith, praising the sanctity of Lull, and likewise the kindly Cross of his, with reverence

were ever in place of a helmet on the crown of his head.

That man, cherishing the pious, had turned the profane, of frenzied mind,

with truthful mouth, into upright men:

And so he laid open to many the way of ethereal Olympus,

whom black Orcus would have held in the rushing waters.

C. Hence he approached the gods above, to be entombed in the midst of the stars,

that, glowing, he might pour forth his radiance from the middle of the citadel,

To this man therefore let the Priest, to be beheld in his Tyrian robe,

concelebrate pious praises by night and by day.

Speak pious words, I pray; nor scorn the ashes, O Traveler;

so may it befall you that such words be sung for you.

P. But let us, dear Sister, leave the hills and the caves,

and let us sing many songs to the divine man.

THE END.

By the authors John Genovard and Augustine Andrea,

Balearic young men. On the ninth of the Kalends of

October, in the year from the birth of Christ 1541.

These things are taken, according to Custurer, from the often

cited Process of the year 1612, fol. 653. Whoever shall wish to read more

Elegies and Odes of this kind, composed

in honor of Lull, let him consult Vernon,

from p. 301 to 312.

[23] Among the other monuments of the Lullian cult,

that which is seen in the chapel of the most holy Trinity, of the church of Saint

Spirit, among the Trinitarian Fathers, displays great antiquity, An altar among the Trinitarians, as the altar itself of most ancient work

manifestly shows, here engraved in

bronze, and set before the eyes of the reader. Above

we said that Raymond occupied a side of that altar,

on the other part of which S. Francis of Assisi was

placed; but now, compared with the Great Antony,

what else does it indicate, than that at Majorca

the opinion of men concerning his sanctity was no less common than ancient? Indeed even on

the same altar a repeated effigy, conspicuous with rays,

represents both his zeal in announcing the Gospel to the Moors, and

the martyrdom he endured for the faith. in which are sculpted the Acts of B. Lull; Moreover

the Religious of that monastery testify that they heard

from elders now deceased, that when the Bull

of Urban VIII appeared, prohibiting all cult to be displayed

to men not Canonized or Beatified, unless

they testify, I say, that the Inquisitor of the place,

having recognized the antiquity of those images,

and signs so manifest, left all things in peaceful possession.

[24] I pass over many things, which it would be long to enumerate one by one,

vestiges of ancient veneration, in other places other things, with frequent Masses,

impressed everywhere throughout the whole city and island of Majorca.

On the altar of S. Honoratus, among the nuns of blessed

Margaret, there is likewise a notable Lullian image,

adorned with its rays. In the hall of the University,

not only is the venerable effigy set forth, but also

there an altar is seen sacred to Raymond; a lamp burns,

Masses are celebrated. No place is better known for the throng of people

than the porch of S. Antony: there moreover Raymond

both has his rays, and another lamp, that it may burn

in his honor. I leave aside other places of the city,

notable for monuments of Lullian sanctity; as also

the remaining towns of the whole island, in

each of which illustrious indications of most ancient cult appear;

for there is no need to fetch these from afar,

since now by most received use images everywhere

come forth engraved in bronze, in which to Raymond

are attributed all the ornaments of sanctity, for the most part

with the express license of the Ordinary, with the addition

of an Antiphon, Responsory and Prayer, drawn from

the ancient Office; and preserved on a tablet, at

his tomb, for the convenience of public devotion. Scarcely any of the Saints obtains the title of Blessed

more frequently, whether in theses, or in sermons,

or in published books, or finally in

other acts, even promulgated by the authority of the Bishop.

[25] The veneration of places memorable on his account. There is also another mark of immemorial cult, of no

mean order; first in that chamber where, under

the very beginnings of his conversion, Christ Crucified is said to have

appeared to Lull; then on the famous Mount

Randa, very well known among the inhabitants for its harsh manner of life,

and for various exercises of Raymondian penance.

The piety of the faithful judged both places

ought to be dedicated to God, with oratories built, in which

Masses and other exercises of religion are celebrated:

but those things shine forth most of all, which from the memory

of men show that the sanctity of Raymond

was most thoroughly persuaded to the natives. Indeed even that

is worthy of memory which Vincent Mut and Brother

Bonaventure Armengual relate, in Custurer, in these

words: "To his cave, set about the ridges of the little Mountain,

and situated at the first milestone from the hermitical house of Miramar,

in which he stayed for the sake of rest and

sleep; animals, after his death,

approach, abstain from entering, and as if

venerating him, withdraw; which the dwellers of that place,

seeing very often, marvel at." It can here

be added, that in the often cited Processes, in very many

places, testimonies are adduced, asserting that the Relics

of our B. Raymond are more frequently sought by the sick

than any remains of other Saints.

Indeed, his jawbone, inserted in a silver case,

from the sacristy of the Franciscans, is wont to be carried to the sick;

and shines with many miracles; as has been

demonstrated not only by the report of the common people, but by many testimonies.

[26] Relics are wont to be sought by the sick; What is said here of the Relics,

vehemently sought by every kind of men, indeed before

other remains of Saints; the same the sworn

religious witnesses assert concerning the Masses, which were ordered to be done

in his honor: namely, as it is in the juridical

deposition, that of no Saint were so many Masses

desired by outsiders as of S. Raymond Lull;

so that almost every day five or six

Sacred Masses are sought. I do not mention the more celebrated festivities,

both of old and even today wont to be celebrated annually:

of which the first, more solemn, other festivities of the Saint instituted thereafter, is said to have been held

in the year 1448; namely when the sacred

body was carried from the sacristy, in which it had first been

deposited, to its own tomb.

Another, no less solemn, occurred in 1502;

chiefly because the contests, concerning Lull's books, held

at Rome and Seville, had been ended with a happy issue.

Thereupon, as I was already saying, that celebration

began to be repeated annually; and that with public money,

destined to that end by the chief men; namely

with fifty Majorcan pounds. Now

the day of his death, the 30th of June, is wont to be celebrated by the Magistrates.

But the University chose for itself a peculiar day,

the 25th of January; of which two are repeated each year: the expenses, which before were made by the Lullian

School alone, being reduced to the common

burden of all the Faculties. For the rest, at both festivities

is present the Viceroy, with the Bishop, the Jurats, the Chapter,

and the Lord Inquisitors, besides the Masters

and Doctors of all the Faculties, and especially

of the four Schools, the Lullistic, Thomistic,

Scotistic and Suaristic, all proceeding with ceremonial rite

and habit.

[27] And by this cult indeed blessed Raymond peacefully rejoices,

and formerly rejoiced: nor was anything in these changed on account of the decrees of Urban VIII, so that

the Bull of Urban VIII, published once and again,

neither Bishops nor Inquisitors judged that anything at all

ought to be changed; without doubt about to move everything,

if it had not been established on every side concerning immemorial time.

This appeared all too manifestly in other servants of God, who,

although at the time when the aforesaid Bull was published, were

in great veneration at Majorca; nevertheless, because their

cult could not be shown to be immemorial, were at once

abrogated. Such were, among the Fathers

Dominican, the Venerable Father Michael Bennasser;

among the Fathers Franciscan, although the cult of many others was on that account prohibited, the Venerable

Father Raphael Sierra; in the College of the Society of Jesus

of Mount Sion, the Venerable Alphonsus Rodriguez;

and several others, enumerated by Custurer.

Therefore that the cult of B. Raymond has remained

untouched and persists thus far, can by no means

come from elsewhere, than that both to the Bishops,

and by the judgment of the Apostolic Inquisitors,

the immemoriality of the cult, that is, the centenary

number of years, was manifestly established.

It was fitting to pluck these few from many

proofs of the sacred and perennial cult, which otherwise by us

are not to be proved but to be supposed, lest perhaps anyone,

carried away by prejudices, should rashly think our Raymond

placed among the Saints. Almost innumerable

other things of this kind, as I warned before,

the aforesaid Custurer both adduces and solidly deduces,

throughout his whole first Dissertation, to which we refer those

who wish to seem either hostile to B. Lull, or less credulous.

§. IV. Concerning those who wrote the Life of Blessed Raymond from a more ancient source, after the year 1400. Wadding had it, Custurer cleared it of rubbish.

[28] In so great a multitude of Saints, such as

our Acts exhibit, From the old Life, which once existed, you would scarcely find anyone

whose deeds so many, so various writers

have undertaken to illustrate. This the long catalogue of them,

soon to be appended, will abundantly prove.

their long catalogue, soon to be appended.

But what is most worthy of admiration in this matter

is that, among so many Authors, I found no one

who has brought to light the original Acts of blessed Raymond;

very few who resolved at least to cite or

mention them. That these moreover existed already

of old is clear from this very fact, that

to the Lullists, contending against Nicholas Eymeric,

indeed before the beginnings of those contentions,

it was openly asserted to them that the doctrine of their Master had been

infused from heaven, that they believed him a holy man, and blessed

in the heavens, and other things of this kind, from which also

Eymeric had seized matter for disparagement,

as is manifestly established from his Directory. But these things

could have been had only from his Acts, then without doubt

most well known—this, I think, no one

will deny. There existed therefore, and were circulated in the hands of the Lullists at that

time, those monuments of his life,

which afterwards were neglected, when it came

to the dispute concerning doctrine alone.

[29] a more recent one written in the year 1511, Moreover, how certain it is that Charles Bovillus

of Saint-Quentin was the first who made public

the whole series of the Lullian life, received

from some Spaniard, and transmitted it to

his friend Raymond Boucher in the year 1511,

and three years later first took care to have it committed to print;

so it seems to me beyond doubt that Acts somewhere in manuscript,

from which the Spaniard drew his

history, ought to have been preserved. For who, I beseech,

unless rashly, would persuade himself that a man honest

as well as learned, would either have wished to feign anything from himself,

or could not distinguish true things from false.

And who would suspect that the Spaniard took his materials from elsewhere

than from ancient Commentaries. Indeed

Nicholas de Pax, a patrician of Majorca, in

his Life, or if you prefer, Encomium, woven (as

he says) by his own labor, testifies that he consulted

authentic documents, and committed to memory what he had noted

concerning the affairs of our Raymond, collected from various places;

so much so that he contributed only a new composition of the history;

which deserved, not that very writer, but some more eloquent man.

Whence it becomes to me very probable

that in the Majorcan archives those monuments were deposited,

from which those historians faithfully drew

their materials; although through the injury of the times—shall I say?—or through

the carelessness of the Lullists themselves,

we find that some of them afterwards perished.

[30] it came out in the year 1514: I have already named the two chief writers of the Lullian

Life; on whose authority very many things rest,

to be discussed in the course of this work. The aforementioned Bovillus,

to his friend Raymond Boucher, who was asking

for a synonymous Patron, submitted an Elogium of Lull,

in the year (as I was saying) 1511, on the 27th of June; such

as it came out not much later, from the Ascensian

printing-house, namely in 1514; and Benedict

Gonon, a Celestine Monk, afterwards reported it in

the Lives and Sayings of the Fathers of the West, published

at Lyons in 1625; certainly worthy that here too the whole of it, another in the year 1519,

among the other Acts of Raymond, should find a place.

The other Life, now also alleged,

Nicholas de Pax, a patrician of Majorca, collected,

dedicated to the Archbishop of Cosenza, Apostolic Nuncio,

and given to the press at Alcalá in 1519;

concerning which also in its place much will have to be treated.

These were followed in rivalry by others, whom it will suffice

to indicate in a few words. Louis John Vileta, a Canon

of Barcelona, an excellent defender of Lull in the Council of Trent,

appended to the Artifice or Brief Art of B.

Raymond Lull a synopsis of his life, printed

at Barcelona in 1565. a third in the year 1565: Nicholas Mellinas, a jurisconsult,

delivered a sermon *On the miraculous conversion,

Life and death of the excellent Doctor Raymond

Lull*, printed at Majorca in 1605. John Segui,

Canon and Penitentiary of Majorca, had published a Life in 1606, then others and others,

an assiduous promoter of the Lullian Canonization,

and at Rome its diligent procurator.

Gaspar Escolano inserted the deeds of Lull

in Tome 1 of the History of Valencia, published in 1610, Book

3, from cap. 19. Although, however, it would be long to run through the works

of all the rest, I thought their names at least ought to be set down;

because to the praise of B. Lull they contribute not a little,

the testimonies of so many distinguished writers concerning his

sanctity and virtues. Behold the list of the others,

with no order observed of either age or dignity.

[31] Antony Daza added to the Chronicles of S. Francis

by various Authors, the things which concerned B. Raymond, of the 1611

Valladolid impression. Peter Sanchez de Lizaraço;

Andrew Libavius, Luke Wadding,

Arthur of Monasterio, Bonaventure Armengual,

Vincent Mut, Ildephonsus de Zapeda, the Author

of the Academy of perfection, Nicholas Causinus,

John Maria de Vernon, Damian Cornejo,

Nicholas Antonio, Antony Arbiol, Doctor

Peter Bennasser, D. Colletet. You will find these books cited

in Custurer, Dissert. 2,

cap. 8. But to these it is permitted to add more, concerning whom

in the preceding chapter the same author treats, and at cap.

30 the cited Vernon, and others to be enumerated in their proper places.

Yet it is not fitting, from the trustworthiness of those moderns,

though perhaps the best, to determine anything

at present, unless those sources are first vindicated,

whence they received their narratives.

For as to what besides, whether to polish for ornament,

or to add for amplification, has pleased some,

drawn I know not whence, there is neither leisure to examine it,

nor to refute it; since those things wholly suffice for us

which we are about to hand down from the most approved

authors. But as to the circumstances, in

which even those moderns sometimes vary, there is no need

greatly to labor, where the truth of at least the whole substance

has been established.

[32] This I do not see can be gathered more certainly or drawn more purely

from elsewhere, to be estimated from the original: than from the most ancient manuscript,

diligently guarded, first in the Archive of the city of Majorca,

and then in the College of Wisdom:

which the often-to-be-praised Custurer first

brought to light, Diss. 2, cap. 8 and 9. We notice

that the very same is sometimes named by other writers, at least

two; for instance by Nicholas

Antonio, and most expressly by Luke Wadding,

in the Annals, Tom. 2, at the year 1287,

num. 2. drawn upon by Wadding, that he plucked very many things from that Ms.,

it is permissible justly to complain that monuments so authentic

were filched from us by Wadding; which, if he had wished

to intermingle them word for word in his Annals, it is wonderful

with how great a treasure he would have enriched posterity, who,

however much they grant to his narratives, will never not

most grievously endure that those more ancient things were withdrawn from them.

But the manner of weaving together the history excuses Wadding,

from which it would have been alien to insert that kind of Acts

entire. unearthed by Custurer, It is not pleasing to bring a lawsuit; for the rest

our Custurer deserved far better of sacred matters, when he exposed

to public light the Ms. Life, so often sought by us,

so long sought in vain.

[33] But lest anyone think that the ancient Ms. is one thing at Majorca,

another at Rome, which Wadding had before his eyes, and proved by mutual comparison. from a few indications the matter will become more certain.

Thus he has at the place already cited. "The

contemporary Author, and conscious of his whole life, writes, in his

Life, in my possession in Ms., that he came to Rome this year,

for the sake of instituting and establishing Colleges of this kind;

and, Honorius being dead, proceeded to Paris,

to prosecute this cause. There, by

the mandate of Chancellor Berthold, he publicly lectured on that new

kind of his Science and Art in the Literary Hall;

but while the students profited little or nothing in it,

he went away to Montpellier, to

James, King of Majorca. Here for some

time he stayed, where Raymond strove to render this Art,

which he judged ought to be called the Inventive of Truth,

clearer, with many figures and notes cut away,

leaving, out of the sixteen which before

there were, only four. Thence to Genoa, where

he rendered this book of his into Arabic; soon he came to Rome:

about to treat with Nicholas IV concerning founding

monasteries or colleges of the Oriental languages

everywhere. But on account of various vicissitudes of affairs,

and tumults of the Christian state,

he found the Pontiff's mind distracted by graver matters:

nor did he hope that he would obtain anything in this matter.

He returned therefore to Genoa, thence to cross over

into Africa, that even alone he might attempt what

he desired to be done by several laborers, the conversion

of the Saracens." These and other such things,

with the phrasing a little changed, copied by Wadding

from the contemporary Ms. (as, briefly, by the eye, from the Acts

themselves, cap. 2, near the end and elsewhere, the Reader himself

will be able to discern for himself) most clearly show

that the Historiographer of the Franciscans had no other Ms.

than that which we shall afterwards subjoin, to be more accurately

examined.

[34] Whence Wadding obtained a copy of the Majorcan manuscript,

It seems it was carried to Rome for the Canonization, is not easy to attain by conjecture;

unless perhaps it was permitted him to inspect all the documents

transmitted to Rome for the Process of Canonization,

as he indicates somewhere; and among

them the very series of the life with which we deal, elaborated by a contemporary of Raymond,

one or several. But that I doubt

whether the aforementioned Ms. was adorned by several, or by one

alone, the title, conceived in such a way,

makes me doubt, so that, if not written out by several,

at least the things which are contained in it must have been narrated by many friends of Raymond. However

you may wish those things to have been done, to us he will always

seem and be cited as one and the same Anonymous, the author of the whole little work.

The rather simple style, the rude speech,

the order and the very phrasing smack of antiquity, and plainly savor

of the age, to which the whole Life

is to be referred. Errors, gaps, and other defects,

mixed in through the fault of the copyists, and occurring here and there,

will be corrected, where it can be done by a word, in another

character (lest anything in the copy be changed, and begun to be written while Lull was still living.)

or will be conveniently enough explained in the observations.

But it must be most especially noted

that here not the whole life is described, but only those things which,

concerning his conversion, and certain others pertaining

to his peregrinations and writings, Raymond had at some time narrated

to his friends and to the author himself

in France; and which, committed to memory while he himself was still

alive, we gather from this, that concerning the last years of his life,

and concerning his glorious death, the Anonymous mentions nothing.

This too let the Reader notice, that the Chapters,

the titles of Chapters, the marginal Notes, and any other things

pertaining to clarity, have been added by us, that

they may afterwards more easily be illustrated by their Annotations.

§. V. The Letter of Custurer, proving the authenticity of the old Life.

[35] Custurer, asked to prove the authenticity, What I said in the preceding Paragraph could seem

to anyone of sense sufficiently opportune for confirming the antiquity

of the manuscript, so that consequently it would be

superfluous to labor over that matter at length.

But B. Raymond has met with such adversaries

as you cannot easily call away by reasonings, however most probable,

from inveterate prejudices. Since therefore

on the undoubted trustworthiness of these Acts the whole series

of the Lullian life chiefly depends; in such a way

was the truth to be established, that absolutely every avenue to evasion

might be cut off. So indeed I had

long ago resolved with myself; but lacking

in this part more evident arguments,

besides those which have just been adduced, I held nothing more important

than to have recourse to the source whence some light

could be brought. I consulted by letter once

and again, the never sufficiently praised Custurer;

and proposed to him those things which would impel a most diligent

investigator of Lullian matters,

that whatever was available at Majorca for confirming the antiquity and integrity

of the aforesaid Acts, he would wish at once to be communicated.

Nor did my opinion deceive me. He readily complied,

he answered fully, and (unless I am mistaken)

plainly carried the point. It will not, I think, be unwelcome to the Reader

to hear both what I proposed in a few words,

and what he set forth at greater length. Behold a fragment of my

letter.

[36] That before all things must be established with all effort;

that that manuscript Life, concerning the articles proposed about it which Your

Reverence calls one of contemporary Writers, is

entirely such, and that from all the indications which can be alleged.

For on this foundation, as on the chief one,

must rest whatever concerning the sanctity of the Blessed

Martyr, and the deeds gloriously done for the Catholic religion,

throughout our whole treatise will be more fully

deduced. I have before my eyes the letter of Your

Reverence, given on the 4th of the Kalends of August 1699, in which it complains

that there was great carelessness (at Majorca)

in preserving ancient writings. In which matter, in my

own opinion, they are accused by no merit of their own,

if they so studiously guarded that Life. But this

is plainly to be wondered at, that it now for the first time, after

nearly four centuries from the death of Raymond, beholds the light;

and that especially, because the Lullists, the most ardent

defenders of their Doctor, omitted nothing of those things

which could contribute even a little to illustrating his Life. I know that a Life

not unlike this is cited by Wadding; but with him too

I am indignant, that he begrudged us such a monument.

It is not in my mind to call that Life in any way into doubt,

but I would wish those weighty arguments

to be adduced, which would utterly remove all suspicion

either of forgery or of falsity.]

To these things Custurer thus replies:

[37] In the first place, he says, that that Life is of contemporary

Writers, he replies that that Life is to be judged entirely of contemporaries, in my Dissertations I did not doubt

to affirm, for those reasons and conjectures which I there bring,

all of which I shall here collect,

that I may confirm them by such indications as I can. I had read,

in Wadding and Nicholas Antonio,

what those men have concerning a Life of this kind.

I had also observed among other things, in the Process,

drawn up by the authority of the Ordinary for the Canonization

of the B. Martyr, that D. Francis Montaner, a noble

and erudite man, in the year 1613, under oath

in his deposition affirmed; that he had read

(of Raymond); which, to the honor and praise of our

Lord Jesus Christ, and that as such it was alleged at Rome in the Process; the Venerable Doctor Raymond narrated to certain devout men and friends of his,

once and again earnestly asked by them,

that it might be set forth, as it is there reported: which Life appears in a most ancient

manuscript book, preserved among the other hidden books,

in the House of the present city of Majorca.

That book therefore, and others, intending to seek, I went to the archive

of this city; but those things not being found there,

indeed the Secretary of the city pouring forth complaints,

that some writings of Raymond, and pertaining

to him, had once been carried off from there,

perhaps by his disciples, importunately avid

for writings of this kind; I asked some Lullists, what

of that Life? and nothing else was reported, than

that it was preserved at Rome in the Franciscan College of the Irish

of S. Isidore.

[38] and long sought in vain at Majorca among the Lullists, Then, intending to seek some things necessary

to the argument of my Dissertations, I went once and again

to the library of the College of B. Mary of Wisdom,

solely intent on quite many headings of that little work of mine,

which then pressed, and of whose plan

it did not then seem to me to be, to examine

the Acts of Raymond. I turned over there in summary fashion

several manuscript works of Raymond, some in a more recent,

others in a more ancient, others in a most ancient character,

which, left there by its founder, about the year

1635, and thereafter by other Lullists, the alumni of that College narrated;

who all, although they profess the doctrine of Lull,

are nevertheless young men, and are not kept

beyond eight years in that College, solely intent

on turning over their own codices, and little concerned

about ancient Mss.; whence it is no wonder that,

like the other older Lullists too, they knew nothing of

that Life. By which it came about that, although I had many things prepared

for my Dissertations, as I wrote to Father

Daniel Papebroch; I had not seen that Life,

and referred him to the archive of S. Isidore.

I went again to the same library; where, while

seeking other things, as I was turning over a little bundle, as it were despised,

of most ancient codices, partly torn;

I lighted upon that one in which the Life of Raymond and a very brief

little work of his are contained, which seemed

to have been torn from some book.

[39] That codex therefore is plainly most ancient,

so that the form of the writing and characters, and at last found in a most ancient codex. the abundance

of abbreviations, the kind of paper, and all the rest,

could lead even an obstinate man to judge

that that codex was written several centuries ago,

which I myself judged beyond doubt. I read its

title, which, with the compendia of letters removed, of which

the typographer was lacking, is had in my Dissertations,

p. 485; but in the Ms. plainly in this manner.

[40] which from suitable signs he judges genuine. Having therefore received the codex, which those Colleagues

willingly lent me, I carried it with me, examined it,

compared it with those things which Raymond wrote about himself

in some little works; with the end of some

of his little works; in which he subjoins

the place and time at which they were written or completed;

with the histories of those times, with which

the Life of Raymond is intermingled by fate, with that

which Charles Bovillus published; and some difficulties being

resolved, I found all things to agree among themselves,

to be consistent with chronology, and the style to savor

of antiquity and candor, just as in

the Appendix to the Dissertations I noted. I noticed

besides that that Life is brought down only to the times

of the Council of Vienne.

[41] All which being weighed, and the title of the Life itself

attentively considered, It proceeds down to the year 1311, I did not doubt that I had lighted

upon that Life of contemporary writers,

of which Wadding, Nicholas Antonio, and D.

Francis Montaner, in that sworn deposition of his, had

made mention; in which he says that that Life

had been hidden away in the house of the city of Majorca; whence,

carried off by someone, it came, I supposed, to that library,

without any mark of interpolation

or addition: indeed so faithfully transcribed,

that not even were added to it the events which befell under the end

of the life of Raymond. There is annexed

only the ancient Epitaph of his tomb,

concerning which presently; and which the transcriber without doubt did not

add from himself, but from the sepulchral

stone, with the subjoined exposition wholly necessary.

That that Life moreover was written while Raymond was still living,

and it has nothing about the end of the Life: among other things is manifestly established from this,

that nothing there is mentioned about his famous death and martyrdom,

which must by no means be believed to have been passed over

by anyone who, after those events, had set out to write the Life

or even to feign it. But since the Acts of Raymond were brought down

only to the times of the Council of Vienne; by a most probable

conjecture I judged that the Life was written at that very time

by those friends, who then from the very mouth

of the Blessed Martyr had received the deeds, most faithfully

narrated.

[42] Now, to return to the antiquity of that codex,

it must be observed, but the old Epitaph is added, that in it, to the aforesaid Life,

as I was already saying, the very ancient Epitaph

of Raymond has been added, such as exists in my first

Dissertation, p. 64 and 210. From which indeed an argument

can be taken, by which it may be proved that

that codex was written before the year 1448,

namely the year in which the body of B. Raymond,

from the place where it lay, was translated to

I fully demonstrated in my Dissertations. For

since to that codex was added that Epitaph

which was read on the ancient tomb, before that

year 1448; and not the other, which

from about this year, in the chapel of his tomb,

engraved on marble, is seen even today, composed

by Doctor Francis Ximinius, such as was read before 1448, Canon and

Vicar general of Majorca, which indeed is far

more honorific and elegant; even from

that reason I do not at all doubt to affirm; that that codex

was written before the year 1448. Since indeed

it is not credible that the more honorific Epitaph

would be passed over, if at the time when the codex was

written, it had existed on Raymond's tomb,

since it is plainly perceived that the aforesaid Epitaph was subjoined

at the end of the Life for no other purpose

than that it might serve the praise and honor of the blessed Martyr.

And hence (unless I am vehemently mistaken)

it is abundantly proved that older than the year 1448

is that manuscript of the Lullian Life with which we deal.

[43] Nor certainly is this argument to be despised,

for supporting the antiquity of that codex;

since indeed the form of the characters and abbreviations and all the rest

most aptly fit those times. But that did not occur to me, [nor, on the contrary, a more recent one, composed after the translation of the body,] while

I was writing the Dissertations, to which I attached the Life,

nor was the time known to me at which lived that Canon

Ximinius (from whom that argument receives more

strength) until a great part of the Dissertations

had already been given to the press. But when afterwards

I had learned that no other Canon of this name

was found in the archives of the Cathedral Church,

nor had there existed in this kingdom any other Canons;

the occasion had to be seized of inserting the then-received

not-to-be-despised notice, which would more opportunely

have had a place in the Dissertations themselves. But if

then, when the Life itself was being put to press by me,

I had noticed that these things could be fitted to confirming the antiquity of that

codex, I would not have passed over at the end of the Life

that Epitaph, then omitted for this reason,

because it was already inserted elsewhere in the Dissertations, drawn

from other manuscripts.

[44] A more certain proof of genuineness cannot be had, Nevertheless the arguments there adduced, and the antiquity

of the codex, which I had before my eyes, seemed to me

at that time sufficient, and now seem so,

that I judged it, and even now judge it,

free from all vice of forgery, at least

for some centuries. But before those, it could

have been forged. It could indeed, by absolute power, as

they say, yet it is not to be suspected. But if this

sufficed to overthrow the trust of ancient codices,

absolutely none would be trusted, unless by authentic

public faith concerning that antiquity; it were established

in the codex itself, which not even the more severe investigators of antiquities

require. Why, not even those very things would entirely

satisfy succeeding times, in

which it could easily be doubted concerning the hand of the attesting Notary,

especially if his Protocols had perished,

as not rarely happens in the most ancient ones, whence also in

law a lesser proof of these suffices.

[45] How many besides are the Lives inserted in the Acts

of the Saints, nor is it wont to be required in such things; which Your Reverence with so great

praise elucidates? How many monuments; to the *Antiquity

Illustrated* of Emmanuel Schelstrate, and to other similar

lucubrations, on this trust only, that they were received from

the most ancient Ms. of some Library, which for

several centuries had lain hidden, especially if

the narration contains nothing which renders it suspect,

indeed if it is confirmed by other undoubted notices of the same matter?

All which, as I said above; I observed in the Ms.

Nor was it a slight argument to me,

not to suspect a forgery, that, if it were present,

in a matter so connected with the history and chronology

of those times, it would more than once be detected.

Add that, if the Life so often mentioned had been forged,

there would without doubt be found added some specious

things, and most like to prodigies, nor would

the martyrdom of the Blessed be omitted in it, since it would have been

easy to feign that those friends had survived Raymond,

and had added his death to those things which he himself had before

narrated.

[46] though the original Ms. long lay hidden, But this is plainly to be wondered at (Your Reverence will urge),

that it (the Life) now for the first time, after

nearly four centuries from the death of Raymond, beholds the light;

and that especially, because the Lullists, the most ardent

defenders of their Doctor, omitted nothing of those things

which could contribute even a little to illustrating his life. To be wondered at indeed,

if this matter had been treated by just appraisers

of ancient monuments, of whom very few faithful ones

were found in Spain in past centuries.

Does not Your Reverence well know that it has been the judgment

of very many men, that they thought they rendered great

service to holy men, if, leaving the ancient codices

as food for moths, each one composed his own Life of any Saint,

content with this faith, that some, not all, indicate

whence they received those things which they wrote? Did not

Wadding, Segui and Colletet, cited by Nicholas Antonio,

do this very thing in this matter,

with all of whom and very many others, equally as with Wadding,

Your Reverence will be able to be indignant?

[47] From this oblivion of ancient codices of this kind,

[or rather they were ignorantly despised, in comparison with more recent writings;] and as it were contempt, it came about

that, while I was searching for Lives of Raymond, some Lullists

seemed to satisfy both themselves and me,

if they referred me to Vincent Mut, Antony

Daza, Nicholas Causinus and others of this kind,

especially to John Segui, whose Life

some thought ought to be reprinted, and they wondered

that I was so intent on searching out antiquities.

Nor was there lacking a Lullist Doctor,

that Ms. Life in esteem, told me that, while

he dwelt in that college, he had seen it, and had reported nothing of it;

because he judged that I would care nothing for it:

since other more modern and more profuse Lives of Raymond

existed in print, which he had no doubt I had seen:

indeed he even showed a Balearic version of the same

Life, conformable enough to the Latin;

from which it was permitted to supply something, but not the rest,

as I noted in the Dissertations, p. 492.

[48] These things, unless I am mistaken, were the reason why that Life

had not hitherto been published; as also many other things, just

as also several other ancient monuments, pertaining to the body of B.

Raymond and his cult, inserted in my work,

which could be of no small honor to the Blessed,

nor were ever published by those Lullists,

the most ardent defenders of Lullian matters; yet in such a way

that they by no means thereby lose their undoubted

trustworthiness. With Your Reverence's leave I will say, that the Lullists neglected many things, and the unpublished Mss. of Lull himself,

which conduced to defending their Lull,

solely intent on protecting his writings,

and on his doctrine to be handed down and defended in chairs and theaters.

For since in that college of B. Mary of Wisdom, and in the monastery of S.

Francis there exist very many works of Raymond in manuscript,

in a most ancient character, others written in a not so ancient one;

they neither take care to commit them to print,

nor to reprint those already given to print, with those Notes added

which Wadding consulted, deservedly praised by Nicholas Antonio.

Which counsel I too have often urged ought gradually to be carried into

execution, which deserve to be printed and illustrated. to no avail;

the Lullists alleging again and again, that expenses must be made,

and certain other excuses.

There is added finally, that if the fact that that Ms. was not published

for nearly four centuries by the Lullists,

most studious of the affairs of Lull, is to be turned

into a suspicion of forgery of the whole Life, in what place will be

the several other monuments and Lives of Saints

and of pious Men, which for several centuries lay hidden,

until, by the solicitous care of more recent Writers,

they beheld the light? while meanwhile among those, whose

Acts of this kind are exhibited, there are not lacking some,

to the promoting of whose honor whole cities and nations

have devoted themselves.

[49] These things seem to me able to satisfy Your Reverence's first

doubt; Meanwhile Custurer thinks he has fulfilled his duty, but if they do not satisfy,

let me now at least again complain

of that great carelessness of the Majorcans, in

preserving ancient writings. Since indeed this Life, without

doubt most ancient, I see so negligently preserved,

and so carelessly guarded, that neither

was it found in any archive, nor are there available other

arguments of its antiquity. Although, when

I was long ago writing those things, my complaints were not aimed at that;

but because I found those things which I was preparing for my Dissertations

not so free from difficulties,

that I did not long labor in collecting scattered things,

and in reconciling the collected ones: which being done, I see

nevertheless that some confirmation in certain

contemporary writings is needed, which certainly not

all things have, which I adduce in the Dissertations, as Your Reverence will easily

perceive from the examination of each one;

although the chief things have it, and before

the rest that one, concerning which between us there is controversy, the Life

in manuscript. Whence it will appear, that I have ingenuously adduced

those foundations which were available, for confirming each thing,

nor have I extended my effort beyond what is lawful.]

Thus far Custurer.

[50] most diligent in this whole argument, And all curious appraisers of treasures of this kind will surely praise

the skillful man's diligence, and his solid

zeal for antiquity. Certainly the things which, for proving

the antiquity of our manuscript he brings forward, must seem

such, that nothing besides could deservedly be desired.

Let there be as argument even the mere diagram of the very ancient character, which

from the original fragment, sent hither by Custurer himself,

I took care to have engraved on bronze, and set forth above,

to be estimated by the judgment of Antiquaries.

But that the things contained in the whole little work are feigned

or corrupt, no one will suspect, who knows even only

the elements of criticism, wont to be employed in examining these things.

Nor will anyone in any way make it probable

(as Custurer rightly observes) that all the circumstances of persons, and a critic suitable for distinguishing true from false, of place and time

could be so accurately observed, except by one

who, with most upright trust, transmitted to posterity what he heard

from Raymond himself. Whoever shall wish

to make the test of this matter for himself, let him, I beseech, consult

most of the Lives of Lull, written by more recent men;

he will find that they everywhere wandered from the truth, indeed

even from the probable, as often as they deserted the way

shown by the Anonymous. An example will be Canon Segui,

often heaping up many things, which only not

palpably exceed the limits of truth, destitute of the light

of Geography and Chronology; against which rocks they

continually strike, who, the ancient monuments being neglected,

are more zealous for ornament than for truth.

But of these things enough now, that

the antiquity and trustworthiness of the manuscript Acts may be placed beyond all hazard.

[51] Yet certain disquisitions seem to be premised to that Life Here was the proper place, at which the acts themselves

might at once be subjoined, and then the two other Lives,

of Bovillus and de Pax, lately mentioned; with observations

added, for explaining those things which otherwise

would seem rather obscure. And this too was our

counsel, were it not that, in weighing all things more carefully,

so great a forest of matters to be sifted occurred,

that I foresaw the Annotations on the Acts would be much

longer than the Acts themselves. It pleased me therefore

to set the graver difficulties, distributed into various paragraphs,

before the Acts themselves; furnished with which

the Reader would find plainer those things which perhaps at first

sight would strike the mind. This I see was observed by our Elders, Bolland

and his followers; in whose footsteps I would prefer

to tread, than to comply with the genius of others. Hence I divided into various Paragraphs certain disquisitions,

those things which could neither be referred to the Notes, nor opportunely

subjoined to the Acts, as being necessary

to their understanding; rejecting only into

the Appendix all those things which pertain to the works of Raymond,

and to freeing his doctrine from the suspicion of heresy.

First therefore, concerning the birth of Lull,

his conversion, journeys, and other things pertaining thereto,

the peregrinations of his whole life being enumerated in order,

an easier access might lie open to the rest. It will then be treated

concerning the office of royal Seneschal, intended to illustrate that Life. with the difficulties wiped away or composed,

which could be objected concerning it.

The following paragraph will serve for dispatching other

troubles, and those especially by which our authors

are reconciled. Finally, by a chemical exploration,

in a peculiar dissertation, Lull will be vindicated.

These things being thus premised, we shall come to the Acts, to be cleared of rubbish

by a more convenient method.

§. VI. Concerning B. Raymond's origin, nativity, peregrinations, down to the end of the 13th century.

[52] From a family noble at Barcelona, Raymond's birth and origin, more

accurately than the rest, Vincent

Mut narrates, in tome 2 of the History of Majorca, in these words,

translated from Castilian into Latin: Raymond Lull,

father of the Venerable Raymond (whom, properly called

Lull, we, following common custom,

will name Lullius) set sail with King

James to subdue the kingdom of Majorca [in the year

1229]. Some trace the origin of this Lullian house

from that Lull; who, just as

is to be read in the histories of the County of Barcelona,

took up the governance of that city, snatched from the servitude of the Moors,

in the year 799.

Others think the beginnings of the same family ought to be traced

from Germany, impelled by this reasoning, that

S. Lullus was Archbishop of Mainz.

But both traditions never had the weight of even the least moment.

I certainly judge that they are

apocryphal, and devoid of all truth; since indeed

they were born from the mere kinship of names.

[53] This we hold as ascertained, that the father

of Raymond Lull, his father distinguished among the conquerors of Majorca, was born of distinguished blood in the city of Barcelona;

that he was a celebrated,

noble, brave Soldier, perfect in all respects.

This he showed both in the Majorcan expedition,

and also King James in the partition of that Island:

for he assigned to him two villas, the one called Beniatron, the other Aliebeti…

his mother a Catalan; His mother was of the most noble and most renowned

family of the Counts Heril of Catalonia. This woman

he, two years after the Island was subdued,

summoned thither, that he might pass his life with her at Majorca.

And they begot a son, to whom likewise

they gave the name Raymond. He was born in that city,

in an impassable alley, born at Majorca about 1235; behind the holy Inquisition.

The time of his nativity is unknown, but in

certain manuscript monuments it is found, that it was

about the year 1235.]

[54] Rightly, I think; nor certainly are those at all to be heard

who make Raymond either older or

younger. For since, according to Bernardino

Gomez, On the deeds of James the Conqueror, book 7,

p. 443, the greater Island and its city were most gloriously taken

by James on the day before the Kalends of January,

of the year of Christian salvation 1230, after R. James occupied the Island, that is, on the last

day of the year 1229; our Raymond could surely not have

been born at Majorca before that

year. But if a whole two years yet elapsed, before

his mother was summoned thither by her husband; it is very

probable that the blessed Martyr did not come into the light before the year 1235.

I know that Surita, Wadding, and the chief adversary

of Lull, Abraham Bzovius, hand down various things in this matter,

by no means to be reconciled with chronological truth.

Namely, although it is established that the holy

man, almost an octogenarian, was crowned with martyrdom

in the year 1315, most probably on the 29th of June, (whatever others may vary) so that yearly

the Majorcans honor him; yet there are those who either

anticipate his nativity, or hasten his death,

or extend his life to a number of years plainly

incredible.

[55] For the rest, from the course of his whole life, reduced

to an exact series of years, nor surviving beyond the year 1315; it will at once

quite manifestly appear that Raymond did not survive

the year 1315. Moreover that is the common and widely-spread

voice of the whole kingdom of Majorca, says

Vincent Mut, the common and at last the received

tradition; to which is added the most ancient epitaph,

according to the testimony of the same Author, once inscribed on Raymond's tomb,

the very same, namely, which Custurer testified he had found,

in the previous §., num. 32, at the end

of the Manuscript, in which the Life of B. Lull, written by a contemporary

author, was contained. Now the epitaph,

designating the time of his death, is in this manner:

Raymond Lull, whose pious teachings are odious to no man,

lies in this wondrous marble.

Here, with M & CC & with P, he began to be without senses.

Which is thus to be explained, as the first epitaph proves; that the capital letter

M & the doubled CC, constitute the years one thousand two hundred,

the third C in "Cum," makes the one thousand three hundredth;

but the letter P, which is the fifteenth

of the alphabet, designates fifteen; and so

the year 1315 is indicated. But this very thing, as I was already

saying, will be more openly demonstrated from the chronological order of the acts.

[56] To be corrected here meanwhile are—shall I say, of P. Luke Wadding,

or of his typographer—the blunders, from which year Wadding does not rightly rise to the year of nativity for the cause of

which not undeservedly he is beaten by the aforementioned

writer Vincent Mut. He writes, says

Mut, tom. 2 of his Annals, at the year

1275, concerning B. Lull in this manner: He was born

in the island and city of Majorca, in the village of S. Michael,

his father being Raymond Lull, and his mother of the generous

family of the Herils, noble Catalans, in 1236.

For they write that he died in the year 1315,

in the seventieth year of his age. This period of his life,

if you subtract it from the later number, the nativity

will fall in that year which we established. By no means,

(adds Mut,) for from this very thing which

Wadding affirms, the contrary is established; and

that he lived not only seventy years, but indeed

even seventy-nine, because he supposes

him born in 1236, but dead

in 1315. In the third tome, however, he recognized the error,

and wished to emend it. However it be, from that

vague judgment, and inconstant manner, in which Wadding speaks of

this distinguished man, it is evident with how great carelessness

he wrote concerning Raymond; since nevertheless he had aids for more accurately

investigating this very truth;

indeed, because Raymond was a religious Franciscan,

even an obligation.

[57] In tome 3, at the year 1315, num. 14, wishing

to discuss having slipped in another blunder also; whether Raymond dealt with Edward,

he has thus: But this Edward is the Third

of this name, who began to reign in the year 1225,

at the 14th year of his age, and died in the year 1377. But

King Edward, of whom he speaks, and who died

in the year 1377; although called by some the Third,

was Edward the Sixth; and if he began to reign

in the year 1227, and died in 1377,

it follows that he lived 164 years: who however

lived only sixty-five years. At num.

8 he then says, that Raymond was at Rome

in the year 1393. But how could he be at Rome

in 1393, that man who had died in the year 1315?

Perhaps they will be called errors of the typographer, which

with the rest were not emended: but if so great carelessness

was admitted in proofreading the specimens of the typographical press,

how great would it have been in weighing the writings

against Lull?] Thus Mut, a little too unfair

to the Annalist, because he was ignorant that it was not in Wadding's power

to correct the typographer's errors, residing as he was at Rome,

while the Annals were being printed at Lyons.

Nor however would I excuse Wadding in everything,

whose reckoning is openly mistaken, in that

he made Raymond's conversion ten years later,

and in very many other matters, regarding the holy man's life,

he allowed his diligence to be missed.

[58] More disgracefully slips Bzovius, the continuator of Baronius,

and his defender Nicholas Jansenius, but more grievously others, giving Lull more than a hundred years. everywhere

supposing that Lull's blasphemies were thundered against by Alexander IV;

namely at the time when he, as I insinuated above,

had not yet dreamed of writing books.

But what impelled Jansenius to assert

that Lull lived more than a hundred years; that he wrote

very many Books in the year 1333; that eighty

years afterward he sent a letter to Robert King of England;

I have hitherto not been able to attain even by light conjecture.

To this also pertains what, from the Persian

Itinerary of P. Pacificus of Provins, the Capuchin, Vernon reports

on p. 222; namely that it was narrated by the islanders

of Majorca, that Raymond, by reason of the most lofty understanding of natural things

with which he was divinely imbued,

found a general medicine with potable gold,

by whose protection he himself prolonged his life to one hundred

and forty-five years. These are fabrications,

most openly contrary to historical and chronological truth,

as has already been shown.

[59] We have brought back the birth of B. Raymond to the year

1235, and that from the common and most

certain opinion of writers, He himself writes that he was converted in the 30th completed year of his age; abundantly confirmed by other authorities.

But now, since he himself, in book 2 On Contemplation,

cap. 70, in Custurer p. 200,

writes of himself, that he had completed thirty years before,

illuminated by the rays of divine grace, he was converted from insane

loves to God; the consequence is that this

change was made about the year 1266: under

the end of which (as Vincent Mut very aptly gathers) he undertook his first peregrination

to the Rock-of-the-Lover, and so in the year of Christ 1267 he first set out on pilgrimage,

perhaps also to Montserrat, and

to Compostela, to S. James the Patron of the Spains.

Returning thence, in the next following year 1267,

by the counsel of S. Raymond of Peñafort, he gave himself wholly to works

of penance, that he might shine forth with his virtues

before his countrymen, whom by examples of incontinence

he had perhaps before enticed to evil.

[60] This manner of life lasted, by the concordant opinion of the authors,

altogether nine years: in which

time he also learned both Latin, and in the ninth year after he published his Art, and Arabic, until, illuminated

from heaven, he set about composing that famous

Art, and stirred up those rumors, by which

impelled James I, King of the Baleares, son of

the Great Conqueror, summoned him to himself at Montpellier;

without doubt under the end of the year 1275,

or the beginning of the next 1276: and this is manifestly

established from the Bull of John XXI, given at Viterbo

on the 16th of the Kalends of October, in the first year of his

Pontificate, on account of which he was summoned to Montpellier, to the aforesaid King James, concerning

the erection of a monastery for learning the Arabic language;

that, namely, which from that King with the highest

prayers Raymond had obtained, to this end,

that thence those Religious might be rendered capable for converting

the Mohammedans: which thing as long as he lived

he strove to promote, just as from his

Acts it will be all too clearly established.

[61] At Montpellier therefore the Lullian General Art

first underwent examination. But when the holy man,

having attained his wish, what he most desired

he had obtained from the King; he returned to his homeland, intent

on establishing the monastery. What success that affair

had, it is of no concern to say. he proves it to King James, This seems certain,

that Raymond stayed some years at

Majorca, turning over in his mind the conversion of the Saracens;

and to him laboring for that thing by himself, it came at length

into his mind to propose the matter before the Roman Pontiff himself,

and therefore to seek Rome;

that what at Majorca had been begun under happy auspices,

might be propagated throughout the whole Catholic world. Relying on this

hope, he seized upon the journey at the end of the year 1286, or

the beginning of the next 1287, with empty success:

for, according to the contemporary Author and others, and in the year 1287 set out for Rome, when he himself

had arrived at the Curia, he found the Pope then recently

dead, namely Pope Honorius, who on the 3rd of April

of the same year 1287, had departed this life.

This year will be for us as the epoch of the most celebrated

peregrinations of B. Lull, from which by almost continuous

journeys, for the increase of the Catholic Religion,

he traveled over no small part of the World.

[62] thence to Paris, Since indeed [having abandoned the (Roman) Curia, he directed

his steps toward Paris, to communicate

there to the world the Art that God had given him.

Raymond therefore, coming to Paris, in the time

of Chancellor Berthold, lectured in the Hall on his

Commentary of the General Art, by the special precept

of the aforesaid Chancellor; and that Commentary having been lectured through at Paris,

and the manner of the Scholars having been seen there,

he returned to Montpellier.] Thus

the contemporary Author. where the disciple teaches his master, Which things receive light from Bovillus,

handing down that Raymond [had in

the Parisian School a certain teacher, Thomas

by name, to whom he dedicated several books; and whom

in turn (the disciple instructing the master) he taught

all his Art; rendering, in place of payment,

spirit for voice, and for the dead letter a vivifying

doctrine.] Hence it is easy to gather

that Raymond, having tarried quite long at Paris,

returned to Montpellier first in the year 1289.

[63] and in the year 1289 returned to Montpellier, I judge it most probable that Raymond's stay

was also there rather lengthy: since indeed he elaborated

the Inventive Art, his sixteen figures

being reduced to only four. Which being duly completed,

says the Anonymous Writer, in the year 1290 seizing

upon a journey, [1291] he came to Genoa, where, making

no long stay … he directed his steps to the Roman Curia,

intent on obtaining monasteries, then to Genoa and always intent

on the union of the military Orders. This our

Chronology Briët excellently confirms

in the Annals, at the year 1291, reporting that Nicholas

IV attempted to reduce the Orders of the Templars and Hospitallers

into one, and in vain attempted to unite the Hospitallers with the Templars, to the perfecting of which business

Raymond Lull labored much: but

it was more difficult to perfect this concord than to hope for it.

Nor certainly did he perfect anything, on account of the impediments

of the Roman Curia, which then were many and

grave, as those even moderately skilled in Ecclesiastical affairs sufficiently know. Having therefore with deliberate

counsel proceeded, he came to Genoa, that thence he might cross over

to the land of the Saracens. and to preach the faith at Tunis, That this happened in the same year

or under the beginning of the next is manifest,

from this, that, the Gospel of Christ having been preached for several months at Tunis,

thence after many reproaches

and blows cast out, and received by the Genoese in

the port, Raymond himself testifies that he

began, in the port of Tunis, in the middle of the month of September, in the year

of the Incarnation of the Lord 1292, his Science,

or General Table, applicable to all sciences.

[64] The holy man adds in the same place, that it (that

Science) was finished in the same aforesaid year, in the octaves of the Epiphany,

in the city of Naples. Which Nicholas Antonio, in his

ancient Library, book 9, cap. 3, in the year 1293 he finishes his Art at Naples, num. 89, very well observes is so to be understood,

that the work was completed before a whole year

had elapsed, from the day on which it had been begun. Namely,

he put the last hand to that work in the year 1293,

since at the end of the preceding year, he had been carried to Naples

by Genoese ships. That he there lectured

on his Art the Anonymous testifies, and that he stayed

until the election of Celestine the Fifth, whose election

falls on the 5th day of July 1294. Nor meanwhile

was B. Lull idle; but assiduous in publishing books,

he composed at Naples the *Disputation of five

wise men*, and writes certain other things, given to the press at Valencia in 1510

by John Jofred: at the end of which is read;

Raymond finished this book in the city of Naples,

to the praise of the supreme and undivided Trinity,

in the year 1094, where one must read 1294, as Nicholas Antonio rightly

warned in the ancient Library,

book 9, cap. 3, num. 136. It does not seem able to be doubted

that Raymond remained at Naples until

the coming of Celestine, that he might propose to the Pontiff what he had

now so long meditated. But again with vain

effort. then certain other things at Rome, 1294: Wherefore he went to the Roman Curia,

understand Rome, although then the Curia resided at Naples;

where he composed books, and namely the book

On the rational Soul, printed at Alcalá with the Elogium

of Nicholas de Pax, in 1519, at the end of which Raymond himself

had appended these things: This book was finished

in the city of Rome, in the year of the Incarnation of our Lord

Jesus Christ one thousand two hundred ninety-four.

[65] Wondrous was the man's constancy in pursuing

the advantages of the Christian faith: and seeing himself laboring in vain with Boniface 8, for although he suffered many

straits, by frequently following the supreme Pontiff;

he by no means ceased from his intention. To Celestine

V, who abdicated, in that very year 1294 had succeeded

Boniface VIII; whom without delay Raymond

attempted to supplicate, so that for a whole two years he stayed at Rome

or in the company of the Pontiff, not for

his own good, or a prebend; but incessantly supplicating for the good

of the Catholic faith. Hence that famous Apostrophe

he elaborated, completed at Rome, according to Raymond himself,

in 1296 on the vigil of B. John

the Baptist; in which, with bent knees, with as much humility and

reverence as he can, he supplicates the most Holy Father, the supreme

Pontiff, Lord Boniface, the Vicar of Christ, and the Lord

Cardinals, that they etc. Nevertheless

he was not heard, God, as is credible, exercising the patience of his faithful servant

by adverse misfortunes,

that he might be more fully crowned for them in heaven.

[66] Whence Raymond, seeing that he could not obtain anything

from the supreme Pontiff; having set out for the city

of Genoa (I think, he returns to Genoa; under the end of the aforesaid year 1296)

compiled some books there, whose names

I have not ascertained, as neither how long

he then stayed at Genoa. For the rest,

since, having set out from there to the King of Majorca at Montpellier, and thence through Montpellier in 1298 to Paris: he not long after seized upon a journey

to Paris, where it is certain he arrived before

the feast of the Assumption of B. M. V. of the year 1298;

it is probable that not before the end of the year 1297

did Raymond depart from Genoa. But that he was at Paris

at the time I said, openly appears from his

disputation on the Master of the Sentences, finished there

in the year 1298, in the octave of the Assumption of blessed

Mary. He did not fail to lecture again

publicly on his Art, and to compile very many books,

which Nicholas Antonio enumerates in the Library,

often cited by us.

[67] As to what pertains to our undertaking, it is established

that Raymond then dealt with King Philip,

concerning certain things most useful to the holy Church of God:

but seeing that he obtained little or nothing concerning such things,

he returned to Majorca, after he had stayed at Paris a year and a half

and more. From the book

whose Title is, Questions of Master Thomas of Arras, and at last to Majorca;

solved according to the Art, which book Raymond

writes that he compiled at Paris in the year of the Lord 1299

in the month of July; it appears that his return to Majorca must be

deferred to the end of that year. But since at

the end of the lecture of the Art, which is entitled, *Brief practice

of the general Art*, he himself added, that this lecture was finished

in the city of Genoa, in the year of the Lord 1300, in the month

of February, it is manifest enough that he could not have landed at Majorca

before that year. As it must

also be manifest, that he again passed through Montpellier,

since among his little works preserved

at the Sorbonne, in tome 6, is had a Treatise

On Preaching, finished at Montpellier in 1300, as

the most Erudite Castellanus testifies, in a letter

given on the 23rd of April, 1707. But that

in the year 1300 he zealously expended himself at Majorca, where in the year 1300 he expends himself in converting Saracens;

both in disputations and in preachings, that he might draw the innumerable

Saracens dwelling there into the way of salvation;

several little works prove, completed there in that year,

as may be seen in Custurer, dissert.

2, cap. 9, p. 513, which here, for the sake of brevity,

we have not thought ought to be named, content

with the chronological series.

[68] Stupendous was the blessed man's alacrity, as often

as even slight hope shone forth of propagating the Catholic

faith. He zealously toiled at pious labors at Majorca; and with the same zeal he heads through Cyprus into Armenia.

when news was brought to him, That the Emperor

of the Tartars, Cassanus, had attacked the Kingdom of Syria,

and was encompassing the whole of it under his dominion etc. There was no need

of many words, that, a ship being found immediately ready,

he might cross over into Cyprus. Concerning that navigation later

it will be treated more fully; here it will suffice to have noted, that it

pertains to the year 1300; since indeed Raymond himself affirms

that he was in Armenia, and

wrote there a book *On those things which man

ought to believe concerning God*, in the city of Alleas, in the month of January 1301.

Nor is there reason that the Armenian journey should be called into

doubt; since Custurer, p. 515, reports the undoubted

testimony of Lull himself, by which he writes

in the book On the End, dist. 2, part 3, that he had gone Toward

Cyprus into Armenia, but because those lands are not healthful to all,

as I know, because I was there etc. In which indeed the holy

man is not mistaken, for the most recent Itineraries

with unanimous consent confess that the grosser climate of Armenia,

and the unhealthful air, deservedly turn foreigners

away from those regions.

§. VII. Raymond's works and journeys, in the 14th century down to his death, chronologically deduced.

[69] In the year 1301, sick in Cyprus, From Armenia he returned to Cyprus in the same year

1301: since indeed he asserts that he completed the Treatise

On Nature, in the city of Famagusta, in the month of December,

in the year 1301. Then he began to work vigorously by preachings and

disputations, so that, insisting on his doctrines,

he was burdened with no small bodily infirmity;

and suffered other things, which the Anonymous Author more fully expounds.

These things without doubt detained Raymond in

Cyprus almost the whole year 1302, until

then, crossing over to Genoa, he published there very many

books. Custurer adduces two, finished there

in the year 1303; the one in the month of February;

the other in the month of May. Then he set out for Paris,

says the often-cited Ms., and with it Bovillus;

he there efficaciously lectured on his Art, in 1303 from Genoa he went to Paris, and compiled very many books.

In what manner this is to be understood,

must be established by as probable a conjecture as possible.

Of books composed at that time at Paris

Nicholas Antonio nowhere makes mention, nor

does Custurer adduce any, although I find altogether four little works,

which in one and the same month

of March 1304, thence he returned to Montpellier, Raymond finished at Montpellier,

besides others elaborated in the aforesaid city in the year

1303 and 1305. But these with the Acts of Raymond

seem thus to be able conveniently to be reconciled.

[70] The blessed Martyr dealt at Genoa until the month

of May 1303; and from here again to Paris; whence we establish that he proceeded with the Authors

of the Life, to Paris in the month

of June; that he there efficaciously lectured on his Art, and either plainly

compiled, or at least began, very many books;

to which he afterward put the last hand;

or (as he himself says) which he finished at

Montpellier. The holy man was then burning with incredible

desire of laboring for the sacred confederation

of Christian Princes, for recovering the Holy

Land, whose calamities and hardships he had more nearly

beheld. Therefore it is credible that he,

from Paris to King James II of Aragon, sometimes residing

at Montpellier, and

hence again to Paris, traveled back and forth.

Lest I seem to invent this without ground, behold the very words

of the Saint, at the end of the *Disputation of Raymond the Christian

and Homer the Saracen*: [And with these three arrangements

perhaps the world could return to a good

state, and again to Montpellier, as we have spoken more largely in the book, which

we said above, On the End; and which we presented

to the King of Aragon; and he immediately sent it to

the Lord Pope, who now has it: when

at Montpellier, in my presence, he offered

his whole kingdom, his person, his soldiery

and treasure, to fight against the Saracens,

at all times in which it should please the Lord

Pope and the Lord Cardinals. I am most certain of this,

because at that time I was present.]

[71] Let the order therefore of those goings and returnings

be of this kind. where he completed certain little works in the year 1304 & 5, He must be brought back from Paris to Montpellier,

in the month of October 1303; if it is true,

that in that very month he completed in that

city the Disputation of Faith and Intellect, as

Nicholas Antonio has, num. 132. From Montpellier

he returned to Paris, after the month of March

1304, by the way of Lyons; and in that city (as

in Custurer, p. 518, Lull himself testifies)

he began the General Art; another, I think,

from the first; which he often brought back to the anvil, as we have

handed down above. How long the Parisian

peregrination was, it is not given to gather from elsewhere, than

that again he toiled at writing books at Montpellier,

in 1305, in the month of April; in which Raymond finished

the book On the End, to the praise and honor of the holy

Spirit. The Anonymous Author, Bovillus, and others,

neglecting those shorter journeys of Raymond,

lead him from Genoa to Paris; and thence to Clement

V, at Lyons. The words of the contemporary are:

[In the time therefore of the Lord Pope Clement V, departing from the city

of Paris, he arrived at Lyons;

and residing there, and whence to Lyons he came to Clement V, he supplicated the supreme Pontiff concerning

that those things cannot cohere with the truth of the matter,

unless Raymond's excursions are doubled, in our way, or in another

not unlike way.

[72] Let it therefore be beyond controversy, that Lull was in

Montpellier in the month of April 1305. For

if he met Clement V at Lyons, (which

all the writers of his Life suppose as certain)

the consequence is; that he went there; not from Paris,

but from Montpellier; unless someone, by hastening the wanderings,

should feign a new Parisian journey,

in the months of May and June; let him then establish

did not come to Lyons sooner than

the coronation of Clement V had been made, instituted on the 3rd

of the Ides of November, of the aforesaid year 1305. more probably not yet crowned, To me, however,

it is far more probable that our Martyr presented a supplication

to Clement before the Coronation.

Which supplication indeed, since both to the Lord Pope

and also to the Cardinals it had been of little concern; having returned

to Majorca, he crossed over to a certain land

of the Saracens, which is called Bugia. Now in doing and treating

all these things it is necessary not

so to compress the times, that to this new mission, most certain

among all, so much space be not allotted

as the distances and intervals of places and traversed

regions require, certainly

not to be despised.

[73] Carried to Pisa in the year 1307, But now, since from the Contemporary it is established that Raymond

was committed to prison at Bugia in Africa for more than six

months; while from elsewhere

he himself writes, that he finished the Brief Art, at Pisa

in the monastery of S. Dominic, in the month of January in the year 1307;

who does not see that Raymond's conference with Clement,

then held at Lyons, would be very

inconveniently deferred to the end of the year 1305?

To us in this matter the following reckoning of journeys would be most pleasing.

Noticing that he profited nothing with the new Pontiff,

most occupied at that time with other things;

he left Lyons in full summer,

probably in the month of September, in which already at Lyons

Clement V was acting, having proceeded there in the month of August,

as his Acts hand down, described by Bernard Guidonis,

Bishop of Lodève. Hence we would say that Raymond landed at

Majorca, about the month of December of the same year 1305; whence

not long after, carried to Africa, he instituted that lengthy

disputation with the Mohammedan Prelate and others,

on account of which, afflicted with reproaches, after a second excursion into Africa

insults, blows and many torments,

he endured a long imprisonment; from which,

freed by the prayers of the Genoese, then having suffered

shipwreck, scarcely at last swam to Pisa, the year 1306 verging

toward its end. Nevertheless this reckoning

of ours is contradicted by the very little note of the holy man,

opposed to the end of some General Art; which

he affirms was begun at Lyons on the Rhône, in the month

of November in the year 1305; whence one may infer the plainly stupendous

swiftness of Raymond in his peregrinations.

[74] he returns to Montpellier; Wonder moreover grows from another excursion of the Blessed;

which I would think incredible, did not

the testimonies, not to be rejected from elsewhere, convince me.

He himself testifies in the Brief Art, that he finished this book

at Pisa in the monastery of S. Dominic, in the month of January

1307 of the Incarnation of our Lord Jesus

Christ. Again he says, that he wrote the Art of both Laws

at Montpellier, in the month of January 1307, Clement

V being Pontiff. Wondrous indeed haste, scarcely had he landed at Pisa,

he completed the book; he crosses to Montpellier,

hastens another book, and for dispatching

all these things one single month abundantly suffices.

However it be, and having returned to Pisa; of this journey the Anonymous Author

mentions nothing, nothing Bovillus; perhaps because the shorter

crossing, to transact business with King James,

did not seem of such moment that it should disturb the series of other matters.

They write therefore, [That

Raymond proposed to the Council of the Pisans (here, namely,

he had returned, the business at Montpellier being done)

that it would be good, that into the same Order

should be constituted Christian religious Soldiers, ordained for this,

namely, he persuaded that the military Orders ought to be united; that for the sake of recovering the Holy Land

they should maintain continual battle against the perfidious Saracens.

To whose pleasing eloquence, and pleasing admonition,

condescending; letters to the supreme Pontiff and

Cardinals, concerning this kind of salutary business,

they wrote out. And those letters being obtained in the city

of Pisa, he seized upon a journey to Genoa.]

[75] And these things we judge ought thus to be arranged. Pisa

Raymond held at the end of the year 1306. [To him having returned to Genoa a great sum of money is offered for the relief of the Holy Land,] In the next

following January he made an excursion to Montpellier,

whence he revisited the Pisans in the year 1307 not yet

elapsed. There he wrote out various little works produced

by Custurer, p. 525, to two of which is ascribed

From which it is given to understand, that Raymond passed no

small part of that year at Pisa, both

compiling little works, and obtaining the commendatory letters

lately mentioned. These things being duly done,

he proceeded to Genoa, to procure similar letters from

that Republic, by which he might move the supreme

Pontiff to grant those things which

with all his strength for forty years and more he had striven to promote.

The writers of the Life here narrate

Matrons, inasmuch as they, in aid of

the Holy Land, of their own accord promised Raymond thirty

thousand florins. Strengthened in his purpose by these things,

having departed from Genoa (in full, I think, summer

of the year 1308) he came to the Pope, then at that time

residing at Avignon. But seeing that of his purpose

he could there obtain nothing, he seized upon a journey to Paris.

Having first made an excursion to Montpellier,

if it is true, that there in the same year he wrote a book

On the Experience of the General Art, as he testifies that he lectured on it

in the lesser library of the Sorbonne, praised

by us most recently, Claude Castellanus.

[76] Without doubt the solicitation of the Pontiff and Cardinals

for the recovery of the Holy Land held Raymond at Avignon

some months; thence from Avignon he returned to Paris, so

that not until the end of the year 1308 did he reach Paris;

where he both lectured publicly on his Art, and on very many

other books, which he had made in past times.

Moreover that Parisian journey could not be deferred further,

because at the end of the book New compendious Physics,

it is read that he finished that book at Paris

in the month of February, which was begun on the last day of the month

of January, with the sun eclipsing, in the year 1309. Which

can also be further confirmed from another book On mobile Being,

and there wrote various little books, written in the same place in the month of January of the aforesaid year;

from which all doubt is removed, if any perchance

should seem to remain to anyone. But how this could

arise, I certainly do not see; unless anyone should dare to call vain

the famous Approbation of the Lullian Art,

confirmed by oath by forty Masters and Bachelors,

guarded with a seal,

and given on the Tuesday after the Octaves of the Purification

of B. M. V. of that year 1309, after Raymond himself had lectured on that Art

for not a few days.

Besides, another book *On Being,

simply existing and acting through itself and for itself*, according to

Custurer, Raymond finished at Paris in the month of September

1309; likewise another *On the demonstrative Art

of truth*. Besides, the book of Contradiction, between

Raymond and the Averroist, *On a hundred Syllogisms

concerning the mystery of the Trinity*, he wrote in the same

place, in the month of February 1310. Finally On the unknown God,

at Paris in the month of March 1310, and others enumerated by

Custurer, p. 530.

[77] And these things so far cohere very well:

A new excursion to Montpellier makes trouble, then at Montpellier in the year 1310; from which

asserted by Custurer from Raymond's books,

p. 531. He here notes that, among his works, two

are found, which display the months of March and

April of the already cited year 1310, written or completed at Montpellier.

However you take it,

it is not so very easy to understand, in what way

Raymond, in one and the same month both elaborated two books,

though not of great bulk, in those two

cities, and at the same time passed from one

to the other. I know that Nicholas Antonio somewhere indicates,

that the copies of the book On the Controversy of faith and intellect in the object

do not entirely agree,

concerning the annotation of the year, some marking the year

1304, others 1308, others finally that of which

we are speaking, 1310. If it be permitted to me to select from these,

which I think more probably ought to be assumed; I will say

that the year 1304 ought to be preferred; into which conveniently

the composition of that work can be thrown back; since

above I said, that not before the month of March

1304 did Lull depart from Montpellier.

By this means indeed I see the difficulty ought to be softened,

which by multiplying Raymond's most frequent

journeys the Spanish writers render arduous to believe, and only not

impossible; so

that he must have been winged, who traversed regions and cities

most disjoined as if with no trouble.

[78] I have passed over in silence what others invent,

no less fabulous than incredible, concerning Raymond's

passage from Armenia into England; as also

concerning another, reported by Canon Segui, a terrestrial African

journey, from Egypt into the Tunisian kingdom;

and several things of this kind, handed down with no author,

with no foundation. For the rest, although the writers

of the Life are deeply silent concerning Montpellier, revisited

at that time by Lull; it is not

plainly improbable, that Raymond proceeded there

in the month of March 1310; having returned to Paris and there finished the book

On Unity and Essence, in the month of April of the same year

1310. Not long after Paris had him returning:

since indeed at the end of the book *On the Conversion of subject

and predicate*, this clause is read; Raymond finished

this book at Paris in the month of July 1310.

He then rested at Paris for a whole year and

more, as the books published by him then show,

and reported by Custurer, p. 531; to one

of which, *Whether the faithful man can resolve and destroy all

objections, which the infidels can make against the holy

Catholic Faith*, is ascribed the month of August 1311.

Concerning the book, Lord, what part, which they call

the Disputation of Raymond with Scotus; in the year 1311 he is said to have disputed with Scotus, concerning the Approbation

of the Lullian doctrine, given by the Parisian Doctors

at that time, and other things pertaining to the same,

there will be a proper place to treat elsewhere; now

let us weave together the rest of the series of his life.

[79] But after these things, Raymond, knowing that

Lord Pope Clement the Fifth, at the city of Vienne,

in the year of the Lord 1311 on the Kalends of October;

proposed to go to the said Council, that he might there obtain three things,

for the repair of the orthodox faith.

Concerning these things more largely afterward in the Life. Meanwhile from the book

which begins, Being simply absolute; and which

seems to be that very one, which elsewhere we have called, then that he was at Vienne at the time of the Council,

On Being simply existing through itself and for itself,

then reduced by Raymond to a better form;

from that book, I say, written at the time of the Council

of Vienne in the year 1312, it manifestly appears that the holy

man resided at Vienne for some months;

until, having again returned to Paris, he compiled the book

On the Efficient and the Effect, in the month of March 1312.

That the Anonymous reports nothing concerning the return to Paris,

ought not to seem strange; since beyond the Council

of Vienne he does not extend his Acts. Why others

were silent of this, or what its cause, it is not pleasing to divine.

Our Custurer, p. 538, adduces altogether six

books or little books of Raymond, having again set out for Majorca, produced

in that very year 1312 at Majorca; from which

you may gather, that he could not for long after the month

of March stay at Paris.

[80] There remains the last navigation of the blessed Martyr,

from Palma of the Baleares (so he calls the metropolis of Majorca)

to Messina, then to Messina; and into the Kingdom of Bugia;

where at length he reached the happy goal of his labors, crowned

with glorious martyrdom. I have nothing whence I may certainly

determine, in what month he set sail from the island;

nevertheless, since the little treatise In proof of the Trinity,

which he prefixes the title, On Substance and Accident,

Raymond completed in the city of Messina, in the month

of October 1313; it appears probable that it happened at the very end

of spring, or under summer. Nor

do I hold it ascertained, and having revisited Majorca for the last time, into Africa whether from Sicily into Africa,

or rather, having returned to his homeland, from it he undertook

the last African journey, to which

side Custurer rather inclines, from the Acts

of the Process for canonization, recalling, p. 541,

that he crossed over from the island of Majorca into Africa on the 14th of August 1314. Let it be so, for all I care;

but that being supposed, it will have to be said that Raymond,

at the beginning of summer 1314, in the year 1314, having returned to Palma,

not long after hastened to his desired martyrdom.

[81] Why I should defer this return of Raymond to his homeland

to the summer, is caused by the book *On the Council of the Divine

dignities*, finished to the praise and honor of God

in the month of May, in the city of Messina, in the year 1314:

whence not into England, as some invent,

but either into Majorca, or into Africa,

it is undoubted that he set sail. And this at last

was the final, shall I say peregrination, of Raymond,

or rather a truly Apostolic mission, gloriously confirmed by blood

poured out for Christ, which thus narrates Nicholas

de Pax in the Life, afterward to be subjoined

in full: where, preaching the faith more boldly, [The holy man, fearing lest

he should lose the glory of the most desired

martyrdom; was carried over again to Bugia;

and there at first lying hidden among the Christian merchants,

he began gradually to address clandestinely certain Saracens,

whom he had before left to himself both

well-disposed and disciples. Those being confirmed in the orthodox

faith, no longer able to bear the silence of the faith,

having proceeded into the square of the city, he boldly

declaimed the proclamations of the Christian law.] Then,

having pursued the rest, the praised de Pax The Martyr is made in 1315. adds: [By these

and more things the crowd of the people being moved, seized

with a furious onset, afflicted with blows and reproaches,

dragged him to the palace of the King. By whose mandate

Raymond, herald of the Christian faith, ordered

to be killed outside the walls of the city, as blessedly as

cruelly was stoned, in about the eightieth year of his age,

and of human salvation 1315; on the feast

day, as is believed to have been received from the Elders, of the Saints

Peter and Paul.] All which things fit most beautifully

with the chronology hitherto deduced by us, and with the whole

series of the deeds done by Raymond.

[82] From this moreover far astray go various more recent writers,

whom we hinted at above, The manifest blunders of others contrary to these who have so sometimes piled up Raymond's peregrinations,

that they take from them every

appearance of truth. Most of all

Canon Segui and Cornejo exceed, not otherwise

to be excused, except that they may be judged to have had regard rather

for the things themselves than for the times.

Thus Custurer thought they ought to be reconciled: but how

those things can be combined which in chapter 6 of his *History

of Majorca*, Vincent Mut throws together into one heap, I am deceived, if even he himself by divining

could attain, much less understand. To dispatch the matter in a few words,

it will be enough to subjoin that little narrative of Mut,

as it stands, that anyone may from the above refute it

with no trouble, so incredible are they,

not to say absolutely impossible. Thus he has

in §2 of the cited chapter.

[83] they are indicated in passing. From Vienne Raymond proceeded to Majorca

(in the year, as I said, 1312) where in writing certain

books he spent somewhat more than a year.

Then he hastened into Sicily. From Messina

(in which city he was still living in the month of May 1314)

he thought of Jerusalem, traversed Egypt,

and arrived at the holy City about

the year 1315; and there he adored those sacred places,

trodden by the footsteps of God-man, made bloody with the blood

of him who restored the likeness of his image.

He visited Armenia, surveyed all Syria, came

into Bohemia, and (as some say) the whole

coast of Britain he often retraced, as also the Kingdom

of England… From England he set sail into Spain;

he ran through all old Castile, Galicia,

Lusitania, Vandalicia, and the Kingdom of Granada,

then still oppressed by the yoke of the Moors.

Having returned to Majorca, he composed the book On the End,

in which he shows the way of conquering the Holy Land.

For always to Raymond this was the end, this the aim.

So indeed the monuments printed have it.]

I confess, and those not a few, but so ineptly patched together,

that it is wonderful that the man, in other matters accurate enough,

spent time in reporting fictions of this trifling kind;

I certainly take no pleasure in delaying longer even in refuting them.

§. VIII. Concerning the office of Seneschal, which the Anonymous, Bovillus, de Pax, and writers everywhere all attribute to Raymond, not being opposed to him.

[84] Among the various notions of this title, The Anonymous, the contemporary of Raymond, thus began

his narration: Raymond, Seneschal

of the royal table of Majorca. Bovillus, explaining

the same with other words; he held, he says, with the King of Majorca,

Nor does de Pax dissent, while

he says, that he grew up in the palace of Majorca, and by his

splendor of family and morals was raised to Seneschal of the royal table.

Others I do not enumerate, to whom it is so

certain that Raymond filled that office,

that they do not doubt to affirm it with one mouth;

not at all concerned, whether these things fit aptly enough

with time, place, and person. Who first attempted to test them by the chronological

standard, was Vincent Mut, often praised by us,

in his History of Majorca, in which he follows the life of Lull,

cap. 1, in these words: But since by the impulse

of nature he was carried only toward arms, he was enrolled

among the honorary boys of the Infante James, and afterward

created Seneschal, as they call it, and Prefect of the royal House.

[85] to this pertains that which indicates the Prefect of the Royal Table, There is no need by useless inquiry to discourse much

concerning the etymology of Senescallus or Senescalcus,

and its various meanings, not undiligently reported by Du Cange;

as, that it is taken for the Administrator

of the revenues of the lord's Fisc, or for the Rector of the Dominions:

that the Seneschals held the first place in

the Courts of the Frankish Kings: that they bore the standard of the Prince

before them, and other things of this kind, concerning which the cited

Author may be consulted. The texts already alleged

by us abundantly circumscribe the matter, declaring in express

words, that the Seneschal was the Prefect of the royal table

and of the royal house: King James names him Master of the Household, by which it is given to understand,

that Raymond was not Prince of the Soldiery, but

had care of the royal house and family, which

alone, according to Du Cange and Spelman, was originally the office

of Seneschals. And in the present matter I hold this the more

easily persuaded, because the Palatine laws

of James II, King of Majorca, make absolutely no

mention of a Seneschal, but in his place

substitute Masters of the household and Stewards of the house,

as from the documents, prefixed to Tome III of June by Papebroch,

we have ascertained.

[86] I know that Custurer, p. 480, adduces law

XVII of the Partidas, the Steward of the house, the Majorcan Laws. title 2, part 9, where in express

terms the same is called Senescallus, who among others is

Steward of the house, which Du Cange also confesses.

But on these the hinge of the controversy does not turn; this

must be established, in what royal palace, of what Infante's

honorary boy, of what King of Majorca

Raymond was Seneschal, or Prefect of the royal house

and Steward of the house. It is asked where and under which King James? Nicholas Antonio, I think, felt the difficulty

not so easily passable,

Tom. 2 of the Ancient Spanish Library, book 9,

cap. 3, p. 81, col. 2, yet did not solve it. Since indeed,

tacitly rejecting the opinion of Vincent Mut,

he says, that Raymond was attached to the Curia of James,

King of the Balearic islands, son of Peter the Great of Aragon. Here the most learned

man errs palpably, with more than one slip, among which let it suffice that one which

is diametrically opposed to Chronology; inasmuch as he narrates

Raymond attached to the Curia at the time

at which already for more than twenty-five years

he had sent away every farewell to worldly pomp and honor.

For that James, son of Peter, only in the year

1291, Someone understands the son of Peter; began to administer the Balearic

kingdom snatched from the other James, his uncle, when

Raymond, following another King and Lord,

was zealous solely to promote the Christian cause.

[87] Custurer, in Dissertation 1, p. 87, cites

an authentic document, but this one only began in the year 1291: employed in the Process of Canonization,

to be reported by us among B. Lull's miracles,

in which is read [that Raymond

was Seneschal of the royal table, of that most unconquered

and most powerful King James the Conqueror,

who with his own royal hand, powerful and strong, in the year 1229,

snatched this our Balearic kingdom, from the hand

and power of the infidel Turks, with most Christian

zeal; and afterward exchanged life with death

on the 27th day of the month of July 1276.]

These indeed are the words of the document; for the rest

Custurer not badly observes, others the Conqueror, who took the island in the year 1229, that that opinion,

which, perhaps from popular tradition, had referred Raymond's

Seneschalship to James the Great,

does not agree well enough with historical truth, and for that

reason there explains his mind thus: [Vincent

Mut says, book 2, cap. 1, of the History of Majorca,

that he was Seneschal of James II,

son of the Conqueror, which seems

more conformable to the circumstances: for the Conqueror did not have

the Spanish always call him, or his son, granted it by his father in the year 1256. whom we call I of Majorca)

already from the year 1256, in place of his parent,

was set over that kingdom, as the future heir

from the death of the Conqueror.] And that Infante James was indeed

heir of the Baleares, troubled by various fortune,

ejected by his nephew and brother, and suffering other things,

which at the end of the Palatine laws Papebroch more fully

enumerates, to whom accordingly we refer the reader, content

to have explained the proposed difficulty.

[88] [Whichever of these you hold, Lull's certain nobility remains from the title of Seneschal;] This is asked, the opinion of Nicholas Antonio being repudiated,

to which of the two latter one must adhere;

to that one, which under James the Conqueror pronounces

Raymond Seneschal; or rather are Mut and Custurer to be followed;

contending for the Infante James?

Each opinion rests on its own foundations; and each has

difficulties with which it labors;

yet so that whichever you prefer, it makes no great difference

for saving the authority and trustworthiness of the Anonymous, Bovillus,

and de Pax, whom at the beginning of this paragraph

we cited. That is the sole and only aim of the whole disquisition, namely that

to Raymond his nobility may be vindicated,

adorned with the illustrious office of Seneschal; whatever the adversaries, against

the most express consensus of nearly all the Writers,

may vainly attempt, to depress our Blessed

Martyr into the class of the plebeians or merchants.

Now I weigh the arguments of each side,

for the sake only of investigating the truth.

[89] You have heard Custurer's reasoning, resting

chiefly on this foundation, that James the Conqueror, nor is it therefore necessary that either lived at Majorca;

or the father of the younger James, did not have a stable

residence at Majorca; but the son already from the year

1256 administered the Majorcan kingdom in place of his parent.

Hence, namely, it follows, that Raymond's

Seneschalship is to be referred entirely not to the parent, but to the son.

Freely and willingly I will admit,

that the elder James, commonly called the Conqueror,

never fixed a domicile at Majorca; inasmuch as he was

occupied with almost continual wars, and sometimes with domestic

dissensions. But, with Custurer's leave I will say it,

it is not equally manifest, that James

the Infante inhabited Majorca with a stable habitation,

indeed perhaps more probably, not even for two years,

about those times, was he set over the Majorcan kingdom with

power; whence it would come about that by the argument

which they call ad hominem, against Custurer

it would be shown, that not even under James the Infante

did Raymond exercise the office of Seneschal. These things

must be repeated a little higher, that concerning the whole matter it may be established more probably.

[90] I have not been able hitherto to explore with certainty, in what

year the Infante James, son of the Conqueror, was born; for after various divisions of the kingdoms decreed by the father,

for the rest, by probable conjecture, I think his birth

is to be referred to the year 1244 or 1245; led

chiefly by this reasoning; that since the Conqueror,

having repudiated Leonora, by whom he had begotten Alphonsus,

had married Yolande, daughter of Andrew king of Hungary,

in the month of September 1235; and from her a few

years after had received Peter; he immediately

endowed him with the Principality of Catalonia in 1244. Again,

since after three years or a little more, two other

sons were begotten, James and Ferdinand,

he instituted a new division of the domains in 1248,

or (as others read) 1247, whence it can be conjectured

that James, who was older than Ferdinand, at least

before the year 1246 beheld the light, nor

could this happen before the year 1244, since it would otherwise

come about that in the division he would have had a part, which

fell to him in the already cited year 1248 or 1247.

By that partition, moreover, the Baleares were ascribed to Peter,

but to James the Infante the Valencian kingdom;

whence most grave dissensions between the father and Alphonsus

the firstborn from Leonora. In the year 1251,

Ferdinand being dead, such a partition is made, that

to James fall the Valencian kingdom, the Baleares and

Iviza. But neither did that division stand: for Alphonsus

making tumult, there had to be committed in the year 1254,

the procuration of the Aragonese and Valencian kingdom.

[91] These things are taken from Zurita, who does not make even

committed to James the Infante; a boy, namely,

of ten or twelve, in that year, which Custurer wishes,

1256. Why, those leaping dispositions of the parent

almost show, that down to that time,

nothing certain concerning the future inheritance was established for the sons,

until, Alphonsus being taken from the living, Peter in the year

1262 married Constance, daughter of Manfred;

with whose consent, that famous distribution of dominions

among the sons was at last made and held ratified,

by which the Baleares, part of Catalonia, and Montpellier

were ascribed to the Infante James. Almost equal things

concerning these partitions of kingdoms Gomez hands down,

book 14, p. 505, and more expressly in the same

book p. 511 in these words: when he was endowed with that kingdom, [Besides, the king added another

assignment, which he made to James

the other son, of the Balearic kingdom and the island of Iviza, indeed

also of the city and the whole territory of Montpellier.]

Likewise book 15, p. 522 through these words: [James

(namely the Conqueror) coming to Montpellier,

understood that Prince Alphonsus was again disturbing

everything… and that not only Catalonia,

separated from the rest of the royal dominion, had been conferred on Peter;

but Valencia also and the Baleares, which were of the Aragonese

conquest, as if, cut off from

the stock, had fallen to James, the last of the brothers.] What

I said concerning the last separation, were also taken from Gomez himself.

[92] Who also elsewhere adds, that when those assignments of kingdoms and domains had been made,

the father still surviving,

an oath of fidelity was administered to the sons, and going there and acknowledged as King of Majorca, each in his part of the inheritance.

But this Custurer authentically proves,

by producing documents from the Archive

of Majorca and transmitted to me; of which

by the first, given at Valencia in the month of August 1256,

James the Conqueror addresses the Majorcans

in this manner: [Know that we are sending to

Majorca, our most dear son the Infante,

Lord James, heir of the kingdom of Majorca

and of Montpellier. Wherefore to you firmly

we say and command; that, the present letters being seen,

you swear to him and do homage,

that after our death, you have and

hold him always, and not any other as your King

and natural Lord.] From another

document it appears, he confirmed his privileges to him, that the aforesaid Infante James

on the 12th of the Kalends of September of the same year 1256,

confirmed and swore all [privileges, franchises,

knighthoods, donations and concessions,

given and made to the inhabitants of Majorca by the most Illustrious

Lord James King of Aragon.]

[93] Two diplomas besides Custurer adduces,

the one of the year 1268 published by the Infante for

civil causes, but while the father was still living, the other of King Sancho

of 1311; by which all the former are confirmed. By these,

moreover, he thinks it is proved, what above we saw asserted by him,

namely that the younger James had a stable

residence at Majorca; inasmuch as he carried on his parent's

functions in that kingdom, and administered it as

future heir, already then. This

I candidly confess does not hitherto become probable to me,

nor is sufficiently demonstrated from the documents alleged by Custurer.

As if indeed James could not have made an excursion to Majorca

once and again, nor yet having a stable seat there,

without its being immediately consequent from that, that he fixed a domicile

in that island. For what? Did the sons, while the father

was still living, obtain command?

Did each have his own palaces in different places,

adorned with royal splendor? Was to a boy of ten or

twelve committed the government of various kingdoms

and domains, the parent still surviving

and excluded on all sides? Excluded, I say: for

when in the year 1251 the division of kingdoms is said to have been made,

the Conqueror so divided everything among his sons,

that he made nothing left for himself. If these things

should seem credible to anyone, I will not unwillingly suffer them

to be reported in the Annals of the Majorcans.

[94] For the rest it is far more probable, in my

opinion, that the sons of the Great James, but their own residence in the paternal court, content with the mere

ornament of Kings, lived a private

life so long, until, the parent being dead, they entered

the inheritance long since assigned. Not so, however,

would I have it understood, that they lacked entirely all royal Majesty

and ornament. By no means. For,

as the parent's court was abounding in luxury and magnificence,

I will easily grant, that to the sons also their own royal

chambers, royal retinue, royal apparatus,

ministers and officials, according to the splendor of their birth,

were assigned, the authority and administration of all the dominions

meanwhile remaining in the hands of the single King. If this only

Custurer wishes, with no trouble we will join hands,

and by that means a plainer way will be opened, that to Raymond

his dignity of Seneschal may be vindicated; and

the other difficulties, which could occur,

will be most conveniently dissolved.

[95] Among these, first, and perhaps chiefest, militates

against the Seneschalship, under whom Lull was Seneschal, exercised by Raymond

under James the Conqueror, however roundly the Process

of Canonization affirms it.

But this is sought from this, that James of Aragon

is nowhere read to have borne the title of King of Majorca

simply, although that island,

snatched from the servitude of the Moors, he first added to his

dominions. And for that cause above I indicated,

but not the father, who never wrote himself King of Majorca: that not rightly by some Spanish

writers is the series of the Jameses, Kings

of Majorca, deduced from him, as by irrefragable testimony

Papebroch shows, on the aforementioned Palatine laws,

prefixed to Tome III of June. Namely

the elder James was called king of Aragon,

surnamed the Victor, the Conqueror, the Great, everywhere

wont to be designated by his Historiographers.

I have here Custurer agreeing, indeed by that

very argument opposing me, in order to prove that Raymond

cannot fittingly enough be called Seneschal of James the Conqueror.

I do not dissent: I do not resist: but neither from that is it

established, that James the Infante had to dwell at Majorca,

shining with royal splendor, that to Raymond we may keep

safe and sound his office of Seneschal of the table of the King of Majorca.

[96] What therefore? Did neither under the Conqueror,

nor under the Infante son, Raymond exercise that office; but of the son, now called King,

and so shall we be opposed to all the writers,

attributing that office to Raymond with unanimous consent?

This is the knot, for the loosing of which

more than one way remains. But, lest I seem to delay

longer than is right in these things, I think the whole matter is to be so composed,

that not even Custurer may deservedly

oppose me. This one thing is necessary for protecting the truth

of the Acts, that Raymond was

Seneschal of the royal table of Majorca; or (which

comes to the same) that he held with the king of Majorca

These things I judge most true, although neither the Conqueror,

nor the Infante James, resided regularly at Majorca.

But indeed Raymond, already from adolescence

educated in the court, confesses of himself, that he was very

wanton and worldly. Be it so. Did he therefore

have to lead an idle and slothful life at Palma of Majorca,

as if by design, in order to fill the part

of Seneschal, he could have added Lull as a boy among the honorary pages, ensnared in delights and loves?

He could indeed, and I judge this most probable:

he could, I say, in tenderer age, be chosen among

the honorary boys of James the Infante, and

afterward be promoted to other offices in his retinue,

which required no residence at Majorca,

no royal court there.

[97] Lately we supposed as undoubted, that from

the year 1251 that James was declared King

of Majorca by his parent. and finally that he ordained a Majorcan Seneschal. But what more easy,

than that then in royal fashion he had that household and those

ministers, which that dignity required;

and among them Raymond, as he was by origin

gradually advanced to higher things; until at length, having attained the supreme

office, he could most rightly be called

Seneschal of the royal table of Majorca. Examples of this kind

are all too obvious. Did we not in recent

memory see, while Leopold the Emperor was still surviving,

his firstborn son Joseph,

proclaimed King of Hungary, while he was still a boy,

shine forth with all those titles of honors,

which befitted royal dignity? It will please,

I think, Custurer, the parity adduced by himself.

But where will he find, that for King Joseph, either at Buda

or at Pressburg, a royal court was needed, that his domestics

and officials might each be distinguished by their own dignities

and prerogatives? In just that

way I think it was done with James, King of Majorca;

so that, namely, illustrious by the mere title of King;

he either followed his warring father,

or led a private life in his court, as long as

he survived. But Raymond could in the same

court behold in person those things which, his nature being

prone to vices, more allured and incited him, as those know,

who are not strangers in the life and deeds

of James the Great.

[98] I believe indeed that by this reasoning Mut and Custurer

are satisfied, [Whence, however, it does not follow that he for that cause dwelt stably at Majorca,] and so to Raymond the office of Seneschal

is asserted, that nothing solid can be opposed,

by which it may be called into doubt. As to the document

recited above, by which that office

was attributed to Raymond under the Conqueror; this

so understand, that you remember that in his court such

that James the Victor, involved in almost continual wars,

seems rather to have led his court around through various dominions

than anywhere to have fixed a stable residence,

contributes nothing at all to our matter; unless it was troublesome to Raymond

to accompany the King wherever he carried his victorious arms,

against the Moors especially, to whose leading to the Christian

faith he afterward consecrated himself wholly, his means,

and finally his very life, with so great glory.

There is certainly in all these things nothing of inconvenience,

nothing absurd, unless it be first shown,

that Raymond himself had so fixed a domicile at Majorca,

that from that island for thirty whole

years he did not set foot out; but with what semblance of truth

this can be affirmed, I hitherto do not understand.

[99] Yet let not these things be so said, that I may seem to wish to contend

more laboriously, as to that which is there shown to be a Palace. that James the Infante

at that time never inhabited at Majorca

the royal Palace, which to this very

day is shown there, sumptuous indeed and

magnificent. This I will freely and most willingly confess,

if from anywhere it be established, even by the sole authority of John Damet,

whom Custurer somewhere cites as Annalist of Majorca. For however

the ancient monuments, at least those which I have been permitted to consult,

do not put this in the open; to the head of our matter

it makes no difference, whether that James inhabited Majorca

with a stable residence; or (which I have

tried to show is more probable) followed the court

of his parent the Conqueror; provided this remain beyond controversy,

that blessed Raymond filled the office of Seneschal

in the service of one or the other,

just as most expressly our Acts repeatedly

pronounce. As to the rest therefore, as one prefers,

anyone will be able to decide; for these things have been disputed

by me with no other end, than that, more probable things being adduced,

the variety of opinions might be composed;

in which our effort not even those, I think, will blame,

whose opinion we have set after, for the sake only

of eliciting the truth, as I have more than once protested

and now again most sincerely profess.

§. IX. Certain difficulties occurring in the Acts of Raymond are dispatched, together with some which pertain to reconciling the Authors here and there.

[100] The hallucinations of the moderns being dismissed, I here propose difficulties, elicited from the truer

narrations of the Writers alone,

not those which ought or could be raised by certain

Lives of Raymond, embellished by certain moderns, by I know

not what authority, or rather so entangled,

that, by mixing true with false, or at least

with doubtful things, they make even what is certain uncertain and

shake it. I will say candidly, that most histories

of Raymond's life and deeds, published by more recent men,

I have neither seen, nor, if they were at hand,

would anything be established by them, which to the Anonymous,

Bovillus, and de Pax, on whose commentaries

whatever we are about to hand down rests, were

not conformable. Nothing accordingly will contribute John Maria

Vernon, in the Life published in French in 1668, nothing

the others praised by Custurer, except in so far as with

the more ancient ones they thoroughly agree. For although

with the success of time I do not deny that other things were found,

by which the earlier and more ancient things might be illustrated; although

also all those Writers may be strong in honesty and trustworthiness;

nevertheless, the matter being more maturely considered, quite

clearly (unless I am mistaken) I have perceived, that no, or

certainly very little aid is brought from them, which

could conduce to eliciting the truth.

[101] But at least it would perhaps seem worth the trouble to someone

separately to refute those apocryphal things, nor even to be refuted as worthy; so liberally peddled

by Vernon and others: to me, however,

by no means; since indeed to sift each thing more minutely,

that at last would be to involve the Acts themselves in entanglements,

creating disgust for the readers, to whom, I think,

those things will seem wondrous enough, which our Authors have set forth.

These things therefore, and not others, will be the matter of this disquisition;

collected therefore into one, both

because it seemed superfluous to disperse them into several paragraphs;

and because into the Annotations they cannot conveniently be thrown,

lest those longer animadversions,

mixed into the Acts, by their prolixity beget confusion,

and (as I said above) equal or surpass the Acts

themselves. The year of birth,

the conjectures of various men being rejected, we have already established,

and fixed to the year 1235, from which the whole

chronological series of the Acts, with what probability we could,

we have produced down to the martyrdom; now

according to its standard the rest must be carried out.

[102] I premise, what among the other doubts is the slightest,

the nomenclature of the name and surname.

There are those who write Ræmundus, with the above-praised

Bovillus; to whom Gonon added a note, not

unworthy that here it should find its place. and the Etymology of the name, [There were,

he says, others of this name of exceptional sanctity,

one of the Order of Preachers, the other of Toulouse,

concerning whom more in the Breviary of the Church of Narbonne,

on the 3rd of July. There exist of this our Raymond

many works in the famous Library of our monastery

of the Holy Trinity of Marcoussis. Moreover

Beatus Rhenanus added this elegant epigram at the beginning of his works.

[103] Behold pious Raymond goes forth into the wide world; here is given an elogium, prefixed to his works by Beatus Rhenanus.

who will often bring great advantages to many.

Let it not lie for you condemned to perpetual darkness;

the whole page lacking trifling falsity.

Excellent thoughts lie hidden under uncultivated words;

which, apt, can lift up pious minds.

Now well had Raymond lived his thirty years

pompous, foolish, slothful, idle:

leaving with them the turbid joys of the deceitful world,

hard, on a steep rock he subdues his body:

where, redeeming the harmful crimes of his past life,

he received the abundant gifts of the lofty Father.

To Paris at last the rudiments of the Latin tongue;

after eight lustra completed, thirsting, he sought;

tasting Grammar first, with art infused, he left

innumerable books in bare simplicity.

Whoever therefore you unroll his worthy labors,

see by prayer that you help, as many as he restored to the work.

Although that Beatus may have some other things suspect, called

Beatus from the baptismal font, not from the merit of his life

(in which I see some deceived), so that,

I say, although that Beatus Rhenanus of doubtful religion may have some suspect or even reprobate things, otherwise

of literary matters, both sacred and profane, often very well

deserving; these verses certainly smack of nothing but the pious

and Catholic, worthy accordingly to be here ascribed in Raymond's

honor.

[104] I return whence I digressed. Rightly says Gonon,

that there were several synonymous Raymonds, Several Saints and Blesseds of the same name, celebrated for

the praise of sanctity. For besides those named,

distinguished are Raymond Nonnatus, Raymond

Palmerius, Raymond of Barbastro, and several

others, of entirely the same nomenclature, except that

some write Raimundus by jota, others by ypsilon,

which norm we know was used, not by the Viscounts of Turenne only,

but also by the Counts of Toulouse, seven in number.

There are also those who write Ragmundus, by which

reasoning the most Learned Castellanus, in his new

Roman Martyrology, p. 818, names another Blessed, Raymond of Barcelona,

surnamed Fiterinus, commonly de Hitero. There are those who would have him called both Ragimundus

and Regimundus; indeed, as in

letters given to me on the 28th of May 1705 the praised

Castellanus warns, there is also found Raguimundus, Ragnemundus,

and Ragnemodus. Concerning the etymology of all these

to inquire much, seems as much as

to lose one's labor. Be it Frankish, be it Germanic,

be it Spanish, or if you prefer Gothic, the origin of the name;

it will become neither of more value thence, nor of less. As to the fact that

the Catalans in the vernacular, or in the Limousin tongue, which

B. Lull more than once used, said Ramon,

Remon, variously written by various men. and by whatever other inflection one pleases; this for us

will be, with the more common method of writing, Raymundus

and Raimundus, however much Bovillus thought it should be written

Ræmundus, contrary to what Nicholas de Pax,

and the Anonymous more ancient than these, did.

[105] It would be vain to delay longer in these. Greater

is almost the diversity among Authors in expressing Raymond's surname;

The surname Lull, in Latin is rendered Lullus or Lullius, some constantly

rendering it Lullium, others on the contrary Lullum. Already

I indicated above, that from the Catalan, or if you prefer

the Majorcan word Lull or Luyl, the Latin termination

is formed. But since with the Spaniards L is wont to liquesce,

as everywhere among the French the double LL after

I, the Italians substituting G in place of the prior L; it is no

wonder, that the Spanish writers everywhere, whether in the vernacular

or in Latin, would have it written not Lullum, but

Lullium. I think I am not to be bound by those

rules, although to me it is a matter of indifference whether Lullus and Lullius.

This one thing I notice, the first is here held. that the Spaniards themselves more skilled in the Latin

tongue, such as without controversy must be said to be

Nicholas de Pax, John Mariana,

and Nicholas Antonio; the Spanish pronunciation being neglected,

go over to the pure Latin termination,

whom in this matter it has not irked me to imitate. Nor

however more scrupulously, as I warned above,

for both Lullus and Lullius will always be the same to us,

provided it concern B. Raymond, the Majorcan

Martyr.

[106] He himself confesses that as a youth he was wanton; A little more difficulty have two circumstances,

added to Raymond's wanton loves.

Concerning the matter all agree, the Saint candidly confessing

of himself in more than one place, that he was wanton,

worldly and given to carnal appetites. That those fires

could not be extinguished even through the lawful bed,

all the writers testify with one mouth. Namely a matron

he was dying for, chaste no less than beautiful,

and herself still held by the bonds of marriage.

And these things, none resisting, the moderns varying in the name of the beloved, we think certain

and ascertained. But whether that matron's name

was Eleonora, as it pleased Mut to devise, or

Ambrosia di Castello, as Vernon rather liberally

invents, we leave in the middle. Let it be undoubted

besides, that that woman labored with a deadly ulcer beneath

her breast, as de Pax says; so that, made more certain of the misfortune,

Raymond was overcome with sadness. But not

so ascertained are the things which Bovillus more fully describes,

concerning the foul breast laid bare before Raymond; nor

that which he wove concerning Raymond riding, the beloved

being seen, seized with such fury; that, as she went forth into the temple,

he followed on horseback; concerning which the Anonymous reports

nothing, nothing Nicholas de Pax. Let us hear

Bovillus himself:

[107] Some write that he proceeded to that madness, [Now he loved before others a certain

lady, of comely indeed and elegant face,

yet there were two things, which by no means allowed

her to come into his embraces. The first was the lawful

bed of her husband: the second, the hidden disease of cancer;

which although it lay hidden beneath her garment, had

nevertheless already so far eaten away her breast, that her

vitals were laid bare, and a dreadful stench thence

exhaled. Incurable was this plague of cancer in

the woman's breast, but far more incurable the cancer of lustful

love was tearing the mind of Raymond. For so

overwhelmed with insane and illicit love, who

was blind chiefly in mind, even with bodily

eyes he was believed by all to be almost blind. For, as

he related to me, who narrated the very history, when on a certain

day Raymond, having mounted his horse, was walking about in the marketplace;

and saw her, whom with foolish love

he loved, set out into a neighboring temple for the sake of divine prayer

(on Sunday, says Mut, that hence

perhaps he may confirm the matter more) soon (although on horseback)

he followed her into the temple… so that he followed her even into the temple on horseback; But the woman,

grieving, that so great a man, and one who held an honorable magistracy

with the King, on account of his illicit love for her

both became insane, and was turned into the talk of the common people;…

Raymond being once called into colloquy (as she had obtained from her husband),

and being introduced into the chamber,

she did not at all blush to lay bare to him

her breast, as it was eaten away by the cancerous

disease, and as it was foul with most loathsome odor etc.]

[108] Whence Bovillus took all these things,

whence the Spanish narrator drew them, what impelled Mut,

and it would seem to have been received through popular tradition, that the laying bare of the breast into the setting of the temple

he should say happened at the going-forth into the temple, I have no way to determine;

nor is it pleasing to repudiate the matter itself as apocryphal, much less

to call it into doubt; although that seems wonderful,

that an occurrence so notable should be passed over entirely

untouched by the Anonymous and Nicholas de Pax.

Was it that Raymond, from whose mouth the Anonymous

writes, led by shame, neglected to report these things,

who otherwise confesses his sins and the ignorances of his youth

so candidly? I certainly do not

think so. I would believe that those things slipped from the French writer,

which clung more deeply to the memory of the Spaniards;

from which then they came into the knowledge of Bovillus,

nearly two hundred years after the holy Martyr's

death, preserved by the continuous tradition of the people.

Nor is this indeed so unusual, since in other

Acts of the Saints examples of this kind recur

quite often, where the earlier Acts, still rather unformed, so to

speak, are afterward illustrated by others, things that before had been omitted:

and this ought to have weight here especially,

because since in the rest Bovillus everywhere

agrees with the Anonymous, he ought not to be thought to have feigned anything;

nor would I accuse the Spaniard, that he, without doubt

having received it from that most ancient tradition of the Majorcans,

reported it.

[109] I know indeed that it happened more than once, from the affinity

of names, false perhaps, that what had happened to one, was attributed

to another; and what to several, was ascribed to one:

which confusion of matters, of how great difficulties it has been a seedbed,

who is ignorant? Why might not someone contend that to the Raymonds,

so various and so many in number, something

of this kind could have happened?

Certainly examples will be at hand, not to be fetched from elsewhere

nor from afar. For very many writers,

so constantly assert that this our man as other graver things were fastened upon Lull, was a chemist,

and far most skilled in that art, indeed a maker

of the purest gold in England; so that to doubt of it

seems to them as much as to deny that the man

existed in the nature of things. Others not much

fewer do not hesitate to smear upon Lull most loathsome

crimes, infernal arts, and

commerce with demons. That these nevertheless are mere fabrications,

sprung from the similarity of names, and so many calumnies

to tear apart the fame of the blessed Martyr,

his disciples and defenders, not to be despised, demonstrate.

But now what more easy,

than that among so many Raymonds there was some one,

more than abandonedly seized with the madness of insane love,

the traces of whose dementia posterity applied to our Blessed,

no distinction being applied of persons, as of names?

Let that parity of reasonings prevail as much as it pleases anyone; yet not improbable. to me meanwhile

it is not of such moment, that a memorable specimen of more ardent

lust, with which the holy man freely concedes

he much labored, should be expunged from his Acts,

confirmed by the authority of a most trustworthy writer, and by testimony

by no means doubtful.

[110] The third disquisition embraces the visions

and apparitions shown to Raymond, after,

by the pious rebuke of the chaste matron, Meanwhile more certain trust is due to his visions, he began to be brought back to better

fruit. Here again, as to the substance of the matter, all

the writers, both ancient and more recent, unanimously confirm. Indeed

the Blessed himself confirms, in the book which he entitled Desolation,

speaking thus: [When my age was being strengthened,

I felt myself snatched away by the enticements of the world,

and I wandered from the right path, and into sin

I rushed. Forgetful of the true God, I gave myself to the pleasures of the body;

but Jesus Christ, by his

immense mercy, willed to show himself to me five times

affixed to the cross; that I might be mindful of him, inasmuch as he is himself a witness of them:

and might take care for the knowledge of his name, to be propagated

throughout the whole world, and the ineffable mystery of the most holy

Trinity, with the glorious Incarnation,

to be preached and taught. So I was inspired,

and burned with so great love of God, that I have never had

anything dearer or of more account, than his glory; and

from that time I began to serve him with willing mind.]

[111] but posterity varies in the circumstances, Those five apparitions only those reject,

who reckon Raymond among the heretics and

fanatics, whose declamations accordingly we do not heed.

But if our writers, content with that simple

narration, had not mixed in other things, the matter would be plain

and easy. Of the amplifications of Mut and Vernon

we ought not to be at all solicitous.

The one trouble that occurs concerns those three authors,

on whom alone we rely, and in reconciling whom

we place our labor. The contemporary Anonymous,

whose trustworthiness for the rest is to be held the more weighty,

having begun the narration of Raymond's deeds with a somewhat more

disordered, certainly not sufficiently accurate method,

causes no little business. But this

is the difficulty. Bovillus and de Pax, having more closely

followed the order of his life, the Saint's deliriums being premised, and from

the pitiable lot of the beloved, the medicine of his madness, write that he

came to his senses first, before he was

heaped with heavenly favors. Well, I think, and as the matter required.

But the Anonymous, with no distinction, exhibits Raymond

occupied in composing amatory verses,

at that very crisis of affairs, at which, inspired by a better

spirit, and suffused with immense grief, seeing

himself wisely reproved by a woman, turning saner counsels

in his mind, and submitting himself to prayer, all his

effort, with highest vows, he dedicated to Christ; these are the words

of Bovillus, thus continuing.

[112] while they wish them offered to one converted, There appeared therefore to him soon a certain sacred and

propitious vision, the image, I say, of the Crucified, addressing

him in these words: Raymond, follow me.

And when this heavenly vision was more frequently repeated to him

out of divine goodness; Raymond resolved with

himself, the pride of riches being cast off, and his household dismissed,

to leave the world etc.] Aptly

and coherently these things are said, to which de Pax adds this

[that, made more certain of the misfortune, namely of the woman

laboring with cancer; since he could not stand

on his limbs, prostrate on his bed, he desired nothing but

darkness and solitude. With tears therefore

and sighs, the sorrow of his mind being for a little exhausted,

as he meditated his calamity and his long

departure from salvation, and bewailed it in common rhythms,

Jesus crucified appeared on the right. The worldly

man, terrified by the divine vision, dismisses the begun

mournful song. and while composing pious rhythms; Which, after some

days had been interposed, having tried four times to complete, four times,

as at first, and about the same hour, the Crucified

he saw.] If you except the rhythms, I see nothing here

which does not very well agree with Raymond's own confession.

But hence I think the Anonymous was led

into error, that, substituting amatory verses

for the lugubrious song, he thus begins the Acts:

[113] Raymond, Seneschal of the royal table of

Majorca, while still a youth, But the Contemporary, while he was writing an amatory song given too much to composing vain songs

or verses, and to other wantonness

of the world; was sitting one night

beside his bed, prepared to dictate

and write in his vernacular a certain song,

concerning a certain lady, whom he then loved with foolish love.

While therefore he began to write the aforesaid

song; looking to the right, he saw the Lord

Jesus Christ, as it were hanging on

the cross; at which sight he feared, and leaving what he had

in his hands, he entered his bed that he might sleep.

But on the morrow rising, and returning to his accustomed

vanities, he cared not for that vision; indeed as soon

as eight days afterward, in the place where before, and

at the same hour, again he prepared himself to write down and

complete his aforesaid song; to whom

the Lord again on the cross appeared as before.

But he then, terrified more than at first, his bed

again entering, and to one converted more slowly: as before fell asleep. But

still on the morrow, neglecting the apparition made

to him, he did not dismiss his wantonness; indeed after a little while

he strove to complete his begun song;

until to him a third and fourth time successively,

some days being interposed, the Savior, in the form

always as at first, appeared etc.]

[114] Here indeed our Contemporary agrees

with what was said before, which agrees more with his own confession. in the fivefold apparition, expressed by Raymond

himself. But indeed now

this is clear, what I lately said, perhaps less

probable, that a man occupied in writing obscene little verses

felt those favors; which

others more opportunely thought ought to be attributed to Raymond when penitent, and agitated

by the stings of conscience.

Not for this are these things said, that we should set limits or bounds

to breathing divine grace, [which by mere touch,

as de Pax rightly notes, nor would it have been alien to the grace of God. made of a harper a Prophet,

of a Fisherman a preacher, a Doctor of

whose most present fire awaits no delays for changing

human hearts.] These things, I say, we do not bring

into dispute, who here toil only at harmonizing

the contradictions of the Authors. For dispatching these, moreover, I think

it is of use what I insinuated above, namely that the Contemporary, although

in the matter itself he does not differ from the others, the beginnings

of Lull's conversion nevertheless less in order

arranged, by narrating confusedly those things which the rest

Bovillus and de Pax, as more recent, being neglected,

to subscribe to the Anonymous alone, in which

nothing of great moment, for weaving together in order Raymond's other actions,

can result in detriment.

But perhaps thus both those can, with the Anonymous,

be reconciled; if Raymond be conceived,

by the sight of the ulcerated breast led to the recognition

of his folly; yet not yet converted

to the love of the one God; and in that conflict of affections,

to have begun a poem, serving each

passion, which the Anonymous could call an Amatory song,

such, namely, as before he had been accustomed to;

others would prefer to name it a Mournful song: concerning which,

until it comes to light, let it be free to judge to one

side or the other. Determine therefore accordingly, Reader,

as you please, while we meanwhile to other things make our

step.

[115] To the aforesaid apparitions of the Crucified another memorable one

very many writers subjoin,

of which however our Authors made no mention; [Others add an apparition of the Mother of God, passed over indeed by the Contemporary,]

and which accordingly I would have passed over in silence,

were it not that Raymond himself makes its trust nearly

undoubted. Vincent Mut narrates, that the Virgin

Mother of God, carrying an infant in her arms, showed

herself to Raymond at the gate of the Almudaina, near

the garden of the Episcopal palace; in whose perpetual

memory an image was there placed; which

even today, he says, is seen in that spot: it was changed

afterward, as Custurer testifies. Things akin to these

Vernon and others everywhere hand down; to all whose

suffrages I would attribute absolutely nothing, did not the testimony

of that very Blessed move me, thus writing in the Blaquerna

at num. 14, of the Parisian edition of 1632

which I have at hand. [The Queen of heaven

presented her son to her friend, yet certain enough by the testimony of the Saint himself. that he might kiss his

feet; and that in his book, he might write the praises

and virtues of the Mother of his Beloved.] Now that by the friend

Raymond is understood is more certain than that it can come

into discussion. But what was prescribed,

he here diligently performed, in the book *On the Praises

of the most Blessed Virgin*, published at Paris at the house of John

Petit in 1499.

[116] Lull's doctrine approved by the Parisian Academy, What our Authors concerning the approbation

of Raymond's doctrine by the Parisian Academy, and others

obtained from King Philip, and from the Chancellor of the University,

everywhere hand down, here too in a few words

I will dispatch. I said in §. 7, num. 76, that the Lullian Art

was subjected to the examination of 40 Parisian Theologians

in 1309. Custurer adduces the document

p. 206: [The said Masters moreover asserted

… by their oaths before our aforesaid

jurats, that the said Art or Science was

good, useful, necessary … and that in it there was nothing

against the Catholic faith,] but many things for

the support of the said faith. But King Philip

makes known, that [having heard Master Raymond

Lull, from his present bearing he reputes him to be a man

good, just and Catholic, and faithfully insisting on the confirmation and exaltation of the Catholic

faith. Wherefore it pleases us,

says the King, that he by all worshippers of the orthodox faith,

and commended by King Philip, and especially by our subjects, be treated

most kindly, and that benevolent favor be bestowed on him,

which we hold pleasing and acceptable.

In testimony of which thing we have caused our

seal to be affixed to the present letters. Given at

Vernon on the 2nd of August 1310.] Nicholas de Pax

reads Verona. Whichever you prefer it makes no difference:

each is a city of France, this one in the Maine, that one

in Normandy situated. Finally Francis of Naples

left it attested in 1311, [that he had found nothing

in them, which is opposed to good morals and is adverse to the sacred Theological

doctrine.] The rest you may see

in Custurer, p. 207, 528 and 531; where

also you will find solved, whether among Lull's Approvers

the famous Scotus is to be named. Moreover, what

pertains to the whole doctrine of the Blessed, we have thrown into

the end of this Treatise; let these few things suffice for saving

the trustworthiness of the Acts.

§. X. Concerning the Florins, for endowing the College of languages,

which Lull was to found, assigned by King James; and concerning the lettered leaves of the mastic-tree on Mount Randa.

[117] For one about to doubt whether this kind of coin was then in use at Majorca, There is also a doubt to be elucidated concerning the foundation

of the monastery, made for learning languages

by the King of Majorca, about the year 1276,

as I said §. 6, num. 60. In this could turn the difficulty,

that in the Acts, written by Raymond's

contemporary, cap. 2, num. 13, are said to be supplied for the necessities of those Religious

each year five hundred florins. It is certain

enough, that that monastery, although erected by Pontifical

authority, by the fault of I know not whom, afterward perished;

this is asked, whether at that time the coinage

of Florins was known to the Majorcans; otherwise some more austere

Critic could at once suspect, that that Life

is later than Raymond, and accordingly

to be brought back only to those times, in which

in that kingdom Florins began to become known, concerning

which what I should determine I was sticking uncertain. At first

indeed that scruple seemed to me, and therefore

to be despised: but, when afterward I noticed

from the Glossary of Du Cange, where he enumerates the first,

as they think, origin of Florins and their various kinds,

that some difficulty could be raised;

I believed the labor would not be ill placed, if for

saving in every way the trustworthiness of the Acts, that matter

should be sifted a little more diligently, perhaps even of future use,

if ever the Glossary itself, recognized with new care, should again be put to the press.

[118] The aforesaid Author notes, under the word Floreni,

that those coins, then golden, because it is said to have been first struck at Florence in 1252 were first struck

among the Florentines in the year 1252; and the name of Florins given them

for this cause, that on one of their sides

was sculpted the flower of the lily, the other side representing the effigy

of S. John the Baptist. He adds that it happened

afterward, especially in Gaul, that to nearly all other golden coins

the appellation of Florins was given. Whether it be

entirely certain, of a value entirely different from ours; which Du Cange brings, the origin of the Florins,

is of another place and disquisition;

for the rest, here must first be corrected the modern imagination of men,

who, while they hear Florins,

immediately have recourse to that acceptation of money,

which today, known in many parts of Europe,

far differs from those Florins which were once struck;

whose price and value, plainly diverse from ours,

it is of no concern to the present undertaking more exactly

to determine. But nevertheless since among all

Du Cange's citations none occurred, and so, is one naming florins truly a contemporary? which

referred to the Aragonese or Majorcans; a doubt

remained, whether truly at that time, or in the next following

centuries; any knowledge of such a coin

had reached those regions; especially

since in this our age they are said to be entirely ignorant of it,

as from Custurer's words I was able to gather. But

if in those parts that kind of money had been entirely unknown,

from that part not improbably the contemporary Acts

were rendered suspect of at least some forgery.

[119] I saw indeed, for the explanation of the whole doubt,

that it could easily be replied, that the Anonymous, as the title of the Acts

indicates, It is answered, that the French Author used the appellation, was French; that in France,

where they were narrated by Raymond himself, he wrote those Acts;

moreover that the coinage of Florins, at that time

of which we treat, in France was without doubt

known and in use. Indeed, if it were for a moment

granted, that that money was not so quickly common to the French;

this certainly would be undoubted,

that then everywhere it was employed by them, while the Life was written;

namely under the beginnings of the 14th century, a little after

the celebration of the Council of Vienne. For Du Cange

lately cited, from the account of the Treasurers

of France, shows, that before the year 1316

Florins must have been in use indiscriminately throughout that whole kingdom.

Throughout the whole, I say, kingdom: for since the right of striking

golden coin was reserved to the King alone, then most well known in Gaul,

it was admitted by all the subjects even of other Princes.

From which one would not absurdly

conclude, that the French writer could reduce the Majorcan

coin to French Florins,

when he said, that five hundred Florins were attributed to the aforesaid monastery.

Why, since we know that at Montpellier

by King James a foundation of this kind was made;

and nothing is more easy, than that the King used money most received by the French,

who most frequently stayed in France.

[120] And these things seem to be said quite plausibly,

indeed abundantly, for solving that difficulty, whatever it be.

Nevertheless, lest any place be left for cavil, I thought Custurer

ought to be consulted, whether any greater light

could be fetched from the very place where the monastery was erected.

From whom since I have received an answer, very opportune

for illustrating that whole matter concerning Florins,

it will not be amiss to set forth what he replied, to the curious

reader. Thus he writes: indeed even at Majorca, from a diploma of the year 1310. [That to the Majorcans also

that coinage of Florins was known at that time (under the end of the 13th

century), is established well enough

from the privilege of James II King of Majorca, given

at Majorca on the 7th of the Kalends of May 1310, which I myself read

in the archive of this city, and which Vincent

Mut mentions in book 3 of the History of Majorca, in the last

chapter: in which the King grants to the Majorcans the faculty

of striking golden coin, or golden Reals;

which (these are the words of the privilege) shall be

perpetually at the standard of twenty-three quilates and a half,

the Florin being taken as fine and pure gold, which

is said to be of twenty-four quilates. Whence it is manifestly

established that in that year 1310, in which that Life was not yet

written, already from of old that coin was known to the Majorcans,

since indeed according to its

standard was assessed the coin to be newly struck.]

This Custurer: whose adduced testimony,

that it is decisive, everyone sees. But let us pursue the rest,

which concerning this matter accurately

the same Custurer brings forth.

[121] Now that coin was golden, He notes, in Covarruvias, in the Thesaurus

of the Spanish language, that Florenus is taken for a coin,

on which is impressed a flower, and commonly for a certain

Florentine coin. Antonio of Nebrija in the Dictionary,

under the word Florin de Aragon, renders *aureus

Tarraconensis*, so that the knowledge of the Florin must have been most ancient

among the Aragonese. James

the Conqueror, by a privilege granted on the 8th of the Ides

of May 1247, ordered the Majorcans to use the Valencian coin,

which the King himself had caused to be struck. bearing a flower on one side. On one

side of which let there be a royal head crowned, and on the other

side let there be a tree in the manner of a flower, on whose summit

extended up to the upper circle, let be placed the ancient

Cross of Christ; and therefore under the sign of the salvific Cross

above the flower, as the King himself says in the same privilege.

But now, since golden coin at that time was in use

at Majorca, (since indeed in the letters of James II,

given at Majorca on the Ides of September 1302, mention is made

of double pieces of gold: which is also read in other

letters of nearly the same time) not incongruously

could that golden coin be called a Florin, of which

great was the use at Majorca, in that and the following

centuries, under the name of Florin. There exist of this matter

innumerable testimonies, of which I subjoin a few.

[122] and in the 14th and 15th century common among the Aragonese, Peter, King of Aragon, by a privilege given

on the 10th of October 1347, says, and under penalty of a thousand florins.

John, by a privilege given on the 10th of September 1390,

those three thousand florins of gold of Aragon;

and again, of the florins of Aragon current today.

Martin, on the 1st of December 1400, *three thousand

of the said florins. The same, on the 10th of October 1407, and under penalty

of five hundred florins of gold of Aragon*: Alphonsus,

on the 5th of August 1416, *under penalty of a thousand florins

of gold of Aragon*. The same, on the 14th of November

1438, *penalty of three thousand florins of gold of

Aragon. The same, on the 14th of March, 1450, let florins of gold

be struck: and again, let him who strikes florins of gold so long, until

it shall be otherwise provided by us, strike them in the same Mint

of Majorca*. All these and other privileges

I saw, says Custurer, partly in the archive of the City,

partly in the book of privileges of the Mint or

money-house of Majorca, from which it is established, that Florins were well enough

known at Majorca in ancient times,

and the difficulty solved well enough from the sole privilege

of James II, in which that coin is supposed from of old

most well known to the Baleares. And these things more than

enough, for that controversy which I instituted concerning the antiquity of Florins.

[123] Besides those things, which, taken from the Acts, here

we have proposed to discuss, Concerning the lettered leaves of the mastic-tree something like a prodigy

various writers narrate, both Raymond's countrymen,

and also outsiders. The matter I will dispatch in a few words.

Already in §. 5 we cursorily insinuated, and moreover from

the course of his life it will gradually become more clear, that the blessed

Martyr for several years, at the beginning of his conversion,

led a solitary life on Mount Randa,

intent on contemplating heavenly things, and on delineating

his general Art. There is a report,

and a most constant tradition among the Majorcans,

that Christ at that time appeared to Raymond among

the myrtles (they call it Mastic) and that it happened

from that time, that the leaves of that shrub

bore expressed the characters of various oriental

languages. Pacificus of Provins, confusedly handed down by a modern witness, in the Persian Itinerary

in Vernon p. 222 and 223, what at Majorca

he had heard confusedly enough, describes in this manner:

[It was said besides, he says, that when for several years

(Raymond) had led an eremitical life,

on a plain planted with myrtles, Christ the Lord

appeared to him from some one of them, five times crucified,

and dictated to him the whole science. And since

he at that time, for preaching to the Moors

the Gospel, was applying himself to learning the Arabic language;

impressing on the leaves of that shrub Arabic

characters from time to time, it happened that by a perpetual

miracle, the leaves of that mastic-tree alone are adorned with those letters,

which appear in no others.] These things

P. Pacificus relates, confused enough, as I said: for

in many circumstances he wanders from the truth.

[124] A little more exactly the prodigy, whatever it be, Custurer

recalls, more distinctly two nonagenarians testify in the Process: from p. 85 of his Dissertations:

nor indeed can a more faithful description of the whole matter

be had, than from the authentic document,

drawn up concerning that matter, on Saturday in the year 1596,

for the execution of compulsory letters, given by the order

of Clement VIII in 1595, in the eighth Indiction,

on the 6th day of the month of March. The juridical formulas

being omitted, the witnesses and actors; in this the sum of the matter

consisted; that two old farmers,

nonagenarians, being called, from their deposition was drawn up

the aforesaid document, in which it is asserted,

that [the Viceroy's Lieutenant general directed,

that the aforesaid inscribed mastic-tree

be shown to him by the aforesaid farmers; whither having come, the aforesaid

now testifying farmers, asseveratingly said,

that they had from immemorial tradition received from their elders,

that there, namely in the middle of the same mastic-tree,

their specimens sent to Rome and Madrid, to the said Doctor Raymond Lull, the effigy of Christ

our crucified Lord had appeared;

and that thence, inspired by the divine spirit, he had been instructed

with celebrated doctrine. Wherefore the Illustrious Lord Jerome

Tagamanent Zaforteca, in the aforesaid name, cut with his own

hands many branches and shoots from the same mastic-tree, that

he might transmit some of them

to the Roman and Royal Curia.

To all which I, Francis Antich,

scribe of Majorca, for Joseph Amer, public Notary

of the university, city and kingdom of the Baleares,

scribe, and assisting in his stead and name, this,

for the indelible and perpetual memory of the matter, the aforesaid

Illustrious and Magnificent Lord Jurats commanding,

received this document of public truth

and faith, witnesses etc.]

[125] Moreover concerning the characters it did not pertain to the

farmers to judge; the form is here expressed, nor for me, to confess the truth,

is it whole to determine anything concerning them. The leaves themselves,

sent to me at Majorca, I took care to have engraved on bronze,

such as here I set before the eyes of the readers, that by himself

each one; prejudices being set aside, may be able to judge concerning them.

[126] Custurer affirms, at the place above cited,

in the Process instituted for Canonization, and their usefulness for curing the sick affirmed. by sworn

testimonies, that the leaves are called prodigious and miraculous;

and that it was observed long ago that nowhere on earth

are mastic-trees of this kind produced; and therefore

not only to the Roman, but also to the Madrid

Curia, as the document testifies, leaves of that kind

had to be sent. Nor were there lacking those who in the same

Process swore that they asserted, among those various signs,

the venerable names of Christ the Lord and Mary the Mother of God

to have been discerned by them. More you may see in the praised

Dissertations of Custurer, where among other things you will find,

that not undeservedly those leaves are named miraculous,

inasmuch as they brought health to the sick and infirm,

the patronage of the blessed Martyr being invoked. This

is most certain, that the places neighboring Mount Randa,

exhibit very many vestiges of ancient cult, and of the veneration of the whole

people toward Raymond,

which for the sake of brevity, by us above in §. 2 had to be passed over.

§. XI. It is shown that Blessed Raymond explored nothing by chemical experiment, from Vincent Mut.

[127] The necessity of this little dissertation That is the old and widely-spread fable concerning Lull,

so far implanted even today in the minds of many,

that while sometimes I was sounding out in familiar conversation

the opinion of men otherwise erudite,

more than once it was said to my face

and rather contentiously repeated, that they had nothing more ascertained concerning

Lull's deeds, than that he both taught Chemistry,

and himself many times practiced it.

The intrepid assertion added goads, that

what should be determined concerning this matter, I might inquire more diligently.

But when I noticed the province had been forestalled;

and those fabrications, injurious to the holy man,

excellently confuted by Vincent Mut in the History of Majorca, and

by Luke Wadding in the Annals,

which through lack of documents could by no means be done by me;

I held nothing more important, than

to transcribe the little Dissertation, translated from Castilian into Latin,

with the brief commentary of Wadding;

that what is to be judged concerning those vulgar little fables,

the reader himself may by himself consider. Thus writes the above-praised

Vincent Mut.

[128] Some accuse Raymond, that he was

having made many experiments, The fable of gold formed chemically by Lull, he formed gold. This

moreover they strive to demonstrate by these arguments. First,

they say, some Historians have consigned to public writings,

that Raymond made six millions of gold,

and gave them to Edward, the Sixth of that name

King of the English, with whom concerning the recovery

of the Holy Land he had made a pact. They add, that from

that very gold, which he had forged in England, were struck

some shields, which are commonly called Sovereigns.

They hand down, secondly, that Raymond himself, in certain

Chemical books, insinuates that experiences of this kind

were made by himself. But it is an error even to think,

that that Venerable Doctor made gold or other

experiments of the chemical art, defiled with the sordid

contagion of avarice. It is not my mind to bring forward

the reasons, which P. Riera in his

Memorial alleges. According to Raymond's doctrine,

he says, the simple elements cannot be separated from one another

so as to be pure, and segregated

from all concretion; this however is opposed to the principles

of the Chemists, who assert that this is δυνατὸν (dynaton),

or possible. The same Author asserts, that the chemical

books, attributed to Raymond, differ much

from the style of Raymond.

[129] Those reasons do not settle the matter. For to say,

not refuted solidly enough by Riera, that simple things cannot be so separated, that

they remain simple, and have nothing of the heterogeneous

or dissimilar mixed in them, is not

against the foundations of the Chemists; who do not aspire

to such simplicity, but rather to mere

purgation; by which, what is redundant and grosser,

is so cooked away, that the virtue of some one

element, in the simple, obtains the principate. Moreover

the diversity of style, which between these and the other books of our

Author P. Riera contends to be, can

be ascribed, either to those who rendered them from the Limousin tongue

into Latin, or even to the zeal of pursuing

obscurity, and concealing the secrets of the art.

Which is as common as it is ridiculous, this weakness of the Alchemists;

not proceeding from the esteem of secrets,

but from the necessity of involving

ἀδυναςίαν (adynasian) or the impossibility of the matter, which by the paints and allurements of words,

as δυνατὸν (dynaton) or possible they shadow forth. Wherefore I leap over to the

perspicuous reasons.

[130] In certain books, attributed to Raymond,

Hebrew texts are read. But it is certain that Raymond

did not know Hebrew, it is more solidly refuted from Chronology, nor was it of interest to his vocation

to know it. Besides, from all

the works everywhere of that Venerable Master, it clearly

appears, how greatly he hisses off the practical Alchemists.

Now the author, whoever he is, in the book

On the Mercuries, cap. 4, says that he made, in the city

of Milan, some experiments of the Chemical art in the year

1333: how then could it be, that the author

of those was Raymond Lull, dead eighteen

years before? Moreover in his great Art,

part 9, the chapter On the Elementative deduced through principles,

our Blessed speaks in this

manner: The Elementative has true conditions, so that

one species does not transmute itself into another species, and

this the Alchemists lament, and have occasion for weeping.

In the book On the Tree of science, the chapter *On the question of the proverbs

of the flowers of the celestial Tree*, and Lull himself often exploding Chemistry, he asks, whether

the Chemical art is true? and rejects the answer to

the chapter On the proverbs of the flowers of the celestial tree §. 6,

where he says; The Sun and Venus rebuked Mercury,

who makes men muse on quicksilver. And §. 8

he says: Silver is worth more in the purse, than in Mercury.

[131] In the same book, the chapter *On the question of the fruits

of the Elemental Tree*, he asks, whether by art

gold can be made from silver? and answers: The hammer

does not produce a nail of itself, nor does the physician produce health

of himself in the patient. In the book *On

the Marvels of the world, book 6, the last chapter On Alchemy*;

in the book entitled, Felix; and in the book On his various questions,

the chapter Whether Alchemy is in reality or only in reason;

he most copiously shows that the art is vain

and fictitious; and denying that gold is made through it, and that chemical gold

is not true gold, although it may seem to bear the appearance

of gold. From which it is clear, that

it can by no means be said, that Raymond by chemical experiment

explored anything.

[132] whatever the Chemists wrongly allege in his name. There are to be found Chemists, who even from that

so manifest declaration of our Venerable Doctor,

forging a weapon for themselves, dare to say;

that Raymond in all those places speaks of spurious

and fictitious Chemistry, not of the true. But, I ask,

does that spurious and false thing perhaps deserve the name of Chemistry?

Certainly in one of the said places Raymond speaks

of his general Art, and into this, as

not yet at that time adulterated, the distinction

of true and false cannot fall. Indeed what is worse,

they invent a most ridiculous evasion, than which

I scarcely know whether ignorance itself can give anything more inept.

For to one asking, whether from the principles of some art

and meanwhile there to reserve the distinction of spurious

or legitimate, is rather to lead into error,

than to take away the doubt, concerning which the question

is instituted; and it is set forth in proper words, and

not so absurd, as are the words of those, who

by fraudulent and lying circumlocution try to cause

trouble.

[133] For neither does it suffer But if Raymond had only said, that it cannot

be done, that one metal be converted into

another; it would be lawful for us to maintain, that he wished

to declare, that metals are not distinguished from one another

by genus; and that to make silver from tin,

is not properly to convert or transmute one

genus into another, but so to purge the baser metal,

that it acquires a certain form, species and

figure of silver. But indeed that venerable Doctor

explains himself much more clearly, where he says, that not

even thus is it gold or silver, though it may seem

to be, on account of accidents, which since they cannot

sustain the force of fire, with the lapse of time vanish.

But indeed to these above-said texts, which

are drawn from legitimate and books of undoubted trust,

to oppose other texts from the Chemical books of a doubtful

author, is supremely rash. It follows therefore,

that he who taught that gold cannot be made, neither

handed down the laws of making gold. But when

the Chemists wish to ascribe those books to Raymond, that gold is thus made;

as to their legitimate author, at least it is necessary

that they confess the clauses, in which is approved the artifice

of making gold, to be foisted upon him.

[134] If the mind inclines to bring the controverted places to concord,

the highest that can be said for excuse, since they are not his books from which they take it,

is that here Raymond speaks, as of other

thorny problems, which already for many centuries back

very many have tried to solve, and even hitherto

no one has solved. Such as are, the Squaring of the circle,

the Doubling of the cube, the Fixed point, Perpetual motion,

and the stone which it has everywhere pleased to call

the Philosophical. For of these we investigate the demonstrations,

and only not bring them into the light,

but do not yet entirely attain them. We know,

given the proportion of the circumference to the diameter,

that the circle is epideictically squared;

and given two mean proportionals, that the cube

is doubled. and these, although they taught the art only problematically, Indeed we are so far from attaining those

propositions and proportions,

that after manifold and various apparatus, we contemplate for some time

in our mind, in greater

circles and lines, much more than we can perceive by sense.

But while we approach the matter itself to elicit a conclusion,

all things flee, all go into smoke

and light breezes.

[135] This same thing happens in other problems;

in the Philosophical stone, never according to Lull or the transmutation of metals.

For now rashly and by chance, now

by the benefit of some certain rule, we so color baser metals,

and reduce them to such a form

and luster, that, not attending by sense to other things than those which we attain,

we judge to be true

gold and silver, what is spurious. This

perhaps could be the foundation of the experiences,

which the vulgar Chemists so greatly extol. These

problems therefore seem almost to be able to be said both soluble

and insoluble. about to lead to a conclusion, As to the first,

Aristotle teaches, that the Squaring of the circle indeed exists,

but its demonstration has not yet been found.

Which being so, these two propositions will be true;

The circle can be squared demonstratively, because the demonstration

of that squaring is possible: and, The

circle cannot be squared actually and demonstratively,

because the demonstration of that squaring Geometry

has not yet found. Not for this however do the Geometers

cease to set the problem, and to urge what they think

make for the demonstration.

[136] Thus in this way could be reconciled certain things

contradictory in appearance. yet they would teach from a hypothesis in fact impossible. Namely while

Raymond called into discussion, whether by the Chemical art

gold can be made? He answers,

That it cannot; because that Chemistry, or that application of the art,

has not been discovered up to now. But while

in other writings he treats of Chemistry, speaking

not of the actual conversion and transmutation,

but of the possible, and of the invention of the mastery;

it can be that he said a rule could be assigned,

in the manner in which the Geometers propose the Squaring

of the circle, possible indeed, but not yet

found by anyone. So I reduce to concord

the rest, which the same Raymond also writes

concerning many other problems of this kind, and individually

concerning the Squaring of the circle; since he wishes that to the circle

squaring is suited, but not within the limits

of Archimedes, which is the best and most

legitimate way of examining anything; but through

impossible hypotheses, and through reasoning,

laboring with the vice of manifest paralogism and absurd

consequence. For if the circle exceed in magnitude all

isoperimetric figures; either the square and the circle, although they be isoperimetric,

cannot be equal; or if they be equal, they cannot

be isoperimetric. I conclude therefore, that

no single man, according to Raymond's opinion, could hitherto

make true gold.

[137] But the adversaries go on to thrust forward those six

millions, Meanwhile how could he have forged gold for Edward 6 King of England, which he made in England, and which to Edward

VI he handed over on this condition, that he should recover the Holy

Land. I appeal to your faith, Reader, whether the venerable

Martyr could have conversed with Edward VI, or

struck a treaty of this kind. The matter is in the open.

For at the time at which Raymond was born,

namely in the year 1235, the scepter of England

Henry III held: his successor Edward

IV, was over the kingdom until the year 1305. From

him reigned Edward V; and Edward VI

first took the helm in 1327,

dying in 1377, in the sixty-fifth year of his age,

having only begun to reign in the year 1327, and so about the year

1312 brought into the light: but Raymond

Lull died in 1315. See therefore

how he could give so many millions to Edward

VI, who eleven whole years after the Blessed's

death took up the helm of the kingdom, how with

an infant not yet three years old he could make a pact concerning the recovery of the Holy

Land?

[138] he himself begging for the recovery of the Holy Land, Let this other reason also prevail. Who, I beseech,

would persuade himself, that he knew the secret of forging gold,

who with so great an expenditure of labor,

through so many journeys, for liberating Jerusalem

begs for it? Again, if he could by himself strike

money; why, I beseech, for so holy

to door, with so great a loss of time; which

in learning the sciences, in the studies of letters,

in caring for the salvation of souls he would have spent more usefully,

than in seeking so miserably, what so opulently

in the space of a few days he would most easily have gathered?

To this argument who has fully and completely answered,

I have hitherto seen no one. I ask again, how

Raymond would have given money, to be expended in the apparatus

of the sacred war. Did he perhaps give gold,

that gold might be returned to him? This,

namely, today our vulgar Chemists do, as the rest who professed gold-making: or

to say it better, those as falsely rich as truly

poor, who sell the artifice of making gold for

gold. And yet there are found men, so

unfortunate and ridiculous, that they buy this artifice;

not considering, that if by the aid of such artifice

gold could be made, all the gold of the whole world

would be a cheap price for the seller: inasmuch as he would have it

multiplied in his very artifice,

nor would he need other gold for payment.

[139] which certainly neither under Edward 6 could he have practiced in England, Those of the adversaries who object, that Raymond

in other little works mentioned his experiments;

they certainly beg the question, because, whether

such books are his offspring, is at least uncertain.

Indeed by their very own argument they are vanquished. For

in those Chemical books express mention is made of experiments,

made in England and at Milan:

since already before we have proved, that those under Edward

VI in England could not be made by Raymond.

But how he made them at Milan, nor concerning that, after the year 1333 could he write: dead in 1315:

in the year as is pretended 1333, who in the year 1315

was overwhelmed with stones; or by what sufficient reason

will it be persuaded; that books written after those experiments

ought to be attributed to him, or any others, whose

author insinuates those secrets to be his own offspring,

as the Chemists themselves confess?

[140] much less to have forged gold for an Englishman, Some think from these things, that the argument

drawn from Raymond's poverty is solved, by answering;

that he, not for himself, as having embraced poverty of spirit,

but for Edward VI, to inflame him

with the desire of the sacred war, made gold.

But if he could do this, why did he not by a stronger

right strive to conciliate to himself the minds of other Princes,

so benevolent toward him? That the King of England

wished to favor him, we do not know; which he did not do for his own Kings, his patrons. but we do know that the Kings

of the French, of Aragon and of Majorca,

not only applied goads to him, but also offered

their forces and money, for reducing the Holy

Land into the power of the Christians.

Therefore if Raymond, for the Kings of Aragon and Majorca,

his legitimate Princes

and Lords, and the patrons of his pious purpose, did not make

gold; with what face do they wish us persuaded,

that he was so liberal and munificent toward a King

foreign, with whom he had so little intercourse.]

[141] Thus far Vincent Mut, to whose arguments

others without doubt of no less moment

could be added, The arguments of Vincent Mut if there were at hand Lull's own

works, and the necessary documents of that kind, for the lack

of which, not on our own, but on others' reasons

it was necessary to rely. Moreover what here the Majorcan historian disputes more fully,

contracted into a compendium,

and not a little confirmed, Luke Wadding exhibits, tom. 3 of the Annals, at the year 1315,

num. 13, 14 and 15; which for the full

evidence of the matter we have thought it worth the trouble to subjoin.

[142] [By manifest reasons, he says, I convince

(those) that those which are entitled Of Alchemy, (the books,)

and which in any way tend toward this fallacious art and

deceptive labor, Wadding contracting and confirming, are by no means

Lullian. No one inveighs more against Lull against rich men of this kind

falsely rich, and truly poor; nor

does anyone show more openly the fallacies of this Art. In the book *On

questions soluble through the inventive Art*,

cap. 40, he shows by many reasons that Alchemy

is not real, but chimerical. In the book *On

the marvels*, cap. 39, he proves, that it is impossible by

Alchemy for one metal to be transmuted into another.

In the book Of the Tree of science, the chapter *On the example of the fruit

of the celestial tree*; from Lull's true books he proves him opposed to Chemistry; he jokingly derides the Alchemists,

trying to transform quicksilver into true and solid

(metal). In the book On the principles of Medicine,

the chapter On Cancer; that by their prince and predominant

planet Mercury are deceived, he says, the Alchemists,

whose purses for the most part are empty,

and torn (he says) their garments.

[143] But even the very codices of Alchemy abundantly prove,

that they are to be attributed to other men, but those which treat of it, are falsely ascribed to him not to Lull.

In the book On experiments, which among

others they ascribe to Lull, the author cites the rest, whom

he recalls to have written on this Art, in which

all of this subject, ascribed to Lull, are contained;

so that the same is the patcher-together of this book and of the rest.

But at the end of this codex, he says,

that he closed the present little work at the desired end in the year

1330. But Lull, as the authors of his life, and

the monuments of the Balearic Archive constantly conspire,

died in the year 1315. Likewise in the book which is called

The newest Testament, and is falsely ascribed to Lull,

in various places he repeats the same volumes

composed by himself, at whose end these words

are had: We have made our testament,

by the virtue of God, as having been written either after the year 1330. in the island of the land of England, in the Church

of S. Catherine among the Londoners, toward the part

of the Castle before the Chamber, Edward reigning by the grace

of God, into whose hands we place in custody, by the will

of God, the present testament, in the year after the incarnation

1332, with all things, which are named

in the present testament. In the book On the Mercuries,

of the same flour and author, wrongly ascribed to Lull,

cap. 4 at the end, the work is said to be completed

in the year 1333. How then can works written

in the years 1330, 1332 and 1333, be

of a man dead in the year 1315?

[144] Further in the book On 24 experiments, the author,

who indicates that he too is called Raymond, His intercourse with Edward is fictitious in

the Prologue narrates, that for Edward King of the English,

then a youth, he found a great treasure,

that he might declare war on the Saracens: who however distracted it

into conquering the King of the Gauls: but, led by repentance,

he says, that the same Edward, now

old, sought pardon for the unjustly distracted money.

But this Edward, to whom he said above that he had handed over

his testament in the year 1332, is the third [VI]

of this name, who began to reign in the year 1227

(read 1327) at the 14th year of his age; and died in the year

1377, in the fifty-first year of his reign, in the 65th year of his age.

Since therefore he knew and addressed

Edward in old age, it is necessary that he reached

the year of Christ 1370 or thereabouts. And

certainly under this Edward Thomas Walsingham mentions

of Wales digging up a treasure. And hence

came forth the error of those, who prolong the life of Raymond Lull

to a hundred and more years.

[145] But greater still was the blunder of Nicholas

Jansenius, defender of Bzovius, and the Letter to King Robert attributing to him nearly two hundred

years. For he says, from Prateolus, Bzovius,

Jodocus Coccius and Peña, that the gross errors of Raymond

Lull were condemned by Alexander IV,

in the year 1260; and afterward, from Theodore Zwinger,

he reports, that the same Raymond, a most noble

Alchemist, in the year 1333 wrote several little works;

and eighty years after, gave an accurate letter,

to Robert King of the English. I do not wish

to delay concerning the name of the King, because no Robert was then

reigning in England, but Richard; and

others say the Letter was written to Robert King of Sicily.

Raymond Lull, as is established by the assent of all,

wrote nothing, unless you prolong his age in the earlier years of his age,

which he spent as a layman in vanity, entirely devoid of doctrine and

of the Latin tongue. But if

in the year 1260 he already wrote, he had passed his fortieth year:

if in the year 1333 he composed other

little works, he was already completing one hundred

and thirteen years: if finally after another 80 years he gave a letter

to the aforesaid King, you will reckon

the years of Raymond's life as two hundred, less five.

Moreover Raymond Lull, born in the year 1236,

converted in 1275, in the fortieth year of his age

(understand this of the beginning of his peregrinations) could write nothing

in the year 1260, which of his age was

the 24th year.

[146] Add that in the book On the inventive Art,

which he narrates he wrote under Boniface VIII, to nearly 200 years,

he complains, that neither time, nor strength remained to him in

his attenuated and broken body in his last old age,

that the Art of memory, which he desired,

he could compile. In the book also *On the Council

of the divine dignities*, which last of all

he wrote in Sicily, he reports his purpose

of crossing over to the Saracens, and for Christ

to undergo death, which he closes with these words:

To the praise and honor of God Raymond finished this

book, in the month of May, and yet only an octogenarian he died. in the city of Messina in the year

1314, in which he crossed into Africa under the month of August,

and died in the following year, in nearly the eightieth

or seventy-ninth year of his age, as we said

in tom. 2 of our Annals, although by the Typographer's

error, for the word nono (ninth), crept in anno (in the year).

[147] [Falsely also the Prologue of a true book is shown to be transferred to a Chemical one,] These computed reckonings of times being made clear,

it is left manifest, that Raymond

Lull has nothing in common with the books of Alchemy. But that

book *On the secrets of nature and the quintessence

of things*, which pertains here too, and is falsely attributed to Lull,

has in some copies a supposititious Prologue,

prefixed by some smatterer,

very similar to that which the book has, whose title is

The Tree of sciences, truly composed by Raymond:

but as even Bzovius himself confesses, in three copies

of the aforesaid book, On the secrets of nature (which

he saw in the Vatican Library, and I too have consulted)

all are so diverse among themselves; that even

this Prologue or Preface is found in other codices,

besides one Venetian one, printed in the year 1514.

Let the reader therefore see, how weak an argument

can hence be drawn, for proving

that Lull was the compiler of that same book.]

[148] To these judgments of Wadding and Mut, what

I should add, I have not: they will suffice, I think, if not

to destroy, at least to weaken that inveterate

opinion concerning B. Raymond's chemical

experiment. To which if there be added the argument

drawn from our chronology, by which it may openly

appear that Raymond never even at a distance saw England,

there will fall, I think, the old-womanish and putrid

little fable concerning the six millions of gold forged there. Now

let us exhibit the Acts themselves.

LIFE

written by an Anonymous contemporary, while the Blessed himself was still surviving,

from an old Majorcan Ms.

Raymond Lull, Solitary, Martyr in Africa (B.)

BHL Number: 7067

A. BY A CONTEMPORARY ANONYMOUS AUTHOR.

LITTLE PREFACE.

Jesus. To the honor, praise and love of our Lord God Jesus Christ alone, Raymond,

overcome by the prayers b of certain of his friends a, religious men, in France narrated and permitted to be written c these things which here follow,

concerning his conversion to penance, and concerning some

of his deeds.

NOTES OF J. B. S.

From this little preface it is clear, that, as I said above §. 4, this Life of Raymond seems, if not written by several, at least compiled from the relation of several by some one person.

a Whether

here he means religious men, professing a peculiar order or rule, or

rather pious and God-fearing men, I would not easily say; for my part,

by them I understand, men worthy of trust, devoid of pretense and fiction.

ADMONITION I. B. S.

This now I especially wished you to be warned of, reader,

that in the rest of the Notes to this Life, this one thing

is done, that what things are more obscure, may be explained, the slips of copyists

may be restored, the gaps filled,

finally that what things in the disputations with the Saracens

are rather harsh, may be smoothed. The rest, if there be any

worthy of note, either I have already in §. 6, 9 and 10 set forth,

or I will throw into the Annotations on the second Life,

where the few things which perhaps still occur,

the doubtful, can more conveniently be illustrated.

CHAPTER I.

Raymond's conversion from the wantonness of the world by the apparition of Christ:

the desire of martyrdom: ardent zeal for converting the Saracens: his first

peregrination. He learns Grammar and the Arabic language from a slave,

by whom he is nearly killed.

Raymond, Seneschal of the table of the King of Majorca,

while still a youth given too much to composing vain

songs or verses, and other

wantonness of the world; was sitting one night

beside his bed, Entangled in his obscene loves, prepared to dictate

and write, in his vernacular, a certain song

concerning a certain lady, whom he then loved with

foolish love. While therefore he began to write the aforesaid

song; looking to the right, he saw the Lord

Jesus Christ, as it were hanging

on the cross: at which sight, he feared; and leaving, what he had

in his hands, his bed, that he might sleep,

he entered. But on the morrow rising, and to his accustomed

vanities returning, he cared not for that vision;

indeed, as quickly as eight days afterward a, in the place

where before, and at the same hour, by the appearance of the Crucified, again he prepared himself

to write and complete his aforesaid

song. To whom the Lord again on the cross appeared

as before: but he, then terrified more than

at first, his bed again entering, as before fell asleep.

But still on the morrow, neglecting the apparition

made to him, he did not dismiss his wantonness;

indeed after a little while, his begun song

he strove to complete; until to him a third

and fourth time successively, some days being interposed,

the Savior, in the form always as at first, appears.

At the fourth or fifth time, as is rather believed,

the same apparition being made to him, appearing at repeated times, terrified exceedingly,

his bed he entered; with himself all that night

treating by thinking, what those visions so often

repeated ought to signify. Hence his conscience also dictated to him,

that those apparitions intended nothing

else, than that he soon, the world being left,

to the Lord Jesus Christ from then should entirely serve.

[2] he understands himself warned, But thither his conscience, often guilty

and unworthy of Christ's service, cried out b; and so

upon these things, now with himself disputing, now more attentively

praying to God, he passed that most laborious night

sleepless. At length, the Father of lights granting it, he considered

Christ's meekness, that he may entirely serve Jesus Christ. patience and

mercy, which Jesus had toward any

sinners; and so he understood at last most certainly,

that God willed, that Raymond should leave the world,

and to Christ, with his heart from then entirely

should serve.

[3] Wherefore finding nothing more pleasing to the Savior, He began therefore within himself by thinking to treat,

what would be the service most pleasing to God. And to him

it seemed, that better or greater service

to Christ no one could do, than for his love and

honor to give his life and soul; and this,

in converting to his worship and service

the Saracens, who by their multitude on every side

he understood that for so great a business he had no

knowledge; inasmuch as he had not even learned anything,

perhaps not the least, of Grammar.

Whence dismayed in mind, he began much to grieve.

But while he with a mournful mind was turning these things over, than the conversion of the Saracens,

behold, he himself did not know what indeed God knows, there set up

his heart a vehement, and filling, certain

dictate d of mind, that he himself was going to make afterward

one book e, better at last against the errors

of the infidels.

[4] three things he firmly resolved with himself: But nevertheless since he, concerning making such

manner, he grieved exceedingly. Yet the more

he upon this was more and more often grieved, the more

strongly that instinct, or dictate of making

the aforesaid book, within him grew. But again

considering, if God, in the process of time, the grace of making

the aforesaid book should bestow, yet little

or nothing he alone could do; thence especially,

since he the Arabic language, which is proper to the Saracens,

was wholly ignorant of. But for this it came

into his mind, that he should go to the Pope,

to Kings also and Christian Princes, to die for Christ,

to excite them, and to obtain from them,

that they should establish in various kingdoms or provinces

apt for this, monasteries, in which chosen

religious persons, and others suitable for this, might be placed

to learn the languages of the aforesaid Saracens

and other infidels; that from the same,

afterward there suitably instructed, there might often readily

be assumed and sent suitable persons, to compose a book, for the conversion of the Saracens

to preach and manifest to the aforesaid

Saracens and other infidels, the pious truth, which is

in Christ, of the catholic faith.

[5] These three aforesaid articles therefore in his mind

now firmly conceived; namely concerning death

to be endured for Christ, and to procure monasteries where the Arabic language might be learned. converting to his service

the infidels, concerning the aforesaid book, if God should grant it,

even making it, as well as concerning monasteries

to be obtained for various languages to be learned,

as above was touched upon; on the morrow he soon ascended

to the church, which was not far distant from there;

and the Lord Jesus Christ devoutly, weeping

abundantly, he besought, that these aforesaid three things,

which he himself had mercifully inspired into his heart,

to the effect pleasing to himself he would deign to bring.

[6] After these things, returning to his own, since he was still too much

imbued with worldly life and wantonness; become more remiss, but by the example of S. Francis, in the aforesaid

three businesses to be pursued, through three subsequent

months, namely until the following feast

of S. Francis, he was quite tepid and remiss. But

on that same feast, a certain Bishop preaching among

the Friars Minor of the city of Majorca, Raymond himself

being present, that namely the aforesaid

S. Francis, all things being left and rejected, that

to Christ alone more firmly he might deserve to be joined; [kindled anew,]

Raymond too then, provoked by the example of S. Francis,

his possessions being soon sold,

of his wife and of his children, committing

himself wholly to Christ, departed, with the intention of never

returning to his own; to S. Mary of

the Rock f of the lover, he sets out to S. M. of the Rock of the lover and to Compostela. to S. James of Compostela,

and to various other holy places, for the cause

of beseeching the Lord and his Saints, for his direction,

in those three things which God, as above

is said, had sent into his heart.

[7] His aforesaid peregrination therefore being completed,

he thought to seize upon a journey to Paris, S. Raymond of Peñafort advising for the cause of learning

there Grammar, and some other science

suited to his purpose: but from this journey, his parents

and friends, especially g Brother Raymond of

the Order of Preachers, who once for Lord Gregory

IX had compiled the Decretals, by their persuasions

and counsels turned him aside, and made him return to his

city, namely Majorca.

And when he had come thither, the more solemn garments being left,

returned to his own, which until then he had used; he assumed

for himself a cheap habit of cloth, the coarsest he himself

could find; and so in the same city

he learned part of Grammar; he learns Grammar, and having bought

for himself there a certain Saracen, the Arabic language

he learned from the same.

[8] Then after nine years it happened, that

that Saracen, and the Arabic language from his slave: Raymond being on a certain day absent,

blasphemed the name of Christ: which when, on returning,

Raymond learned from those who had heard the blasphemy;

moved by excessive zeal for the faith, he struck that

Saracen on the mouth, forehead and face; the Saracen

indeed, conceiving thence excessive rancor, from

then began in mind to treat, how his master

he could kill. And when, a sword being prepared for himself,

whom, when he had reproved him as he blasphemed, on a certain day he saw his master sitting

alone; he rushed upon him suddenly, at the same time striking him

with the aforesaid sword, and with a terrible roar

cried out; You are dead.

[9] But Raymond, although then the arm of the striker,

with which then the sword was held, as it pleased God,

he had somewhat repelled; yet a grave wound,

though not lethal, upon his stomach from the striker's

blow he received: yet prevailing himself in strength,

that Saracen he put under himself h: and the sword

violently took away from the same. by him he was all but killed. Then, the household running up,

Raymond forbade that they should kill the Saracen:

he permitted however that they should put him bound

in prison, until he himself had deliberated with himself,

what concerning him would chiefly have to be done. For severe

it seemed to him to slay him, by whose teaching him

the much-desired language, namely Arabic, Perplexed, he consults God,

he now knew; but to dismiss him or

hold him longer he feared, knowing that he himself would not

cease from then to machinate his death. Perplexed

therefore concerning this, he ascended to an abbey,

which was near, praying there to the Lord upon this

matter most instantly for three days: which being completed,

wondering that, with the aforesaid perplexity still remaining in his heart,

the Lord, as it seemed to him,

had by no means heard his prayer; sad

to his house he returned. And when, coming thither,

he had turned aside to the prison, and finds a little after that the slave had broken his throat with a noose. to visit his captive;

he found that he, by the rope with which he had been bound,

had strangled himself. Raymond therefore rendered

thanks to God, glad that even

from the killing of the aforesaid Saracen, he had kept his hands

innocent; and from that grave perplexity, for which a little

before he had anxiously besought him, had freed him.

NOTES I. B. S.

CHAPTER II.

On Mount Randa illustrated divinely, he writes the General Art.

His setting out for Montpellier, Rome, Paris, Genoa. His vain

trepidation, which being overcome, he hastens to Tunis.

[10] After these things Raymond ascended into a certain

mountain of Randa, On Mount Randa which was not far distant

from his house, for the cause of more tranquilly contemplating God there:

on which when he had now stayed

not fully eight days, it happened on a certain day, while

he stayed there, attentively gazing at the heavens, how suddenly

the Lord illustrated his mind, giving to him

the form and manner of making the book, divinely illustrated, of which above

is said, against the errors of the infidels; for which

Raymond rendered immense thanks to the Most High;

he descended from that mountain, and returning soon to the Abbey

de la Real aforesaid, began to arrange

and make that book, calling it first

the Greater Art, but afterward, the General Art:

under which art several, as follows below, he made books,

in the same explaining the much more general principles and

the more specific ones, he writes the General Art according to the capacity of the simple,

as experience had taught him.

After therefore Raymond, standing in the aforesaid

Abbey, had composed his book;

he ascended again into the aforesaid mountain: and in the same

place, in which his feet had stood, while

in that mountain the Lord had shown him the manner of the Art;

he made for himself a hermitage, and he builds a hermitage: dwelling in the same

continually for four months and more; by day and night

beseeching God, that him and the art

which he had given him, to his honor and to the advancement of his

Church, by his mercy he would direct

prosperously a.

[11] While therefore he stood thus in the hermitage

praying in it; there came to him a certain shepherd of sheep, by an unknown shepherd of sheep

namely of the Angels and of others; namely as many

and as great, as it seemed to him, as anyone whatever

other man, hardly through two whole days would have spoken;

and that shepherd seeing Raymond's books,

kissed them on bended knees, watering them:

and said to Raymond, that through those books

many good things would come to the Church of Christ. That shepherd also

blessed Raymond with many blessings, he is heaped with many blessings.

as it were prophetic, signing his head

and his whole body with the seal of the holy Cross,

and withdrew. But Raymond considering all these things,

wondered; for that shepherd he himself had never

seen elsewhere, nor of him had heard anyone

speak.

[12] After these things the King of Majorca, having heard that

Raymond had now made many good books, Hence summoned by the King to Montpellier,

sent for him that he should come to Montpellier,

where the King himself then was. And when Raymond

had come, the King had him examined by

his books, but especially certain meditations,

which he had made in devotion upon all

the days of the year, he subjects his books to examination; assigning 30 special paragraphs to each

day; which meditations, full of philosophy

and catholic devotion, not without admiration

that Brother found. Raymond therefore made

upon the aforesaid Art, given to him on the mountain, in

that city, one book, calling it the

Demonstrative Art, which also he lectured on there

publicly: he made upon the same his lecture, in

which he declares, how the first form and first matter

constitute the elemental chaos b; and that those

five universals, and he writes the Demonstrative Art. and the ten predicaments,

descend from that chaos, and are contained in the same

according to catholic and theological truth.

[13] The monastery being obtained from the king, for learning languages, Under the same time Raymond also obtained

from the aforesaid King of Majorca, that one

monastery be constructed in his kingdom, and endowed

with sufficient possessions, and in the same thirteen

Friars Minor be instituted, who the language there

should learn, the Arabic, for converting the infidels,

as above is expressed: to whom, as well as

to others, succeeding others in the same monastery,

perpetually from the aforesaid possessions, for their necessities,

there should be supplied each year five hundred

florins. After these things Raymond went to the Roman

Curia, for the cause of obtaining, if he could, To Rome for the same cause he proceeds. from the Lord

Pope and the Cardinals, that monasteries of this kind,

for learning languages, be instituted throughout the world.

But when he had arrived at the Curia, he found

the Pope then recently dead, namely

Pope Honorius IV: on account of which, the Curia being abandoned, At Paris he lectures on the Art,

he directed toward Paris his steps, to communicate

there to the world the Art which God had given him.

[14] he reduces it at Montpellier to four figures, Coming therefore Raymond to Paris, in the time

of Chancellor Berthold, he lectured in his hall on the Commentary

of the General Art, by the special precept

of the aforesaid Chancellor: and that Commentary having been lectured through at Paris,

and the manner of the Scholars having been seen there, to

Montpellier he returned: where anew he lectured,

and made also a book, calling it the Art

inventive of truth; placing in that book, as also

in all other books, which from then he made,

only four figures; the twelve figures out of sixteen, which he had placed in his

Art, being cut away, or rather dissimulated, on account of the frailty of the human intellect,

which he had experienced at Paris.

All which at Montpellier being duly completed; and at Genoa he turns it into Arabic.

seizing upon a journey he came to Genoa; where, making

no long stay, the aforesaid book of the Inventive

Art he translated into Arabic.

[15] He returns to Rome to obtain monasteries: Which done, he directed to the Roman Curia

his steps, desiring there, as before, to obtain

that monasteries be made throughout the world, for various languages,

as above is said, to be learned. But there then,

on account of the impediments of the Curia, profiting little concerning his

purpose, with deliberate counsel having proceeded

he came to Genoa, that thence he might cross over into the land of the Saracens, to try whether he

at least alone could profit in something among them,

by conferring with their wise men, thus manifesting

to the same, according to the Art given to him

by God, the Incarnation of the Son of God, the matter unaccomplished he returns to Genoa, as well as the most Blessed Trinity

of the Divine Persons in the supreme unity

of essence: which the Saracens themselves

do not believe, indeed blind, they assert that we Christians worship three

Gods. And when among the Genoese it was quickly

divulged, that Raymond had now come

to cross over into the land of the Saracens,

for the cause of converting them to the faith of Christ, if he could;

the people were much edified thereby; hoping

that God through him willed to do some good thing among them c

upon the Saracens: for the Genoese had heard,

that Raymond himself, after his conversion

to penance, had received on a certain mountain divinely a certain sacred

science for the conversion of the infidels.

[16] But when the Lord had thus visited Raymond, with so great

joy of the people, as it were at a certain dawn;

the same by a most grave temptation suddenly began to prove. about to cross over into Africa,

For when for crossing over, as is touched on above,

the ship and other things had been prepared, and all

the books brought into the ship with all the other things;

there came, from certain occasions, to him as if

something fixed in his mind, but by fear of death he draws back. namely, that if he crossed over

to the Saracens, they would soon at his coming

slay him, at least commit him to perpetual prison.

Wherefore Raymond, fearing for his skin (as

in the Lord's passion once, S. Peter the Apostle)

and forgetful of his aforesaid purpose, by which namely

he had resolved to die for Christ in converting

to his worship the infidels, Hence afflicted with grief, at Genoa, detained by a certain

inert fear, remained. And so perhaps, lest

he should vainly presume of himself, the Lord permitting or dispensing it,

he was for a time deserted d. But

with the aforesaid ship now departing from Genoa, he falls grievously sick: Raymond

soon, upon this that he, by thus enormously

remaining, had given scandal to the people… on account of

which he was touched with so great grief of his heart, that in body

by fevering he most grievously fell sick… e

[17] While therefore Raymond was thus held by a grave languor of body and soul;

there reached

him a rumor, then impatient of delay, that a certain galley, standing in the port,

had prepared itself to cross over to Tunis: which

heard, he, as if waking from a heavy sleep, soon had himself

carried into that ship with his books.

But his friends, seeing him existing at the door of death,

having compassion on him; even unwilling

drew him from the ship, which much grieved him. But nevertheless

Raymond, his friends dissuading in vain, long after, having learned,

that a certain other ship, which the Genoese commonly

call a Barque, to the aforesaid city or

kingdom of the Saracens, namely Tunis, had prepared

itself to go; had himself, with his books and his other necessaries,

against the wishes and counsels of his friends,

carried into that barque. And soon, when

the sailors, he hastens to Tunis. going out of the port, began to sail;

Raymond the soundness of conscience, which under

the aforesaid clouding he had believed himself to have lost, suddenly

glad in the Lord, by the merciful illumination of the holy Spirit

recovered, together with the soundness of his languid body:

so much that he within

very few days, all wondering who with him

had come, even he himself, felt himself in so

good a state of mind and body, as before

he had been in his whole past life.

NOTES I. B. S.

CHAPTER III.

Disputation with the Saracens. Peril of death. His arrival

at Naples. Vain efforts with the Pontiff, the Genoese, and the King

of France. He makes an excursion into Cyprus, whence again he seeks the Gauls.

[18] Having landed at Tunis, Due thanks therefore being thence rendered to God,

quickly afterward they entered the port of Tunis;

and ascending onto the land, they entered the city.

Raymond therefore, the more skilled in the law of Mahomet being convoked gradually

from day to day,

among other things said to them; that he well knew the reasons of the law

of the Christians in all its articles, and that to

this he had come, that he, the reasons of their law,

namely of Mahomet, being heard, if he found those, a conference being held

among them upon these things, stronger than

the reasons of the Christians, would be converted to their sect

more skilled in the law of Mahomet flowed to him,

showing to the same the reasons of their law, that thus him

to their sect they might convert; he disputes with the Mohammedans; he, satisfying their reasons

lightly easily, said: That

faith it befits every wise man to hold, which

to the eternal God, whom all the wise men of the world believe,

attributes greater goodness, power,

glory and perfection, and also assigns all things of this kind

in greater equality and concordance.

[19] That faith also concerning God is more praiseworthy, which

between God, who is the supreme and first cause, and

his effect places greater concordance

or agreement b; as I bring forward through what things

have been proposed to me by you c: and now you

all Saracens, who are under the law of Mahomet, and from the principles

do not understand in the aforesaid and in other such

divine dignities, that the proper acts d are intrinsic

and eternal, without which he himself would have been idle

even from eternity. e But the acts of Goodness I call, the Goodening,

the to-be-goodened, the to-goodify; the acts also of Magnitude, of his general Art,

are the Magnifying, the to-be-magnified,

the to-magnify f, and so of all the other aforesaid divine dignities,

and the like. But because you

attribute those aforesaid acts, to only two divine

dignities or reasons, as I now see,

namely to wisdom and will; it is manifest

from this, that you in all the other aforesaid

divine reasons, namely Goodness, Magnitude

&c., leave idleness, and consequently

place also inequality and discord among

the same, which is not allowed g. Through the stable

intrinsic acts of the aforesaid dignities, reasons, he tries to demonstrate or attributes,

and eternal, equally and concordantly taken, as is fitting, the Christians prove

evidently morally h, that in one most simple

essence and nature there is a Trinity of Persons,

namely of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit.

[20] The Mystery of the Most Holy Trinity. Which I too through a certain Art, to a certain

Christian Hermit lately divinely (as is believed)

revealed, will be able to demonstrate to you by clear

reasons i, if you with me upon these things will be willing

for a few days with a tranquil mind to confer k. For it will appear

to you, if it please, most reasonably l

through the same Art, that in the Incarnation of the Son of God,

through the participation of the union of the Creator and the creature

in the one person of Christ, the first and supreme

cause with its effect most reasonably accords

and agrees: and that also most greatly and most nobly

this appears in the same Son of God Christ's passion,

which he aptly of the assumed humanity sustained,

by his voluntary and most merciful condescension,

for us sinners to be redeemed from

the sin and corruption of the first parent, and to be brought back

to the state of glory and of divine fruition; for

which, and to which state, finally us men

blessed God made.

[21] Since therefore upon such things Raymond now seemed

to illuminate the minds of the infidels; accused before the king it happened

that a certain Saracen, not a little famous, who

had perceived both the words and the intention of Raymond,

with exhortation supplicated the King, that as quickly as possible

this man, who strove to subvert the people of the Saracens,

and also with rash daring, to destroy the law

of Mahomet, he would order to be beheaded.

Upon which matter while a council was held, that he was subverting the Saracens,

the famous approved man and very many others instigating,

now the King's will was inclining toward the death

of Raymond. Which seeing one of them, prudent

and learned, tried to oppose so great a crime,

by persuading the King, that it would not be honorable to him,

to kill such a man; who although

his Christian law he strove to spread, with

copious maturity of goodness and prudence seemed

to abound; adding, that he too would be reputed a good

Saracen, who to the Christians dared to go,

for the cause of imprinting the law of the Saracens on the hearts

of others. The King moreover, acquiescing in speeches of this kind

and the like, hardly is he withdrawn from death; desisted from the death of Raymond;

but nevertheless ordered immediately that he be expelled

from the Kingdom of Tunis. When therefore he was being taken out of

prison, he suffered from many many reproaches,

blows and hardships.

[22] Then at length he was led to a certain

ship of the Genoese, and grieving soon about to depart: and while

he had proceeded, it was edicted by the King that he should be utterly stoned,

if in any way he should be found again in the country.

Wherefore Raymond grieved immensely;

for he had disposed men of famous reputation and others

very many to baptism, whom before his

departure with all his soul he desired to lead to the perfect

light of the orthodox faith. But when by the sting

of perplexity of this kind the man of God was held

afflicted, the well-begun mission it happened, that that ship upon which he had been

led, set out for its own home. Which

seeing Raymond, he felt tribulations threatening him

on every side. For if he departed, he saw the souls,

which he had now disposed to the Christian worship, he is compelled to desert:

slipping back into the snare of eternal damnation; but if

he should presume to remain, now the madness of the Saracens, prepared for his

death, he recognized.

[23] For burning wholly with the love of God, he did not fear

to enter the perils of death; and in vain he tries to return to it. if however from this

he could obtain for souls some effect of salvation:

and the departing ship being left, a certain other one

in the same port he secretly entered; for he hoped,

if in any way he could, to come to land, without

the impediment of the bestial onset; in order that in the aforesaid things,

the good work which he had begun, he might consummate.

These things therefore so standing, it happened that a certain

Christian, in gesture and habit similar to

Raymond, passed through the city; whom, suspecting

the Saracens to be Raymond, they seized;

and while they wished to stone him, that man

cried out; I am not Raymond. And investigating,

they learned Raymond to be in the ship, and that man

escaped from their hands: and Raymond remained

there three weeks. Who seeing,

that he could fulfill nothing there for Christ's service, he lands at Naples.

came to Naples, and there lecturing on his Art,

he stayed until the election of the Lord Pope

Celestine the Fifth.

[24] After these things Raymond went to the Roman Curia,

that he might obtain something long desired by him, Profiting nothing with the Pope;

as above is expressed, for the faith of Christ from the Lord

Pope; and there he composed books.

But some time having passed, to the Lord Celestine

Pope the Fifth succeeded the Lord Boniface

Pope the Eighth; whom also with all his strength Raymond

strove to supplicate, for some advantages of the Christian faith:

and although he suffered many straits,

by frequently following the supreme Pontiff,

from his intention he by no means desisted;

hoping that he would undoubtedly deign to hear

him, because not for his own good or a prebend,

but incessantly for the public good of the Catholic

faith he supplicated. At length, however, Raymond seeing, nor at Genoa,

that from the supreme Pontiff he could obtain nothing;

set out for the city of Genoa, where

he compiled some books. Then he came to

the King of Majorca; and a colloquy being entered into together, nor with the King of France,

he seized upon a journey to Paris; and there lecturing on his Art

publicly, he compiled very many books.

Afterward he addressed the King, supplicating him concerning

certain things most useful to the holy Church of God; he composes books; but

seeing that he obtained little or nothing concerning such things,

having returned to Majorca, there making a stay, and at Majorca he strives to convert the Saracens. he tried

both by disputations and also by preachings,

to draw the innumerable Saracens dwelling there, into the way

of salvation, and he made there also some books.

[25] It happened therefore, while Raymond was toiling at such

labors, that news ran about: Allured by a new hope of bringing back the schismatics, namely,

that the Emperor of the Tartars m, Cassanus,

had attacked the kingdom of Syria, and the whole of it

was encompassing under his dominion. Which when also

Raymond had heard, a ship being found ready, he crossed over

as far as Cyprus, and there found that news to be entirely

false. Seeing therefore Raymond, that he was

frustrated of the intention with which he had come; he heads into Cyprus: he began

to search out another way, by which he could the time granted to him by God,

not in idleness, but rather in a work

acceptable to God, and profitable to his neighbor, consummate:

for he had laid up in his heart, to himself

watchful, that counsel of the Apostle saying: But doing

good let us not fail, for in our time we shall reap, not failing;

and of the Prophet saying: Going they went and

wept, casting their seeds, but coming they shall come

with exultation, carrying their sheaves. Gal. 6:9, Ps. 125:6

[26] whence he asks to be sent to the Soldan of Egypt, Raymond therefore approached the King of Cyprus,

with much affection supplicating him, that certain

infidels and schismatics, namely Jacobites,

Nestorians, Maronites n, he would compel to come to his preaching

and also disputation.

With this also he supplicated, that, what

there he could do being done, for the edification of the aforesaid;

the King of Cyprus would wish to send him to the Soldan, who

is a Saracen, and to the King of Egypt and Syria,

that he might inform them of the holy Catholic faith. The King

however cared not for all these things. Then Raymond, but despised by the King of Cyprus,

trusting in him who evangelizes the word

in much power, by preachings and disputations

among them began, with the help of God alone,

manfully to work. But at length insisting on preachings

and doctrines, with no small bodily infirmity

he was burdened. Now two served him, by his servants he is poisoned,

namely a Clerk and a servant; who not placing

God before their sight, forgetful of their own salvation,

thought to extort the goods of the man of God o

with criminal hands; and when he recognized himself

poisoned by them, Raymond drove them from his

service, with a meek heart.

[27] Coming to Famagusta, he was received

cheerfully by the Master of the Temple, who was in the city

of Limisso, and restored to himself returns to Genoa; staying in his house, until

he had recovered his former health. After this moreover

Raymond, crossing over to Genoa, published very many

books there. Then having set out for Paris, also his Art

efficaciously there he lectured, thence again to Paris he comes. and very many books

he compiled. In the time therefore of the Lord Clement

Pope V, departing from the city of Paris, he arrived

at Lyons: and residing there, the supreme Pontiff

he supplicated concerning a matter of most abundant goodness for the faith: At Lyons also he labors in vain.

namely, that the Lord Pope himself would decree that monasteries

be made, in which men should be constituted devout

and apt; who learning the languages of various peoples,

might be able to all the infidels to preach

the Gospel, according to the Lord's mandate, saying:

Go into the whole world, preach the Gospel

to every creature. Mark 16:15 Which supplication indeed

was of little concern both to the Lord Pope and also to the Cardinals.

NOTES I. B. S.

a For he was

certain by divine faith, that the dogmas and arguments of the Saracens were false;

and therefore for it never were stronger reasons to be proposed to him, than for

the credibility of the catholic faith and its truth.

perfection is wont to be reckoned among the signs of the credibility of our faith,)

or on account of the union of the Word with human nature, in the unity of the supposit,

whence the wonderful goodness and condescension of God is argued.

f By which

namely the divine essence and attributes communicated to the Divine Persons

produced, constitute the good Son, the great Son &c.

and willing; which some call real second acts, even if not physical; some

virtual, some formal: but no exercise of

communicating itself through the production of another Divine Person do you attribute

to goodness, magnitude, and the other Divine attributes: therefore in these

you leave idleness of this kind (according to the cited doctrine of Card. Cusanus)

and so inequality and discord between the intellect and

Divine goodness; since the former would have its exercise or second act

of understanding, but goodness would lack that exercise, of

communicating itself and constituting the good in the produced person.

k Because

only to a tranquil mind do reasons of this kind bring force: so that with

God's grace helping, it is not permitted to it to repudiate assent to the mystery.

that Cassanus, on account of the violence of his kinsman Caydo, compelled to return

home, by the treachery of Caycaph the Saracen, whom over Damascus

he had set, a little after lost all Syria. That Cassanus was a Christian, Sanudo testifies at the cited place, and says that he died in 1303.

kind of Christians in Syria, Orthodox indeed, but in rites equally diverse from

us as are the Jacobites and Nestorians, wherefore they too,

were then suspect to Europeans.

CHAPTER IV.

A new contest with the Saracens at Bugia, whence after a long

imprisonment, by the royal order he is expelled. From shipwreck he lands at Pisa. At Genoa,

Paris and Avignon, what he had long meditated, he proposes; but

in vain.

[28] Carried to Bugia, Hence Raymond, having returned to Majorca,

crossed over to a certain land of the Saracens,

which is called Bugia; in whose city's

solemn square standing, Raymond exclaimed

with a loud voice, breaking forth into these words: The law of the Christians

is true, holy, and acceptable to God: but the law

of the Saracens is false and erroneous, and this I am

prepared to prove. While indeed saying such things, [to]

the faith of Christ, the now-assisting multitude of Pagans

in the language of the Saracens he was exhorting; there rushed

many with wicked hands upon him, wishing

to stone him utterly. With these so raging

against him, the Prelate or Bishop a of the city,

sending messengers, intrepidly he reproves the Saracens: orders this man to be led

to him: to whose sight Raymond being presented,

says the Bishop; Why have you been deceived with such great folly,

that [for] the Christian law, the law of Mahomet

you have presumed to attack? Do you not know that any

man so presuming is subject to capital sentence?

Raymond answered: A true servant of Christ,

having experienced the truth of the Catholic Faith, the perils of bodily

death ought not to fear, where the grace of spiritual

life he can for the souls of the faithful obtain.

[29] to whose Prelate To whom the Bishop said: If therefore you believe the law

of Christ to be true, but the law of Mahomet false

consider, adduce a necessary reason proving this.

For that Bishop was famous

[in] Philosophy. But Raymond answered:

Let us both agree in some common thing; then

it had pleased the Bishop, Raymond interrogated him,

saying: Is God perfectly good? The Bishop answered, that yes.

Then Raymond, wishing to prove the Trinity, thus began to argue: Every being

perfectly good, is in itself so perfect, that

it does not need to do good outside itself, and to beg.

from eternity and to eternity: therefore he does not need to beg, he tries to demonstrate

and to do good outside himself. Because if so,

then he would not be perfectly good simply: and because

you deny the most Blessed Trinity, supposing that it is not,

God was not perfectly good from eternity, the mystery of the Most Holy Trinity:

until he produced the good world in time.

[30] But you believe the Creator of the world, and

therefore God was more perfect in goodness, when

he created the world in time, wherefore most badly received, than before; since

goodness is more good by diffusing itself, than by existing

idle: but this I have for you. But for

myself I have, that goodness from eternity to eternity

is diffusive; and this is of the nature of the good,

that it is diffusive of its very self; since God the Father,

good, of his goodness generates his Son,

and from both the good Holy Spirit is inspired.

Therefore the Bishop, stupefied by a reason of this kind,

did not reply even one objection; but

ordered him to be committed to prison. But the multitude

of the Saracens stood outside, waiting to kill him.

But nevertheless an edict went out from the Bishop, then into a foul prison he is cast: that

against the death of this man they should by no means conspire:

for he intended himself to expose the said man to a death

worthy. Raymond therefore going out of the house

of the Bishop, going to the prison, here indeed beaten

with blows of staffs, here of hands; thence indeed

by the beard, which had been long, sharply dragged;

he was shut up near the latrine of the prison of thieves,

where for some time a painful life

he led.

[31] But afterward he was placed in a certain little house

of the same prison. then demanded for death, But on the next day there gathered

the Clerks of the law before the Bishop, seeking

to kill him. A council being entered into how

they should destroy him, it was determined by the greater part,

that Raymond should be brought; and if they could perceive

him to be a learned man, he should be utterly killed:

but if he were a foolish and stupid man,

they should dismiss him as a fool. Which

hearing one of them, by the work of the Catalans and Genoese, who had crossed over from

Genoa to Tunis with Raymond, and who had heard

his discourses and reasons frequently,

said to them: See that you do not present this man in the praetorium,

for such men against our law will move

reasons, which it will be difficult, or impossible

for you to solve. Then indeed agreeing that he should not

be brought, a little time having passed, they changed him

into a more savage prison. Then the Genoese and Catalans there existing

having gathered, more honorably he is detained; obtained,

that he be put into a more fitting place,

which was done.

[32] Raymond therefore stayed for half a year

imprisoned there; and for half a year to whom coming the Clerks or

messengers of the Bishop frequently, that him to the law

of Mahomet they might convert; they promised him wives,

honors, a house and copious money.

But founded upon a firm rock the man of God

Raymond, said: I, if you will be willing to believe

in the Lord Jesus Christ, and that erroneous law

you will take care to put to flight, supreme riches to you

and eternal life I promise. But while on such things

he frequently insisted, he contends with the Mohammedans, it was agreed, that each one should make

law, by what efficacious reasons it could, should confirm;

besides, whoever used the firmer reasons,

his law would be believed the truer. And when Raymond

now to his book was giving efficacious work, it happened

that from the part of the King of Bugia one was sent, who in

the city of Constantine d at that time was residing, that

Raymond from Bugia, the letters being seen, should be expelled. and at last he is expelled.

[33] Ascending therefore a certain ship in that

port, Having suffered shipwreck, it was commanded to the master of the said ship, that in that land

he should not allow this man any longer to remain.

While therefore that ship was now crossing over, it happened

that above the port of the Pisans, a strong tempest

of the sea arose: for they were ten miles

distant from the port of the Pisans; and when the ship on every side

suffered most grievous impulses of the storms,

at length suffering shipwreck, some died

and were submerged; but others by the foregoing help of God

escaped, among whom Raymond and his companion,

all the books and baggage e being lost, who,

naked f upon a boat to the shores of the Upper sea

came. And coming into the city of Pisa, hardly does he escape to Pisa:

certain of the citizens received him honorably:

where the man of God, although he was now old

and weak, yet always insisting on labor for Christ,

his general Art ultimately perfected:

of which Art indeed, as well as of his other books,

the immense efficacy, where he perfects the general Art: by savory and perfect

reconsideration, is worthy, that one should aim not at this

world's glory, or vain Philosophy, but

at the firm love and wisdom of God, as

the ultimate end and supreme good.

[34] and he persuades that a military Order be instituted. The aforesaid Art therefore being completed, and many

other books there consummated, wishing also to incite the Community

of the city of Pisa to Christ's service,

he proposed to their Council, that it would be good,

that into the same Order should be constituted Christian Soldiers,

ordained for this, namely, that for recovering

the Holy Land, they should maintain continual battle

against the perfidious Saracens; to whose pleasing eloquence,

and pleasing admonition condescending, letters

to the supreme Pontiff and Cardinals upon this kind

of salutary business they wrote. The liberality of the Genoese Matrons. But those

letters being obtained in the city of Pisa, to Genoa a journey

he seized: similar letters he obtained. Where to

him devout matrons and very many widows running together,

and other nobles of the same city, promised

him 30 g thousand florins in aid of the Holy

Land. Having departed therefore from Genoa he came to

the Pope, then at that time residing at Avignon: but seeing

that of his purpose there he could obtain something not,

to Paris he seized upon a journey; where both

his Art he lectured publicly, and other very many books,

which he had made in times past.

But there was present at his lecture, a multitude of Masters and also

of Scholars: At Paris again he lectures on the Art; to whom not only

with physical reasons he exhibited his strengthened doctrine,

but also by other principles of the Christian Faith,

in a wonderful way confirmed wisdom

he set forth.

[35] and there he shows against Averroes, But on account of the sayings of the Commentator of Aristotle,

namely Averroes, he saw very many from

the rectitude of truth, especially of the Catholic Faith,

not a little deviate, saying; that the Christian faith,

as to the manner of understanding, is

impossible h; but they opine it to be true, as

to the manner of believing, since they are to the College of Christians

attached. Therefore Raymond, by the way

demonstrative and scientific, striving to disprove this conception

of theirs, that faith is not against natural reason. refuting them in manifold ways

reduced them, because if the Catholic faith of understanding

is impossible, it is impossible that it be

true; i upon which indeed he made books. But after these things,

knowing Raymond, that by the most holy Father

the Lord Pope Clement V a general Council

was to be celebrated at the city of Vienne, From Clement V he asks three things;

in the year of the Lord 1311, on the Kalends of October; he proposed

to go to the said Council, that three things there k

he might obtain for the repair of the orthodox faith.

[36] First indeed, that a sufficient place should be constituted,

A College for learning languages, in which men devout and vigorous in intellect,

should be placed, studying in various kinds

of languages; who with all charity might know the doctrine

Evangelical to preach. The second indeed, that of

all the Religious Christian Soldiers, the union of the military Orders, there should be made one

Order, who beyond the sea against the Saracens, until

the recovery of the Holy Land continual wars should maintain.

But the third, that against the opinions

of Averroes, who in many things was a perverter, the Lord

Pope should quickly ordain a remedy, and that Averroes be eliminated from the schools. which through

intelligent and Catholic men, not aiming

at their own glory, but at Christ's honor, should resist

the aforesaid opinions and those holding them,

which seem to oppose the uncreated Truth and Wisdom,

the Son of God the Father. And of this Raymond compiled

Natalis; promising besides to have compelling reasons,

both physical and theological against

them: which indeed most clearly he treated, in some

of his books. For this servant of God,

among his daily labors made

one hundred and twenty-three books and more.

[37] For now forty years l had elapsed, after

his whole heart and his whole soul, How many books he composed, all

and his whole strength, and his whole mind to

God he had directed; in which interval of time books

he made continually, when he could be at leisure and diligently:

wherefore the word of the Prophet David he deservedly

could pronounce, saying: My heart hath uttered

is the pen of a scribe, writing swiftly. Ps. 44:1 Truly

his tongue was the pen of that uncreated scribe,

namely of the Holy Spirit, who gives the word to those evangelizing

in much power; concerning whom indeed speaking

the Savior, says to the Apostles; For it is not you

who speak, and where they are preserved. but the Spirit of your Father who

speaks in you. Matt. 10:19 But the usefulness of his

books wishing to be common to all, many

he published in the Arabic language, since that idiom he had known.

His books indeed were divulged throughout the whole world,

but in three places he caused them especially

to be gathered; namely in the m monastery of the Carthusians

at Paris, and with a certain noble of the city

of Genoa, and also with a certain noble

of the city of Majorca.

NOTES I. B. S.

of Numidia, called of old Cirta, which at that time subject to the King of Bugia,

now, according to Marmol, is under the King of Algiers, as also Bugia itself, of old

Saldae, enjoying a capacious port on the coast of the Mediterranean sea, with a Strong citadel

at the mouths of the Greater river, and from it the adjacent gulf is commonly called, Golfo di Bugia.

e Various

meanings of this word you have in the Glossary of Du Cange. Properly it indicates

the theft of any household goods, but it is clear that it is here taken for the household goods

themselves, which the Italians everywhere call roba. He who wishes more, let him consult Du Cange: this for our matter is enough.

g It is wonderful

what in that liberality of the Genoese matrons Bzovius had to

carp at: we do not read that blessed Lull extorted that money by sordid begging,

but that it was of their own accord promised and offered to him. Nor is it alien to

the zeal of the devout Genoese women, since I remember I once read,

that they were inflamed with so great an ardor of recovering the Holy Land, that

not

only money to the sacred war they were willing to confer, but even they themselves at that time

signed with the Cross wished to hasten into Palestine, to snatch it from the Saracens.

k Those three things

especially with indefatigable zeal for nearly fifty years he

strove to promote, and Custurer assigns this expressed in various places of his works,

p. 532 and 533. And indeed he seems to have obtained this at least from the Council,

that schools of Oriental languages should be instituted, as can be deduced

from the Clementine I On Masters, by which those schools are commanded to be erected in various cities.

l Elapsed

entirely, for then was being passed the forty-sixth year, in which to that pious

work he had begun to toil, as Raymond himself in his Phantasticus

testifies, and we will say elsewhere.

m It is certain,

that at the Charterhouse of Paris not a few of Raymond's books were

guarded, which not long ago, as the most erudite

Castellanus signifies to me, were translated to Dijon by I know not what Monk, perhaps because

there some speculators of the Lullian Art are found. If

we believe Vernon, there are kept also in the Library of the Sorbonne Lullian books

eighty-two, where, unless I am mistaken, he exceeds a little. The praised

Castellanus in a letter given on 23 April 1707, above more than once

cited; testifies, that in the lesser Library of the Sorbonne there exist eleven

volumes in folio, not of equal size; whose analysis, so to

speak, he transcribes, enumerating the individual treatises, in the order in which

in the aforesaid tomes they are contained. But of the catalogue of books it will be treated elsewhere.

Whence moreover it is established to Vernon that in the Vatican Library are found

books of Lull 422, in the Escorial 1113, at S. Isidore at Rome 1305, and finally in

the Library of Pico of Mirandola works 2225, neither does he himself indicate, nor is it

easy for me to divine. Of the books preserved at Genoa, besides this

Anonymous, scarcely anyone, that I know, has made mention. For the rest from the Catalogue afterward

to be given it will be established, that the number is greater than is here said at num. 36.

LIFE II.

By the Author Charles Bovillus of Saint-Quentin, to Raymond Boucher the Jurist,

From the edition of Benedict Gonon, book 6, p. 378.

Raymond Lull, Solitary, Martyr in Africa (B.)

A. BY CHARLES BOVILLUS.

LITTLE PREFACE.

You asked at times of me, my Raymond, whether there was

any of the Blessed, whose name was Raymond a,

and who deservedly by you as a patron

and partner of your name might be venerated. I answered

that there was a certain Raymond Lull, by nation a Spaniard,

by manner of life a Hermit b: whose life

I had sometimes heard recounted by a certain Spanish c friend.

That therefore both as a patron d you may receive

him, and toward him a pious devotion may grow in you,

what by word of mouth you heard from me, by the present letters

I will recall to memory.

NOTES I. B. S.

Charles Bovillus was thoroughly instructed in Theological, Philosophical, Mathematical,

and other sciences, as excellently teach the monuments left by

him to posterity, and enumerated by Gesner in his Library. There are

those who call him Canon

of Noyon

or Amiens, as the renowned Robert on the Bishops of Amiens, which to our matter

makes nothing at all; this is enough; that he was a man, on whose authority

the things narrated of Raymond can deservedly rest.

b So

Raymond is wont to be painted, so to be called everywhere, especially because for nearly a whole

decade he led an eremitical and solitary life, and for the remaining time of his life

he did not lay aside the habit of a penitent. Nor does this hinder but that

he is said to have professed the third Rule of S. Francis, although of this matter authentic

monuments so much, neither in this, nor in other more ancient Lives,

occur.

the things which he had already described. Indeed if the preceding Life with this

Bovillian one be compared, it will be found to agree so far in many things, that either

the Spaniard must have read the Life of the Anonymous, or Bovillus himself,

must have had perceived no small part of the same.

doubted, however much he abstains from a title of this kind; for what Catholic assigns a patron to another, toward whom a pious devotion of the client may grow, unless he truly thinks such a patron already received into heaven, which Bovillus himself expressly testifies.

CHAPTER I.

Raymond's first youth and his coming to his senses from insane loves. Marvelously illustrated, he publishes very many little works.

[1] Raymond, by surname Lull, by nation

held with the King of Majorca that

magistracy, Educated in the court and entangled in loves, which commonly they call Seneschal.

Secularly therefore in the palace of the King educated,

according to the custom of courtiers and worldly men,

wholly amid loves he lived; and in those very

loves, not only his flagrant youth, but

also the greater part of his life a he vainly consumed:

intent especially on dictating Dionean b songs.

Now he loved before others a certain Lady,

of comely indeed and elegant face; yet two things there

were, which by no means allowed her to come into his embraces.

The first was, the lawful

bed of her husband: abandonedly he pursues an honest matron, the second, the hidden disease of cancer,

which although it lay hidden beneath her garment, had nevertheless

already so far eaten away her breast, that her vitals

were laid bare, and a dreadful stench thence exhaled.

Incurable was this plague of cancer in the woman's breast,

but far more incurable the cancer of lustful love

was tearing the mind of Raymond. For so

overwhelmed with insane and illicit love, who was blind chiefly

in mind, even with bodily eyes almost

blind he was believed by all.

[2] For, as he related to me, who narrated the very

history; and indeed on horseback into the temple; when on a certain day Raymond, having mounted his horse,

was walking in the marketplace, and saw her

whom with foolish love he loved, set out into a neighboring temple

for the cause of divine prayer; soon (although

on horseback) he followed her into the temple,

from which immediately (as if mad and out of his senses)

with the great laughter of all he deserved to be hooted out.

But the woman, grieving, where, held in mockery, that so great a man, and one who in an honorable

magistracy with the King functioned, on account of his illicit

love for her, both became insane, and was turned

into the talk of the common people; thought by what means him,

both from love of her she might turn away, and to soundness of mind

might recall. and convinced by womanly wisdom, Raymond therefore being called once (as she had obtained from her husband)

into colloquy, and being introduced

into the chamber; to him forthwith her breast

(as it was eaten away by the cancerous disease, and as

it was foul with most loathsome odor) to lay bare she did not at all

blush, and at the same time these words in his ears she impressed:

See, O Raymond, what you love. Recognize

how stinking a corpse you yourself so greatly love.

The zeal which hitherto toward me with so foolish love

you spent, to Christ more cautiously was to be dedicated by you.

You could indeed already from him have merited the kingdoms

of heaven.

[3] he comes to his senses. By these words while the foolish man by a wise woman

is rebuked; the sick is healed by the sick, cancer

by cancer is driven out. For the cancer of love, which

the mind of Raymond was tearing, by the sight of the other cancer,

which the woman's breast had now nearly consumed,

in a moment disappeared. For with so great grief of mind suffused

Raymond, seeing himself wisely

rebuked by a woman: and moreover that for so long a time

deceived by the luster of the face alone, he had by no means known

those things which lay hidden beneath the garments; at once home

he sought, and submitting himself to prayer, all

his effort with highest vows to Christ for the future

he dedicated. There appeared therefore to him soon a certain sacred and

propitious vision; the image, I say, of the Crucified, Warned by Christ in these

words addressing him; Raymond, follow me.

And when this heavenly vision more frequently to the same

out of divine goodness was repeated; Raymond resolved with himself,

the pride of riches being cast off, and his household dismissed,

to leave the world. All c therefore he sold

which he possessed, and the prices to the poor he gave out.

He began then to pray with all his strength to the Lord, his household dismissed he gives himself to prayers;

that to him light and grace he would deign to bestow, by which

he might thoroughly teach to be reprobate, and the Saracen people

to the faith of Christ, by what reasons he could,

he might allure.

[4] and kindled with zeal for the sciences, Persevering therefore very many days in prayer,

not only for the publication of one book light

he obtained; but suddenly with his whole mind illustrated by the Lord

(for the Lord gives to whom he wills abundantly,

and upbraids not) he wondered that he (formerly indeed

an unlearned man) in a moment, with the principles of all the sciences,

both human and divine, from above

had been imbued; and (according to the sacred words) all

truth at once had learned from the Holy Spirit.

Giving thanks therefore to God, from prayer he rose;

and feeling that the lamp, which God in his mind

had kindled, was not to be placed under a bushel, but upon

are; he resolved to set out for Paris d: and there,

although forty years old, Grammar he heard,

and began, nearly forty years old he learns Grammar. thenceforth in the Latin tongue the light

(which by divine inspiration had been communicated to him)

not only to his other contemporaries to impart;

but also by the composition of various books, to reserve

for posterity. John 16:13 For innumerable little works he published,

of which these are, which to my knowledge

have come.

The Book Gentilis (The Gentile) e.

Another book Gentilis.

The Book of contemplation.

Another book of contemplation.

The Compendious art.

Another compendious art.

The Great art.

The Inventive art.

The Demonstrative art.

The Art of ten propositions.

The General table.

The Brief art.

The Book of childish doctrine.

The Book of Blaquerna.

On marvels.

The Book of blessed Mary.

The Book of Angels.

The Book of Antichrist.

The Book of the lover and the beloved.

The Amatory art.

The Philosophy of love.

The Book of the third figure.

The Book of principles.

On the first and second intention.

Brief logic.

New logic.

The Book of man.

On the medicine of sin.

The Book of tartar.

The Disputation of faith and intellect.

The Book of the intellect.

On free will.

The Book of memory.

The Book of the soul.

On the refreshment of the intellect.

On the ascent and descent of the intellect.

On the principles of Theology.

On the principles of Philosophy.

The Art of Philosophy.

The Book on Philosophy.

The Book of Proverbs.

The Art of medicine.

The Art of law.

Another art of law.

The Book of signification.

The Book of light.

The Art of counsel.

The Art of navigating.

The Art of astronomy.

On the errors of Boëthius and Fulgerius.

The Art of preaching.

On warfare.

Questions of the sentences.

On predestination.

The Disputation of Raymond and a Saracen man.

On those things which are to be believed concerning God.

On the Trinity and Incarnation.

On the properties of God.

The Book of Clerks.

Preaching against the Jews.

The Divine art.

On power, object, and act.

On duration.

On beatitude.

The Book of Chaos.

The Book of questions.

On the sixth sense.

The Book of nature.

On substance and accident.

The Excuse of Raymond.

On the end.

On the Holy Land.

On the articles of faith.

On the seven sacraments.

New rhetoric.

The Book of the Articles.

On the understanding of God.

On the five wise men.

On God.

The Art to be noted.

The Art of election.

On the divine and undivided majesty.

On the experience of reality.

The Book of the phantastic.

On the concord of faith and intellect.

On the equality of the acts of the soul in beatitude.

On the proper and common acts.

On per-se-ity.

On the divine Persons.

On the power of the divine reasons.

On the names of the differences of the Persons.

On the sufficiency of the three Persons.

The Mystical art.

On the perversion of being to be taken away.

New metaphysics.

The Book of the Physicists.

On unknown Corollaries.

On the natural mode of understanding.

The Supplication of Raymond.

On the conversion of subject, predicate and middle.

On infinite being.

On the possible and impossible.

Against Averroes.

On fallacies.

On a hundred syllogisms.

On contradictory syllogisms.

On the nativity.

On lamentation.

On divine unity.

Sermons against Averroes.

On the efficient and the effect.

On easy science.

On the questions of wisdom.

On God and the universe.

On the form of God.

On the substance and action of God.

On the high and profound question.

The Books of Alchemy. f

NOTES I. B. S.

b Venereal or amatory.

c This

too is to be conveniently understood: for at least those things he thought ought to be reserved, which

were necessary for nourishing his family, and for promoting those things which to the glory of God

he meditated. Thus in the Phantasticus he writes cap. 2, that he all things, that to God honor and the public good he might procure, and the holy faith exalt, willingly dismissed. And in his Lamentation he affirms, that he so much expended in procuring the good of the Church, that he left his children poor, Que per esser mis hijos quedaron pobres (so that being my children they remained poor).

d Which

here Bovillus somewhat contracts, more distinctly above narrated the

Anonymous. And this Parisian setting-out the author hastens, since

Raymond for a whole decade led a private life, before from the island he set foot

out.

e Nor

is that catalogue here aptly inserted. See our historical Dissertation,

treating all these things more fully, from Nicholas Antonio and others.

I did not however wish to omit that series, such as it is,

lest anything be taken from the Life.

CHAPTER II.

Learning Arabic he is nearly killed. After solitude, Rome, and

other cities he seeks. At Tunis he is in peril. Various peregrinations even into

the East.

[5] But besides these, he is said to have published also very many

others, That he might labor for the conversion of the Saracens in Spanish, the vernacular, and

Arabic. For greatly desiring to illustrate the Saracen people

with the light of the Christian faith, from a bought

Saracen slave the Arabic language, chiefly

for the sake of that matter, he learned. And fearing therefore

the bought Saracen, who had taught him, lest Raymond's

doctrine should become pernicious to the Mohammedan law

(especially since for the sake of preaching alone,

the skill of the Arabic tongue, from him he had asked to be imbued)

he striving to kill his master and lord Raymond,

in his breast inflicted. But prevailing over the slave

Raymond, from the slave he is taught Arabic, the sword from him violently wrested away:

and as he was clement, him from his friends, who wished

to kill him, freed, yet to be shut up by them

in prison permitted. But the Saracen grieving that

his master and lord he could not kill, and by him is nearly killed. with a noose

in the prison ended his life.

[6] A few days after, he went for the sake of prayer into

in which when for the space of nearly seven days, By a new light through frequent meditations illustrated from heaven,

incumbent on prayer and meditation, he had stayed,

he so greatly desired to know. In that place also, in which

he stood on the mountain, while the heavenly light to him from the Father

of lights was granted, an eremitical little cell for himself

he commanded to be built; in which for several months remaining,

by night and day to prayers and meditations

devoting himself, by some heavenly visions

at length to be visited by God he merited. Then the little cell being left,

to Rome b he proceeded, about to ask from the supreme

Pontiff and the assembly of Cardinals, thinking of Rome, that diverse throughout

the world there be made monasteries; in which prudent

and most devout men (who any tortures of tyrants

for Christ to undergo would by no means be afraid)

in various languages, for the sake of public preaching, might be instituted.

[7] about to ask for Monasteries, in which all languages might be taught: But when he had come to Rome, the supreme

Pontiff Honorius the Fourth recently dead

finding, from his purpose to desist he was compelled. From

the Roman Curia then to Paris he sought under Chancellor

Berthold; in whose hall, and by the precept

of him, his general Art publicly he interpreted.

From Paris to Montpellier he went:

in which place very many things he both published, not heard, he proceeds to Paris, where he lectures on the Art. and publicly lectured

on little works. Hence to Genoa having set out, his Art

inventive there into Arabic he translated. Again

from Genoa to Rome, for the cause of his former supplication

having returned, on account of the impediments of the Ecclesiastical Curia,

nothing of his purpose he obtained. Returning therefore to Genoa,

that thence into Africa to the Saracens, He sets out to the Saracens, Christ

to them to announce, he might migrate; a ship being found,

and his books being placed in it, into the kingdom of Tunis

he crossed. Having entered therefore Tunis, for several

days with the elders and the more skilled of the Mohammedan

law concerning the Christian truth he discoursed. Brought at length

before the King, from whom suffering many things and brought to Naples, because the minds of the Saracens from

Mahomet he was turning away, into prison he was cast,

and ordered a little after by the King to be beheaded. Yet there was present

to Raymond some one of the most skilled of the Arab

priests, who both Raymond loved, and him willingly

heard; and having besought

the King, that so great a man he would not order to be killed; he obtained,

that Raymond only from the bounds of the kingdom be driven,

with the denunciation, that if ever into the kingdom

he should return, soon to capital punishment he would be condemned.

[8] [in vain Celestine V and Boniface VIII concerning Monasteries &c. he interpellates;] Therefore through ignominies, reproaches, blows,

and hardships driven from Tunis, to Naples he came;

where both his Art he lectured, and until the election

of the Pontiff Celestine the Fifth he remained. To this

Celestine the Fifth when Boniface the Eighth

had succeeded; to Rome again Raymond went, the same things

which before from him to ask. But when the Pontiff

following for many days he profited nothing,

to Genoa again to set out he resolved; where both other several

books he struck. Hence to the King of Majorca

he proceeded, with whom a colloquy being held, to Paris

he returned; and there both his Art again he lectured,

and very many books he composed.

[9] as also the King of France. The King of France also Philip he addressed,

asking from him, what before from the supreme Pontiff

he had asked. From whom when he had obtained nothing, having returned

to Majorca, with the Saracens and Jews, who

in that place dwelt, daily he disputed. Thence

having set out for Cyprus, he prayed of the King of Cyprus, that

all the schismatics in the law of Christ, such as Jacobites,

Nestorians, From Cyprus returning Georgians and other such

men, to be present at his preaching he would order, that

by this means them to the unity of the Christian faith he might bring back:

and there insisting on preachings and doctrines,

poison being received from his enemies, scarcely the perils of death

he escaped. Thence to Genoa returning, several

books he published there. Afterward to Paris having set out, he composes many books his Art

again he interpreted, and very many books

he completed. Then Paris being left, to Lyons

to Clement the Fifth he came: from whom

when likewise, what from the previous Pontiffs

he had asked, he had asked; nothing from him, as neither from the previous ones,

he obtained.

NOTES I. B. S.

I have omitted. See above from num. 123.

CHAPTER III.

At Bugia in Africa he hardly escapes death. Shipwrecked he swims to Pisa.

At Genoa he collects money. He meets Clement V, and pursues Averroes.

[10] At length to Majorca returning, again to the Saracens

into Africa he crossed over, With intrepid zeal and came

into the kingdom of Bugia; whose royal city

having entered, he began (after the manner of Jonah the Prophet)

through its squares walking, to cry out with a loud voice, The law

of the Christians is true and holy, and alone pleasing and

acceptable to God; but the law of the Saracens is false and erroneous:

and behold I will what I say, by invincible reasons

demonstrate. These his words being heard, Christ again in Africa he preaches,

when to stone him the whole throng of the people wished; he was ordered

by the Prelate of the city to be presented to him; whom

thus the supreme Priest addressed: Since you know that capital

punishment is to be inflicted on one who against Mahomet a blasphemer

has been; why against his law nefarious words

publicly to cast you have dared? To whom Raymond; A true

(he says) servant of Christ, and he disputes with the Mohammedans. having experienced the undoubted

truth of the Catholic faith, all fear of death

being set aside; it everywhere to bear, and to all

to announce ought. The Prelate answered: If the Christian

faith to be true you believe, a reason before

me adduce, by which its truth you may confirm.

But immediately Raymond began the mystery of the most holy

Trinity a most learnedly to explain. When

Raymond skillfully before the Prelate of the Saracens

Alsakinus b had discoursed; nothing of answer from him he heard.

And although the same Alsakinus in every

part of Philosophy was not mediocrely instructed; but thrust into a foul prison,

at the words however of Raymond stupefied, not

words to words, not reasons to reasons did he object; but

to the accustomed forces of tyrants fleeing, by the hands of attendants

him to prison he committed. But when

from the pontifical house to the prison he was led,

some indeed plucking his beard, him to the ground

prostrated, others with clubs, others with hands and fists

harshly struck:

[11] At length not so much led, as violently

and with all ignominy dragged, grievously by the Saracens he is tortured, not so much into

prison, as into the latrine of the prison of thieves;

there in most loathsome squalor for some time to be tormented

he was permitted: yet by the prayer of the Genoese Merchants,

who that city for the sake of business

inhabited, by the work of the Genoese hardly snatched from death. both from death he was freed, and to a more decent

and more honorable prison assigned, in which half

to him in prison the more skilled of the Saracens,

sent by their Prelate, in turn him

to the Mohammedan law to allure they strove, the Saracens meanwhile

great things to him promising, a most noble

wife, slaves, and a large household,

favor: all which counting as nothing Raymond,

on the contrary kindly them to the Christian faith exhorted;

not treasures to them, or the goods of fortune, but

eternal life promising: not the favor of Kings,

but the divine love, and adoption into the sons of God.

When indeed they profited nothing mutually; it was agreed

at length among them, laboring to pervert him, that on both sides books

should be struck, by which which law was better, holier,

and truer, by open and patent reasons

should be shown.

[12] Now Raymond on his part very much

in striking the book had advanced, and almost the work itself

to its end had brought; by order of the King of Bugia from the kingdom he is driven. when on account of the coming

of the King of Bugia into the city, his hands from the work to recall

he is compelled. For when to the royal ears became known,

what Raymond in the city was contriving;

soon both from the city and from the whole kingdom to be driven Raymond by

the King was ordered. But driven he a certain Genoese

ship boarded, in which also his books he placed,

to Genoa about to cross: yet by the importunity of the winds,

elsewhere the ship was carried, and at the tenth mile

from the port of the Pisans suffering shipwreck, many in

the waves submerged it abandoned. Among the few who escaped,

Raymond and the companion of his journey, Having suffered shipwreck, all

the books being lost in the sea, upon a beam nearly naked

into the port (the divine help protecting them) they were carried.

Having entered the city of Pisa Raymond,

books, He exhorts the Pisans to aid the Holy Land according to his custom, very many in it he completed;

and persuaded the Community (for then flourished

the wealth of the Pisans, which today is the slave

of the Florentines) concerning instituting of certain sacred

Soldiers an Order, who by assiduous battles

against the Saracens should rage, until Jerusalem

and all Judea (which the Holy Land

they call) taken from the hands of the infidels, to Christian

scepters might be subjected.

[13] Moved by the discourse and sweet eloquence of Raymond,

the Pisans, letters, in their name to the supreme Pontiff, as also the Genoese,

and the whole College of Cardinals,

written, to Raymond offered: who, the letters being received,

at once from the city having set out, to Genoa went:

and equal letters from the Genoese, to the Roman

Pontiff and Cardinals, he obtained. Besides also very many Genoese matrons and devout women,

twenty-five c thousand pieces of money to him in

aid of recovering the Holy Land of their own accord promised. the matrons offering 25,000 pieces of money:

Having gone out therefore from Genoa Raymond, full of hope,

into the Gauls to the Roman Pontiff,

who then Avignon inhabited, the Alps being overcome

he penetrated: the letters both of the Pisans and of the Genoese

without delay to the Pontiff and Cardinals he offered; adding

(as before he had done) a supplication written in his own

name, but by the Pontiff and Cardinals that their minds toward the immense

advantage of the Christian Commonwealth he might incline.

But they the man of God Raymond, on account of his eremitical

humility holding in mockery, empty and

without fruit dismissed d. Bidding them farewell therefore Raymond,

to Paris again to go he resolved; where both his Art

anew he lectured, held in mockery, and very many books

he completed, especially against Averroes; by which he taught,

that it was unworthy, for Christians to use that man's

Commentaries on Aristotle. Namely that they were opposed

to the Catholic faith, At Paris he inveighs against Averroes. and were filled with most impious

errors, which the minds of the young easily perverted;

and by his judgment they were worthy of the avenging

flames.

NOTES I. B. S.

d Badly

hence Bzovius argues, that Raymond, as foolish and fanatical, by the

Pontiff and Cardinals was rejected. Other things indeed stood in the way, so that they

should the less assent to the supplications of a private man; as being of greater

undertaking, than that so easily they could be settled. It is certain meanwhile that concerning

renewing the sacred war, in the following Council of Vienne it was treated.

CHAPTER IV.

He promotes his cause in the Council of Vienne. He seeks Africa again. He dies a Martyr. His body is carried to Majorca. Concerning his doctrine the Author's judgment.

[14] The fame thereafter being spread of the general Council,

which under Clement V at Avignon, Having set out for the Council of Vienne

in the year of the Lord one thousand three hundred and eleven

on the Kalends of October to be celebrated became widely known; Raymond resolved

thither to set out, three things (as before he had done)

from the supreme Pontiff and the session of the Cardinals

to ask. The first, that throughout the world various monasteries should be ordered to be built,

for building schools of languages, in which holy and

devout men, to die for Christ nothing fearing,

various languages should be taught, that into all the earth

their sound might go out, and into the ends of the world

their words; and that by their preaching, there might be made

of all peoples one fold, as also one

is now the shepherd. The second, that of all the religious

Soldiers, who are of diverse Orders, there should be made

one Order: the Military Orders to be forged into one, who beyond the sea by assiduous wars the Saracens

might harass, until the Holy Land to Christian

empire should obey. The third, that by the authority of the most holy

Father the Roman Pontiff, and of all

the Cardinals, the writings of Averroes should be forbidden to be read

in the Schools of Christians, Averroes to be eliminated from the schools, because in many

they compel the minds of the faithful from the sincerity and truth of faith to waver,

and to impiety lead. But of these

three supplications for the sake a little book

he published, he obtains nothing, On the Nativity of the child: which to the magnificent King

of France Philip he dedicated; at whose end

the same supplications he inserted, and to that King

with the book itself he presented. This is that book, which

our Stapulensis (a man, as you know, of all good

letters an illustrator) with the book *On the praises

of B. Mary*, to be brought into the light from the office of the engravers

he caused to be sent out. For in this manifestly

Raymond against Averroes and his errors rises up.

Nothing however he himself, with so many and so great labors

undertaken, neither from the supreme Pontiffs, nor

from Kings, of those things which he desired, could obtain.

[15] He persisted nevertheless in hardships and vigils

assiduous, from the time of the undertaken purpose; more

than forty years: forty years being now spent toward that end, in which for the sake of divine service,

by continual peregrinations, and the compositions of books

he was incumbent, his whole heart having

toward the Lord. But he composed books (as we said)

nearly innumerable, and many books being written. and especially in three

languages, Latin, Spanish, and Arabic, on account of

the Saracens. For (as above is shown)

the Arabic language from a bought Saracen slave

he had learned. His books are said also to be had in three especially

places; at Paris among the Carthusians:

who him with liberal hospitality were wont to receive.

At Genoa, with a certain noble, whose also

lodging he used. And with a certain Lord

of the city of Majorca, into whose likewise house

for the sake of hospitality he withdrew.

[16] At last Raymond, in body now

old, but in mind always flourishing, and daily more robust,

again from Majorca to Tunis a crossed over

for the sake of preaching. Africa he seeks again, Whither when he had come, recognized

immediately by the inhabitants, soon by the concourse of the people he was

from the city ejected, and with stones in the port overwhelmed.

But on the following night, when by chance (as it pleased God)

certain Majorcan merchants the port of the Tunisians

were sailing past; overwhelmed with stones he is crowned with martyrdom, they saw from afar an immense

pyramid of light b, from the heap of stones

(by which the body of Raymond was overwhelmed) proceeding.

And admiring the novelty of the matter, thither without delay

turning aside, and the body recognized, by heavenly light into his homeland is carried back. the pile of stones being dug away, the dead

(inasmuch as he was a Majorcan citizen) they had recognized;

placed on the ships to Majorca d with them

they carried back; and it is said even today, in that place to be preserved

his body, and to have been illustrious with very many miracles.

[17] But in what times he flourished, is sufficiently

established from these things which we have narrated. When Raymond flourished. For he was in the times

of Honorius the Fourth, Nicholas the Fourth, Celestine

the Fifth, Boniface the Eighth, Benedict the Eleventh,

and Clement the Fifth, Roman Pontiffs;

and of Philip King of France, to whom the book

On the Nativity of the child he dedicated, and offered. This Philip

I suppose was he, whom the Fair e the Histories

of the French call: for he it was who about

the year one thousand three hundred the scepters of the kingdom

guarded. But the books of Raymond more the loftiness of the thought,

A notable praise than the clarity of the style commends.

For as much as the rest in doctrine they surpass,

so much by the same in speech are they surpassed,

and humbler are recognized to be; as one who not from

men, but from God the light of science chiefly

had received, and afterward from men, now nearly

forty years old, the norm of dictating and writing had learned:

for his mind God illustrated, but his mouth or tongue man instructed. For he had

in the Parisian school a certain teacher, of Raymond's doctrine;

Thomas by name, to whom several books he dedicated,

and whom (the disciple instructing the Master) his whole

Art he taught, rendering in place of payment

for the voice spirit, for the dead letter a vivifying

doctrine.

[18] which very many always esteemed For truly a vivifying doctrine his

dogmas they judged, of which I myself make others judges,

lest alone on my own sense I seem to rely; because easily

by all readers they are perceived, not

to be of men, but rather from heaven (as the present

history has set forth) granted. For the excellent science of the Holy

Spirit (which we the gift of grace,

or infused science call) those things in a moment

in men supplies, perfects, works, which

by the doctrine of men, with no labor or

time are completed. This Raymond our Faber

(easily the glory of present philosophers)

greatly venerates and loves, the celebrated Doctor Faber. wonderfully his doctrine

extols, his books embraces, and for

the public utility from the office into the light to be sent out

he causes: with which the book of divine contemplations,

above the rest to be admired, into the hands of all

he published; the man himself finally, as

as a partner of the heavenly ones, those things which of him we have adduced

testimonies, suffice to approve.

LITTLE CONCLUSION.

[19] These are, my Raymond, the things which I of your Raymond

(for yours I call him, of whose

name you yourself are a partaker) partly heard, partly

through writings perceived, believe to be true. And to you

them I have narrated, that they be to you, both the man, and the books full of erudition,

no less in esteem, than to Faber

and to me hitherto they have been. These things I persuade you,

these I exhort you, and beg, that the man you venerate,

his books studiously run through, and in them profit.

Farewell. From Amiens the 27th of June 1511.

NOTES I. B. S.

a It is the constant

and concordant opinion of all writers, that not at Tunis, but at Bugia in

Africa Raymond underwent martyrdom, so that it is wonderful that one city for

the other was taken by Bovillus, unless perhaps from the narration of the Spaniard he was

deceived.

c There are

those who would have it, that still half-alive he was found, carried into the ship, there a little

after expired; unless you prefer that he survived until into the sight of Majorca

the ship landed; as others handed down to memory testify.

d Let

Nicholas de Pax be seen, with others asserting, that by the divine will the ship to Majorca

glided, when in vain the sailors the sacred body to Genoa had attempted to carry.

and who from the year 1285 to 1314 the helm of the kingdom held, to B. Raymond

most devoted, as has been indicated elsewhere, and moreover manifestly appears from

letters in the year 1310 in Lull's favor given, and afterward here to be recited.

ENCOMIUM

Of the Divine Raymond Lull, the Illuminated Doctor and Martyr.

By the Author Nicholas de Pax.

From the Alcalá edition of the year 1519.

Raymond Lull, Solitary, Martyr in Africa (B.)

A. BY NICHOLAS DE PAX.

PREMONITION I. B. S.

This is that third Life, which §. 4 I said

was adorned by Nicholas de Pax, and which

more rightly a Panegyric, an Apology, or an Encomium

you would call; thus, namely, the deeds cursorily

it pursues, that into the praise of the Lullistic doctrine

and its vindications it runs out. But of these enough at the indicated place.

This now I wished the reader warned, that that Elogium,

in Teutonic characters (Gothic

the Spaniards, Italians and French name them, although from the ancient ones

they are most diverse, and in the 15th century first in

Germany or Belgium formed) in the year 1519 at Alcalá

given to the press, made part of a tome a little

larger, comprising together the blessed Martyr's little work On the rational Soul,

of which also makes mention

in the inscription of the work the aforesaid Author, as

will soon appear. That Life from Majorca to us sent,

nearly eaten away by age, and in some places

corrected with a pen, the often-praised P. James Custurer,

testifying in his letters of 19 June 1700,

that he, what was broken, supplied from another, which in our Library

there is preserved, and in the last

folio transcribed the end of the same book, in which is read

the place and year of the edition. Moreover, as the types were in many

places, by the custom of that age, with abbreviations corrupted

and rather obscure, that correction had to be applied, by which

to the present-day standard they might be reduced. Of the style

there is no reason that I should treat at length: it will please, I think,

an elegance not common, and for that age not altogether

ungraceful. The sections, marginal little notes,

and other things have been added by us, which to clarity

seemed to conduce. Have now of each little work

the dedication, such as the editor had prefixed to them.

LETTER.

Nicholas de Pax, Patrician of Majorca, to the Illustrious and most Reverend

Lord D. John Ruffo Theodolus, of Forlì, by divine mercy

Archbishop of Cosenza, and in the kingdoms of the Spains Nuncio and

Collector general Apostolic, humble reverence.

I who know that I can serve your Lordship little

and owe much, most Reverend Archbishop,

am now long drawn apart by two

contraries. The gratitude of my mind urges me,

that to your benefits toward me according to my little measure

I may respond: but to perform the small things which I can,

shame has hitherto prohibited. Therefore while

made me solicitous; longer would that interior

contention have vexed me, had not at length come into my mind

your generous modesty, which from a poor servant

does not expect great services. And in my opinion

it does not pertain more to greatness of mind

to bestow great things, than to receive coming from

the affection of the poor little gifts with a cheerful countenance.

For these causes, that rather rustic modesty being overcome,

which me before a slothful servant had held, now

I offer, Raymond Lull's work *On the rational

Soul* composed. To which therefore the same Illuminated

Doctor's Life, woven by my labor

I have premised, that the manifest excellence of the Author

may warn, that the smallness of this volume by the price of its matter

is compensated. The most subtle Lullist Cabasper,

by whose wisdom I was taught, I recall was wont to say;

that whatever he knew, from the *Tree

of science, and from this, On the rational Soul*, codex

he had received. Now Raymond prays you, most Ample

Lord, that with the majesty of brow with which you were born,

our small things you would receive, which by your illustrious

titles honored, with happy auspice we believe to be published.

For if the Illuminated Doctor had lived in our

times, no other surely than you the most humane

patron would he have sought; who by your heroic

nobility, not only to all Spain, but also

to our most Christian King and the supreme Pontiff

most dear, to his former desires and intentions

most holy in a great way could you

aspire. From the University of Alcalá, on the feast

day of the most blessed Praxedes, whose holy body

among our Baleares with notable reverence preserved,

with new miracles daily shines, 1519.

NOTE I. B. S.

PART I.

Raymond's birth, offices, loves, conversion, illumination, labors, writings, the exceptional praises of his whole doctrine, and its notable defense.

[1] Raymond Lull of Majorca, of the ancient

and noble family of the Lulls of Barcelona

born, Distinguished by nobility and offices when in the palace of the King of Majorca

he had grown up, by his splendor of family and morals, to

Seneschal of the royal table he is raised. His age,

slippery, impelled by riches and friends, vain loves of women

easily conceived. It delighted the lover's

mind, elegance of dress and of speech; among musical

concerts to pass his age; to be loved everywhere;

to surpass his contemporaries in virtue. To his flourishing years joined

nobility, made him avid of praise, liberal of money.

And since he was of a most ready wit, and

in composing in his native tongue verses facile,

he ceased not the inventions of vain thought in songs

to express: whose long habit his youthful

breast so far had possessed, that, notwithstanding

afterward his children and a most chaste wife, still

with another woman, whom long since he had served, inflamed,

more than could be said, by loves he was held.

Meanwhile the matter commonly manifest, he indulges in obscene loves, exposed to the judgment

of many, furnished matter for speaking. The ignoble

crowd is wont about others' affairs easily to contend,

more easily to judge. Therefore the unlearned crowd wondered,

and Raymond now not a lover,

but a madman to call: but the considerate, partly

to pity rather than condemn, partly to fortune

to ascribe and to plead the wondrous beauty of the woman,

that her the unhappy youth with unbridled

love cherished.

[2] Afterward, when by divine providence it happened that she

beneath her breast with a deadly ulcer labored; but by the beloved's misfortune Raymond, made

more certain of the misfortune, was overcome with sadness: and when

he could not stand on his limbs, prostrate on his bed,

nothing but darkness and solitude he desired.

With tears therefore and sighs, the sorrow of his mind

for a little exhausted, as he meditated his calamity

and his long departure from salvation in common rhythms

to bewail, Jesus crucified appeared on the right.

The worldly man, terrified by the divine vision,

dismisses the begun mournful song: which, days being interposed

afterward, having tried four times to complete,

four times as at first, and about the same hour,

the Crucified he saw. At last, the causes of so frequent a vision

with himself the whole night searching out, that he was being argued

of vanity by Christ and called he recognized. But the past

losses of his life considering, and by the apparitions of Christ he sighs, laments,

weeps, prays pardon, supplicates to be amended.

To serve the Creator the creature desires; but the sinner

blushes, and by what services at last to the new

Lord he may serve, he knows not. By what impulse,

what frenzy seized, both long and vehemently

loved things, suddenly to have deserted shall we think? By that

spirit indeed as author, who by mere touch made of a harper a prophet,

of a fisherman a preacher, a doctor

of a persecutor and of a publican an evangelist: he is brought back to fruit;

whose most present fire awaits no delays for changing

human hearts. A subtle physician truly

of the human will, who the greatest fires of worldly

love of Raymond, not so much extinguished

as directed; that all that most flagrant love,

which to itself the creature had undeservedly claimed,

to the most worthy Creator might be rendered.

[3] As soon therefore as Raymond with the flames of divine zeal

grew warm, and all things being left, his mind is occupied with various thought,

investigating what labors, what works most pleasing to Christ

he should undertake. After many things indeed, the destruction of so many infidels

being thought of, he began at once to pity;

and by what things they could be converted, the gift of tongues

and of wisdom, and the grace of martyrdom, for himself

and others to wish. Then that he might be in spirit more free,

all his opulence, except a few things to his wife

and children necessary, to the poor of Christ he gave out.

In the second Book of Contemplation, Raymond

himself testifies, that he now thirty years old

had begun to be converted. Although therefore advanced in years,

the rudiments of Grammar, to speak Arabic also

and to write he wished to be taught: for those whom once

the divine fire has touched, in those things which to the Lord acceptable

they think, are wont to be made agile, confident and magnanimous.

[4] After nine years from those visions, which

above I mentioned, following the Lord who called, Raymond, by various peregrination

and much austerity of life worn down, by the desire of solitary

contemplation, to a certain mountain

most celebrated among the Baleares, whose name is Randa,

led himself. There staying some days, with his mouth

always full of blessings, and with bent as it were continually

knees, through caves and groves, of all things

which in his mind he turned, which offered themselves

to his sight, the eternal Deity's empire he magnified.

And when once, with his vitals burning with charity, he is marvelously illustrated. the stars

he was gazing at; illustrated suddenly, he saw all the principles

of things of this mundane machine, both the business,

and the author; by what supports moreover

the universality of the created world endures, looking within, himself

as if a man not before seen he wondered at. Then

he felt opened within him a fountain of infused wisdom,

from whose fullness the invention of all sciences could

be drawn.

[5] He writes the General Art, The admiration of so great a novelty compels me a little to detain

the history, because the miracles of the divine working

bid the narration to be turned into stupor.

Who could tell Raymond's joys, seeing so

prosperously the gods above had favored his wishes, and all

good things to him equally had come with Wisdom?

It is believed, that in those days Raymond to eat,

to drink, to sleep could not, with thanksgiving

only and gladness satiated. But lest the received

gift of Wisdom he should permit to be empty,

after a few days that work, whose title is the Greater Art

or General, to mortal eyes admirable

he composed. Of which General Art how great

is the profundity and excellence, as I understand, I would say,

most Reverend Lord, were not it to be

the broadest fields of discourse demands.

This one thing I would say, that I indeed humbly think,

of the many modes which in knowing things

have the blessed spirits, one to be handed down by Raymond's

Art. From whose abundance, by the author's testimony,

the other books, which he wrote almost innumerable,

to have emanated, is an argument, that that Art

is not of human invention, but a divine inspiration's

oracle.

[6] And that this indeed was so as fame sounded,

I would never have believed, for illustrating all the sciences, had not experience taught me.

For I saw with these eyes, and with these

hands held of Raymond's treatises more than two hundred,

of every kind of Sciences well deserving. Of

Theology, of Metaphysics, of natural Philosophy

and moral, of Law, Astronomy, Geometry,

Logic, Rhetoric, Grammar, finally of

the nautical and military Art composed. He wrote besides

various most pleasing codices historical, questionary,

contemplative, and these indeed

partly in Latin, partly in Spanish, some in Arabic

language, which he had exactly learned, elaborated:

so that of the whole breadth of useful doctrines, nothing

untouched he left. And, what I myself am wont to wonder at, His wondrous praises,

he exhibits the individual Sciences regulated by subtle artifice,

which others handed down vague and loose. Nor

is that worthy of silence, that of such kind are Raymond's

works, that under the bare and apostolic simplicity of scripture,

secret and most elegant senses they contain.

Wherefore it has come about quite often, that

Raymond's doctrine, neither to dull intellects acceptable

is, nor to proud ones: for arduous matters

plebeian minds do not sustain; but proud ones, the humble

kind of speaking spurning, think nothing magnificent

remains, where the eloquence of inflated speech does not resound.

[7] But Raymond may have written as much as he pleased,

laid open the vitals of nature, the involved unveiled; simplicity and profundity,

vain without doubt would be the man's investigation, unless

salutary things too to his writings, and to Christ

provoking he had committed. Whence let us scrutinize, I beseech,

this Doctor's volumes; nothing surely else

in them at last shall we see concluded, than that God

we may recollect, understand, love. And since

the fruit of speculation is studious operation; nowhere

is Raymond read to instruct the intellect,

without immediately exhorting the affection; lest ever the mind he should feed,

with the will fasting, of an unfruitful tree

the leafy luxuriance might seem. the highest usefulness: In words to attain

I could not, with what sweetness, or with what fire of love

Raymond concerning our Redeemer,

concerning his most pure Mother, and the happy victory of the Martyrs

spoke. It seems indeed, while these things in writings

he pursues, from a breast inebriated with devotion,

certain flames of most fervent love to belch forth.

[8] To his devotion there is added an admirable zeal for the Christian

name, the author's submission, by which no heresy and no error

he passed over, which he did not in his treatises,

with divine fury and most keen arguments enervate.

That finally was this Illuminated Doctor's humility,

that on the fronts of his books, not of his own,

but of the divine name the titles he premised. For those

books which by God's inspiration, not by human contrivance

he composed, it befitted from the confession of divine favor

to be begun. But at the exit of his works, the religious

man is wont to the Holy mother Church's judgment his sayings

to submit; then with many prayers the work itself,

either to Christ, or to our Lady, or to the blessed

Angels and Saints to commend; lastly

to say, in what year and where he completed the volume.

[9] I am admonished, at this place to make mention of the enemies of this Lullistic

doctrine, the commendation of the doctrine and of its approbation.

In the first place that most frequent petition of correction from the Church,

renders Raymond from all heresy

safe and immune: for he who is prepared to be corrected,

not having the obstinacy of a hard will, although he may

err, cannot be a heretic.

It remains concerning his doctrine to inquire,

whether perhaps any heresies or errors it has been found to contain.

To this I, if anyone should ask me my opinion,

confess that I, in reading Raymond Lull's

treatises very long versed, have found nothing

at all, which either to virtue, or to the Catholic

faith, or to other truths is opposed. Not

however does the confidence of my judgment alone strengthen me: for very many

both of the past and of our age

men, in wisdom and probity most renowned, of my opinion

I have as leaders; of whom the chief were

Lupetus, Catanius, Clapesius, Tornerius the Physician,

Berpus the notable both Jurisconsult and Astrologer, by most learned men:

Nicholas of Cusa, Gaguin, Caldentius;

and to refer the living, James Stapulensis,

Charles Bovillus, Fontanus the Physician, and my most erudite

teachers Cabasper and Benovardus.

[10] All these and very many others, whom to name

would be long, the elogia of the whole world, since they were in doctrine and cleanness

of life most approved, Raymond followed,

interpreted, and with excellent praises always venerated,

nothing in his books worthy of reprehension

did they recognize. From this fountain very many to have drunk are found

to be Arnold of Villanova, an exceptional Philosopher,

and that Star of Italy, John Pico,

prince of Mirandola and count of Concordia. With what

besides avidity of intellect, the most Illustrious D. F. Ximenez,

Cardinal of Spain, my Lord and

most loving benefactor, and the approbation, the works of the Divine Raymond

scrutinized and heard, both all who in his living

palace dwelt knew, and especially can

I testify. For through the times of light and darkness,

and amid the great affairs of governing Spain,

and while he made a journey; always

he ordered me to be present to him, to say from the abundance of Lullistic

Philosophy and Theology,

what to me most chosen might seem.

[11] If the adversaries these testimonies, as new have despised,

let us produce ancient ones. from the University of Paris: Raymond,

now old, having set out for Paris, an examination of his doctrine

(which he asserted was infused into him) to be made required.

Which when it had pleased the whole Academy, forty

Masters and Bachelors in Theology and Arts

were chosen, who at Raymond's Lectures might be present.

Interrogated at last, what to them concerning the heard

Art of Raymond seemed? All forty

sworn answered, that that Art was good and

useful and necessary. For the rest nothing in the same

contrary to the Orthodox faith, indeed very many things

useful for its defense to be contained. the document of that matter. Then to memory

was handed down, of this approbation the authentic

document, with the seal of the Curia of Paris

hanging guarded, given in the year of the Lord 1309,

on the Tuesday after the Octaves of the feast of the Purification

of the blessed Mary Virgin.

[12] The favor of King Philip toward it, Besides, the envy of certain men suggesting it,

the most serene King of France Philip, ordered Raymond's

books by many Theologians to be examined; who,

after a mature inspection of the books, reported,

that they nothing in those books impious had found, but many things

rather for the exaltation of the Catholic faith most fit.

Wherefore the most Christian king rejoicing,

ordered royal charters to be handed to the illuminated man; by which

not only of his doctrine the authentic approbation might be established,

but through all France also

the greatest favor to him be ordered to be bestowed. The document

was given at Verona on the second of August,

in the year of the Lord 1310.

[13] and of the Kings of Aragon What shall I say what favors, how ample privileges

the most unconquered Kings of Aragon to this doctrine

and its followers granted? For, that I may summarily

run through; King Peter favored, by his royal

authority and letters, given at Valencia on the 10th of October

in the year of the Lord 1369: King Martin favored, by his edict

and letters, which he gave at Zaragoza,

on the 25th of November in the year of the Lord 1399: favored

King Alphonsus, notable privileges: with a generous mind and notable

privileges, given at Castel Nuovo, which he himself with Balearic

stone had constructed at Naples, on the 26th of January

in the year of the Lord 1449: lastly favored King

Ferdinand V, that one of all Princes, whom

the histories celebrate, most Christian: favored, I say,

with the most ample (in which learned Lérida glories) privileges

and honors, given at Cordova on the 30th of August

in the year of the Lord 1483: and the same afterward

confirming he augmented, at Zaragoza on the 21st of February

in the year 1503.

[14] An Elogium set up at Majorca by a decree of the Senate. How great a name Raymond once

had, an old Epigram warns,

which in the hall of the most prudent Senate of Majorca

fixed is seen. Its words are these: [At Paris

is held the title of the excellent Doctor Master

Raymond Lull of Majorca; A new man,

and arts approved. By the most just Kings of Aragon

in their privileges he is called; That great one

in Philosophy and Sacred Theology a Master, of wondrous

arts and sciences an author. And by

the most serene King of the French he was proclaimed in

the superscription of letters in this manner; To the Organ

of the Holy Spirit, and the Doctor divinely illustrated, Raymond

Lull. And of him it is said in the parts of England;

That great Catalan Philosopher. In the parts

of Italy he is called, Author of the General Art, contractible

to all knowable things. And by John de Rocascissa

he is called, a Minerva. He could also be called Procurator

of public utility in Christ Jesus; likewise Illustrator

of the darkness of the world.] This says that Epigram.

[15] If anyone with great zeal the advantages of one either city or

Province procures, with wondrous praises he is extolled;

how much therefore Raymond worthier of glory, and incredible for the Catholic faith

who with that immense desire of the salvation of souls,

for the conversion of all infidelity (as

Raymond himself narrates) five and forty

years laboring, both offspring and wife he left

needy; through the lands of the lawless and the faithful as a pilgrim

he ran; eight times he prayed to the supreme Pontiffs whom he approached;

three general Chapters of the Preachers and three of the Minorites

he admonished; finally all the Princes of the Christian

Commonwealth, Prelates, Magnates,

Peoples, to useful concord devoutly and manfully

he exhorted.

[16] But, O times hostile to virtue! I dare not

blame all the men, in whose time

the procurator of the most holy business could not be heard:

for there were those who by Raymond's supplications

inclined, were prepared to furnish aids. In

the treatise *On the disputation of Raymond and Homer

the Saracen Philosopher*, says Raymond: [At Montpellier

to the King of Aragon I presented a book

composed by me, the holy man's labors. On the End, that is on the Conquest

of the Holy Land; which the king himself at once,

in my presence, to the Roman Pontiff sending,

his kingdoms and himself to him for vanquishing the Saracens

offered.] For the rest among many things, which Raymond

in certain ancient papers recalls

of his life and the beginning of his conversion, he writes, that noble

matrons of the renowned city of Genoa, for recovering

by war the sepulcher of the Lord, thirty thousand

florins promised. Nor is it fitting to doubt

that the King of France Philip, with whom the greatest

always was Raymond's authority, his undertakings and

long labors for the faith of Christ favored.

THE OTHER PART.

The remaining labors of Raymond for the utility of the Catholic Church,

his African missions, martyrdom; his other praises and proclamations; finally

for his doctrine, sharp vindications against Eymeric.

[17] In the Council of Vienne His last old age now pressing, Raymond

to the General Council, under Clement

V at Vienne celebrated in the year 1311, proceeded;

and there ten things to be ordained he supplicated, which

afterward the holy man for the perpetual memory of the matter

placed in the book, *On being simply through itself and for

itself existing and acting*. These ten, because

they would be lengthy to tell, I pass over. Three I will subjoin

only, of which in the book also *On the Nativity

of the child Jesus* Raymond makes mention. The first, that at Rome,

at Paris and at Toledo monasteries be made, he urges his purpose, in which

men, both learned, and in zeal for martyrdom most brave,

the languages of the infidels should be taught, and to them then

by holiness and preaching to be converted be sent.

The second, that of all the religious Soldiers

one only order be made, who against the pagan peoples

assiduously, until the recovery of the Holy Land,

should make war. The third, that the pestiferous writings of Averroes

in Christian gymnasia be forbidden to be taught:

by whose infinite errors, because the weak hearts are moved,

the Sacred Theologians ought, not only with the arms of faith,

but also of science to resist.

[18] Raymond could not tolerate that error,

by which the Averroists say, that many things are true

according to faith, especially against the Averroists which yet are false according

to Philosophy: and therefore on this matter little treatises

he published On a question very high and profound;

On the errors of the Philosophers, *On the efficient

and the effect, On the lamentation of Philosophy*. Which

last, whom he had harassed, and another, On the Nativity of the child Jesus Christ,

to the most Serene King of the French Philip, to whom

he was dear, he inscribed. Pleasant is in a wondrous

way the invention of the aforesaid treatise On Philosophy.

For there a certain Lady, by name Philosophy,

is introduced lamenting, that the Averroists had imposed

on her, because she says that some things are false in the light

natural, although according to the light of the Catholic faith

they are true.

[19] in the book On the lamentation of Philosophy, Wherefore in that book the Lady Philosophy,

before her 12 Principles confesses, that not

even at any time the dementia of so great an error

did she think of. For the rest that those ought not to be esteemed Philosophers,

who between Philosophy and Theology

dream of dissensions. For never was I, says

Philosophy, except of sacred Theology a handmaid most devoted.

Am I to be thought contrary to the most holy faith?

Alas for me most sad! Where are the religious men

well lettered and devout, who may help me?

These laments of Raymond's Philosophy, which that

age had not wished to hearken to, in our days at last

our most Blessed Lord the Roman Pontiff

Leo X, the sacred and general Council approving,

heard. And since those salutary decrees of the sacred Council

in all Academies of letters

yearly to be publicly divulged were ordered, and Leo X condemned it. as being

those which the pestilence of various error restrain, by

the most faithful Balearic people humbly received, each

year, the most ample Senate and the Magistrates being convoked,

in the general University, no less festively

than deservedly are read.

[20] As soon as the fame of these to our ears became known,

these verses, witnesses of our gladness, I composed.

To our most Holy Lord, the Lord Pope Leo X.

O Leo, holy Father, by your deeds most worthy Ferdinand the King favoring.

so to sit upon so exalted a throne.

You are believed to have been brought down from on high, supreme Priest;

you are believed to be ever driven by a hidden divine power.

Leo is a lover of peace, King Ferdinand also its author;

you, peace-bringing Leo, subdue the bloody wars.

He keeps off the guilty of the faith with avenging flames,

and you press down the wandering and roving dogma.

You two suffice, Leos, by deeds and by voice,

to send all kingdoms under the yoke of Christ.

[21] Lull having set out into Africa, These things have been said without order, as they offered themselves to me writing

promiscuously. But now to its end

our discourse is about to come, if first concerning this

Illuminated man's martyrdom a few things I subjoin. Raymond

therefore, with that zeal with which he had always burned, to

the cities of Africa Bugia and Tunis, for the sake of preaching the Gospel

he sailed. Where when the skilled of the Mohammedan

sect, by friendly disputation he laid low,

and very many drew by his sweet speech, others rendered

doubtful; the devil instigating, the barbarous King

indignant, with dire prisons and hardships, with nakedness

also vexed and with blows, into a ship

to be cast and perpetually to be exiled commanded. It is believed

that the holy man, not by fear of death, but by God's counsel,

twice wished to yield to the fury, that with the Christ-worshipping

Princes, that holy business of conquering all

infidelity, which for many years

he had striven, he might dispatch. But afterward, seeing

that it did not progress, on account of the carelessness of those who held

the Christian helm; fearing lest of the most desired

martyrdom he should lose the glory, to Bugia again

he was carried over; and there among the Christian merchants

at first lying hidden, he began gradually certain Saracens

clandestinely to address, whom to himself before both

well-disposed and disciples he had left.

[22] Those being confirmed in the orthodox faith, no longer

the silence of the faith able to bear, with the Mohammedans, into the square of the city

having proceeded, boldly the proclamations of the Christian law

he declaimed; adding that he wondered at their dementia,

who in such obscene traditions of Mahomet placed

their trust. And I, he said, am prepared,

either by reasons, or by the loss of my life to protest,

that in the faith of my Lord Jesus Christ alone, grace

and salvation of the human race is found. Remember

that I am he, whom before now from these bounds

and from Tunis your Princes expelled, who

by my disputations overcome, feared lest you

prepared to hear, with Christ's truths I should illustrate.

But now to you again, the expectation of your salvation alone

and of my martyrdom has led me. intrepidly he disputes: Let no one persuade you,

most dear men, that the artificer of the heavens, earth and

sea, the Spirit, in whom is the highest fullness of virtue

and cleanness, by bestial services

is appeased; or that he commanded a law which to pleasures,

and not to virtue; not to reason, but to wantonness should favor.

If a long habit of the Mohammedan sect holds you,

so that you should not immediately follow Christ, at least

obey, I pray, the judgment of reason. Harm no one:

so mutually do good to one another, that of the same

Creator by the benefit you may seem created.

[23] By these and many things the crowd of the people being moved,

him seized with a furious onset, and by them is afflicted with martyrdom. with blows and reproaches

afflicted, to the palace of the King they dragged. By whose

mandate Raymond, herald of the Christian faith,

ordered to be killed, outside the walls of the city, as blessedly,

as cruelly was stoned, in about the eightieth

year of his age, and of human salvation 1315,

on the feast day (as is believed to have been received from the Elders)

of the saints Peter and Paul. Then the Christ-worshipping merchants,

the body of Raymond the Martyr obtained by supplication,

into a ship, on the following night about to depart,

honorably carried. But the Ligurian masters

of the ship wishing, The body, God willing, the blessed body to Genoa

to carry off, the winds resisting, and God so

disposing, to Majorca to glide were compelled. And when

the ship with so precious merchandise glad had come,

the whole Majorcan people, both to its fellow-countryman and

Martyr coming forth to meet, the body most devoutly

received in an eminent place of the sacred building of B. Francis

(of whose third Order he had been a partner) placed: carried to Majorca it is buried and venerated.

where the illustrious Relics with frequent miracles,

with pious devotion all of us we follow. If any

adversity the Balearic kingdom fears, immediately to the glorious

Praxedes, or to Raymond, the Doctor

Illuminated and Martyr, prayers being poured out,

we are freed. Nor ought it to seem strange, if the Baleares

in so great a fellow-citizen glory; since he of the whole Spanish

nation most acute is the glory and ornament.

[24] The judgment concerning his books His exceptional praises by no means diminishes,

that to inflated Doctors he does not please: for if anyone

cautiously surveys, he will see their concerning this disciple

of Christ slander, from the infected root of envy

or unskillfulness, pride, sloth or other putridity

to proceed. As many lettered men as I have hitherto found,

lovers of virtue and truth, when I asked

what they felt concerning Raymond's doctrine, I remember answered;

some, that they indeed concerning Raymond's

books, which they had seen, excellently felt; others,

that they could not judge concerning a doctrine, which they did not understand.

And yet most of them quibblers, smatterers,

and men of most wretched lot, who among true and

humble doctors were not suitable disciples, impudently

bite, whom Jesus crucified drew,

whom the Holy Spirit taught, the Queen of heaven visited,

the Angel consoled, deeds prove, books

exalt, martyrdom crowns.

[25] and the vain Let those very babblers unroll the ancient histories, and

let them say, whether perhaps another they have read to have been, who now thirtieth

year passing, so worldly, so unlettered,

that he did not even know the principles of the art of Grammar,

suddenly by the miracle of infused science shone;

and who so many arts, so many sciences, and the Art

General to all knowable things wrote. But if

these things by us concerning Raymond narrated, which through two hundred

years back by fame are reported, either deny or

cavil the adversaries; deny they cannot the experience of his books.

Let them inspect them with a mind empty of passion;

and if anything in them damnable they should find,

we beseech by the most clement vitals of Christ,

that they impugn, accuse, machinations of the detractors. to the sacred Inquisitors

and supreme Pontiff refer: nor let them suffer

us Lullists to be led away by those errors, who Raymond's

doctrine with faithful intention, as sound and

Catholic profess. Which if it shall be judged heretical,

we first will give his volumes to the fire:

but if Catholic, the Lord shall be praised in

his Saint, and shall cease then at last to bark the deceitful

lips, which to bite they shall not be able.

[26] Of Nicholas Eymeric, Someone objects, that the R. P. Nicholas Eymeric,

of Aragon Inquisitor, by the title of a certain Bull

of the H. L. Pope Gregory XI, once condemned two hundred

articles, excerpted from Raymond's treatises.

We answer, that all those things, which the said

Inquisitor, for his intention of whatever kind, had attempted,

afterward by the R. P. Bernard Ermengaud,

of the Order of Preachers, a sharper confutation, in the kingdoms of Aragon

Provincial and Inquisitor, with the consent and

subscription of many Masters in Theology

of the aforesaid Order of Minorites, the books of Raymond

with the highest diligence first examined, were

revoked and annulled, at Barcelona on the 19th of May in the year

1386. Secondly, were revoked at Avignon,

on the 10th of July in the year 1395, by the most Reverend D.

Leonard, of the title of S. Sixtus Presbyter Cardinal,

Judge and Commissary by the Apostolic See

specially deputed; with the revocation of the alleged Bull. when first before the same

Judge, the kinsmen and devoted of that Raymond

Lull had proved, of the said Bull the nefarious

falsity; and had proved, that the said Inquisitor

Nicholas Eymeric, had changed and corrupted

the places of Raymond's books, from which those two hundred

articles he had said he had taken. Thirdly, were

revoked at Barcelona, on the 24th of March in the year 1419,

by the Reverend in Christ Father D. Bernard,

Bishop of Città di Castello, Commissary.

That these things are so as we say, prove

the very long and authentic documents, which at Valencia

and at Majorca are accurately preserved.

[27] When therefore there shall come to light, what by

us has been most faithfully recited concerning Raymond Lull; Against Raymond's enemies

men of good will shall recognize, that not

the detractors are to be believed, but experience;

not the crowd, but truth. But we hope in the Lord,

that hereafter there shall not be those who detract:

for it can have happened, that the sayings of many, from precipitate

judgment or ignorance of the fact proceeded. But to the hardened

enemies, if any shall have persisted, most certain

we testify, that to this Doctor and Martyr the contrary,

are wont the bitter rewards of an iniquitous will

to feel. I would name the persecutors of this doctrine

snatched by sudden destruction, compelled to beg;

others afflicted with calamities, did not the prolixity

to come restrain me.

[28] These are, most worthy Prelate, the things which concerning

Raymond's life, the heavenly vengeance. martyrdom and doctrine, to your

Lordship long since and to others known I desire.

A notable history indeed, and which on account of the novelty of the deeds done,

would not have wished me as writer,

but another most eloquent deserved. I however,

that once for all to memory I might hand down, what concerning our Raymond's

affairs, collected from various places I had noted,

I cared not, whether praise or disgrace, this rude

composition for me was going to produce. Of my reputation

the detriment, The Writer's epilogue. if any there shall have been, by that

convenience I will weigh; that all shall see, that I

indeed, that to your most ample Lordship I might serve,

feared no perils. But in writing these things,

so far from fiction and lies I withdrew,

as much as neither am I wont to use them, nor did Raymond

need them. Nay rather so many things most worthy to be known

I deliberately passed over, that in weaving Raymond's

history, those who will accuse me of modesty, very many

I shall find; but of falsity, no one.

THE END.

At the end of the edition of each little work these things are had:

This work On the rational Soul has been corrected, with

two most ancient copies, and printed in

the celebrated University of Alcalá; by the industry of Arnold

Guillermus Brocartius, a most skilful Engraver, in the year of our salvation

1519, on the vigil of the Assumption of our Lady

B. M. Virgin and mother of God.

MIRACLES

Selected from the Processes for Canonization, in the Majorcan language

described, and carried to Rome, rendered into Spanish by Custurer, Dissert.

1 cap. 5, and here translated into the Latin language.

Raymond Lull, Solitary, Martyr in Africa (B.)

FROM THE MS. PROCESSES.

CHAPTER I.

Candles, burning thirteen hours on the feast, without diminution of themselves.

Besides the Processes, for proving Raymond's

cult, from time immemorial perennial,

formed by the authority of the Ordinary, These avail for proving the continuation of the cult, there are had

three others, by similar authority, by virtue of Compulsory letters

issued in the year 1595, drawn up in the years 1605,

1607, and 1617: which, although on account of the decrees of Urban

VIII their effect they did not then obtain, since

nevertheless before those were published, to Rome they were carried and offered,

it can still have this, whenever

it shall please the Most Holy one, them there to be recognized

to hand over to those Judges, to whom he will commit

the final acts for the so desired Canonization.

Meanwhile the miracles reported in them avail, to

evidently show of the old cult the never

interrupted continuation; and how acceptable

this was to God, although the Canonization has not followed. according to all those kinds

of public veneration, which to Saints or Blesseds,

commonly and generally so held, can and

is wont by the faithful to be displayed.

[2] And first for the proof of the feasts, instituted for B.

Lull, makes that which in the Process

of the year 1617, before all others the heard Witness,

in this manner reported. When I was chosen by

the Magnificent Jurats of this city of Majorca,

as Warden of the Chapel of B. Raymond Lull; and saw

among the Wardens or Prefects, The candles procured for the feast, yearly

wont to be chosen for adorning our Blessed's

feast, a decree to be held, that it on the 16th of the current

July be celebrated; a few days before, them

I approached, namely D. Jerome Sala, James

Togores, the Magnificent D. Natalis Vidal of this

year a Jurat; Bernard Amet and Mag. Michael

Simonet; and to them or rather to the aforesaid Simonet

I said, that to his colleagues he should suggest, that there be given to me the alms

accustomed on that day, when to public

veneration were to be exposed the Jawbones of that

B. Martyr; but I from it would take care to have made

ten wax torches, about to add of my own if anything were lacking.

It pleased what I offered; and immediately I commanded

James Masroig to make them for me; ten

namely on my account, and one for Mag. John

Segui, a preparer of silk thread, who in his name

one to me to be made had commended, to the same

end. On the Saturday therefore preceding the feast, and carefully weighed, an hour and a half

before sunset, I went to the workshop,

and found those torches made, and still from the recent

work warm and flexible. Those therefore immediately

we weighed on a balance, first five,

then the six remaining: and we found first pounds

18, and ounces six; then pounds 22, ounces

3; together pounds 40, ounces 9; and all to be received

on this condition, that what after their use should weigh

less, I the Witness would pay: and therefore soon to

memory I recorded the note of the whole weight, which also

in his Diary the candle-maker inscribed. But immediately

lest with others they could be exchanged, and marked, as some out

of devotion were wont to do; I ordered the candle-maker to each

to apply his seal or mark; and that

more easily they might be distinguished, to each I tied a little band

of colored floss silk; and I carried at the same time all

to the church of S. Francis. There them soon at

the hour of Compline we lit, about one before

sunset hour; and they burned until the end

of Compline, that is until the heard second hour

of the night a, when already the people, who in throng

had run up, thence had withdrawn.

[3] after they had burned 13 hours, Then they were all extinguished, and again lit

the following day, July 16 in the morning, about

the eighth hour b, that is two and a half hours after

the rising of the sun; and they burned until after midday

and all the offices completed: and a third time again

lit at the second hour in the afternoon,

they shone almost until sunset; so that they burned

altogether thirteen hours more or less:

and the feast being finished I received the torches, and home with me

carried back. Hither me accompanied Mag. Onufrius Mesquida,

before whom I, they are found to weigh the same as before; that I might know how much

I owed to pay the candle-maker, doubtful whether sufficient

would be the money prepared for that end; those torches,

together with the remains of the wax, which in the adoration of the Jawbones

had flowed down, I weighed on the Roman balance,

which in my house I had; and I found the same exactly

weight, which I in my note had marked,

without any diminution at all c. I said therefore

to the aforesaid Mesquida; It can be that some error

here is, for I find the torches in no way diminished. This, and that by repeated weighing more often:

replied he, can have done God in honor of his Saint.

The weighing therefore three or four times we repeated,

and always the same weight we found, which I had

noted on paper.

[4] Then those being left at my house, I went to the house

of Peter Ribot, Notary at the same time and Syndic of the University,

deputed to the businesses and causes of the blessed

Martyr. To him when we had narrated what had happened

who knows whether it was not erred in something: tomorrow morning

we will deal with the candle-maker, when he himself to his own

balance the torches given to you shall weigh: now to bed

let us go: for it is now late. The next

day together both, I the witness and the aforesaid Mesquida, we

betook ourselves to the house of the candle-maker; which when also the candle-maker tried, and as before, the torches

first five, then six, twice he weighed;

and according to his diary, with my note agreeing,

in each place the noted weight to be found he testified,

before many present: he recognized

also his mark, on the torches singly impressed;

and I the little band of floss silk, which to them

I had tied around; and we recognized all that a manifest

work of God it was, the whole weight also he found. that amid so great heats,

both of the summer season, and of the frequent in the chapel

people and of about eighty candles on the same

altar burning, from which were consumed

fourteen or fifteen pounds; not even

one ounce from our torches, which we had carried back,

had departed. Nothing therefore was to be paid to the candle-maker,

who nothing also exacted. Thence we withdrew,

and went to the Magnificent Jurats,

and reported the case; who ordered those torches to be carried

to the hall of the University; where set apart they remain

(as I understand) until today, for the perpetual

memory of the fact d.

NOTES OF JAMES CUSTURER.

a The Witness

speaks according to some clock of this city, by which one after sunset

hour, sounds the first, and so consequently until sunrise,

for the greater or lesser number of intervening night hours: and

similarly one after sunrise hour, again sounds the first; and so

on until sunset, which are called day hours: concerning which matter at length

discourses Doctor John Damet, and D. Vincent Mut, in tom. 2

of the History of Majorca.

d Of this

miracle witnesses in the Process are, besides the already said candle-maker, several

others, present at the weighing, or also when the torches in the chapel were burning:

and among them

two

testified, that the same happened in two other torches, which from the same

candle-maker they had received, and for the same whole time had made to burn; and together

with that which had flowed down, they found the first weight of the same.

You will note here in passing, that Custurer in reporting

miracles, does not keep the order or series of the Processes;

since this first he took from the Process

of the year 1617, and in the next following chapter some

he plucks from the Processes of the year 1607 and 1612

and elsewhere others.

CHAPTER II.

Deadly diseases, the Saint's Jawbones being applied, cured.

[5] Among those, who from the aforesaid sacred Jawbones health

from their infirmities received,

many are in the Process of the year 1607; A little boy, blind, with his eyes covered with flesh,

of whom the first, a married woman, in this manner gave

testimony. I have a son, who today

is a Religious Franciscan, and is called Ignatius.

He when he was a year and a half old; in the month of July

lost his sight, and remained with his eyes closed for

some days; when Doctor Terrades, having seen him,

said to me; that altogether he would close his eyes,

by means of a certain water, which he would give. Then

the same violently opening, we did not find the pupil

nor the white, but only certain little pieces of flesh.

Therefore my husband, John Antony

Garcia and I, decided to carry him

to S. Francis, where to his eyes so constituted

should be applied the Jawbones of Doctor Master Raymond

Lull: and the following night the little boy slept,

contrary to what he was wont. And when him in the morning

I carried to the window, to give him milk; and carried to the Saint, he is enlightened. I saw

both his eyes as clear, as if then for the first time

he had been born: which, wondering, firmly I believed, that God

through the intercession of Doctor Mag. Raymond

Lull, this had done a miracle: but my husband

its memory consigned in a certain note-book;

which when dormice had gnawed, only that

part of the paper, on which inscribed that memory was,

safe and whole they left. To this moreover miracle

testified another, who the boy's father, going

to S. Francis, had accompanied.

[6] Folio 311 of that Process, which began to be formed

in the year 1612, Lucas Marça a silversmith, Having promised to wear for one year a grey garment, deposed

on the 28th of the following January his testimony,

saying: It is about a year, that in the month

of April a pestilent and dangerous fever seized me,

so that inwardly wholly by heat I was consumed,

while outwardly like ice cold I was,

so that thence soon to die I believed;

and the physician Esteban and the Surgeon John

Estrader held me for given up; as both

they themselves, and my domestics all, after I recovered,

affirmed. The human means therefore failing,

of divine means it was thought: and now

the oil of extreme Unction into my house had been brought,

he recovers from a pestilent fever, and it was deliberated for half an hour

concerning administering it to me. Meanwhile alone in my chamber

with my soul I invoked the glorious Martyr

Raymond Lull, promising, that if to me

salvation from God he obtained, all the rest of my life

I would wear garments of a reddish color, such as he while he lived

used, and his Jawbones in gilded silver

I would enclose, the Saint's Jawbones being brought; more sumptuously and elegantly than

hitherto they were. But at the very instant in which the vow

I had made, I seemed to myself to be lifted from the bed, and above

it raised, with so great inward alacrity and

restoration of strength, that scarcely I recognized myself to be sick:

and at once I asked that to me be brought the Jawbones

of that Saint: which soon brought with the greatest

devotion embracing, I adored; wholly confident,

that through them I would recover health.

From that moment ceased the fever: and, unless

the weakness, which to me remained great, had hindered,

I would have risen from the bed; because, as I already said, nothing

of evil I felt, from which were brought to me

those sacred Jawbones. For truly at that very moment,

in which they had been brought, as I said, dismissed

me the fever: but three days after, so confirmed

I felt myself, that to the stupor of all I rose from

the bed; and therefore certain I hold, that God, through

the intercession of that his Saint, to me restored

health.

[7] likewise his wife, Folio 312 and 313 of the same Process, said

Frances Marça, wife of the aforesaid Lucas Marça; Months

about ten it is, that in April, about the holy

Week, my husband and I the witness,

with so grave a fever were seized, that Doctor Esteban,

whom as physician we used, that of our life it was done

opined; as to us, after recovered health,

said all who were present; but brought

to each of us the jawbones of B. Lull,

at that very instant in which we adored them, we began

to be better, so that within three or four days

we rose from the bed, all so sudden a convalescence

wondering at; and therefore I believe for

certain, that our Lord this to us grace

did, through the merits of his glorious Martyr B.

Raymond Lull: who in that infirmity to me appeared,

going around the bed, in that form in which he is wont to be painted.

This I soon narrated to a certain Franciscan Brother, and that she saw him himself appear at her bed.

who said to me, that a dream it was; from

which hour I doubted, whether it was not a dream: but

whether it was, or not, certainly I remember, that while he himself within

the curtain of my bed went around, gladdened wholly

was I: and from that time I am affected with great

devotion toward him, and esteem him a great

Saint, both on account of those things which of his life and martyrdom

I heard, and on account of the health to me

and my husband so suddenly restored; and thenceforth

in all my labors him I invoke. To the truth of each

of these successes, others also

Witnesses in the Process attest.

[8] Folio 198 of the same Process, there is had a copy

of a certain writing, by P. Fr. Ignatius Garcia

drawn up, The same boy who was cured above, he who was Provincial of this province

of Majorca, and as an infant miraculously recovered

his sight, as above is reported. Then

folio 655 under oath he affirmed the truth of the aforesaid

writing of the following tenor. On the 10th of July in the year 1600

I attest, I, Fr. Ignatius Garcia, of the Order of S.

Francis, that before me, and with me lending a hand,

happened the following miracle, by the Relics

of Mag. Raymond Lull, namely by each

lower Jawbone, which with great reverence

is kept in the sacristy of the Convent of S. Francis

of this city. When on the aforesaid day, I and P. Fr.

Matthew Comellas after dinner were carrying

the Relics of S. Didacus to the house of a certain sick woman, now Provincial of Majorca of the Order of Minorites,

I said to that Father, that rightly we would do, if to the same we carried

the Relics of holy Master Raymond

Lull. This when he approved, I placed them in my sleeve.

So we went to the house of a woman,

whose name was Angustina: with whom while the aforesaid Father

for some time stayed within her chamber

with the Relics of S. Didacus; I remained in the courtyard meanwhile

with the Relics of the Illuminated Doctor. There to

me came a certain younger woman, of about

thirty years, in the company of a certain little old woman. And when

I saw that she did not speak, I asked of the other

what was lacking to her; and she answered, that she was mute and

paralytic in her left arm and side; and that this to her

had happened by this chance. Married she had been to a certain sailor,

she testifies that mute and hemiplegic, who when into the captivity of the Moors he had fallen,

and was believed to be dead, another she

as husband with her Parish-priest's consent took: but

that falsely had been announced his death (as in

such a case not rarely happens, however great diligence

be applied) it appeared, when he on a certain day was carried

into the port of Majorca; which understanding the young woman, so

dismayed she was, that the aforesaid evil thence

she contracted. her speech and motion she recovered, Then I persuaded

that she should take great faith in the glorious Raymond;

and his Relics, which with me I had,

devoutly venerate, and so quickly to be healed. Obeyed

she, and them to her mouth being applied, was loosed that

into words: and I, the miracle seen, ordered that

also her arm and hand, of whose use now for months

eight she had been deprived, to the same she should apply: which done,

when from the whole herself healed she said, wishing it

more certainly to test, I ordered that her hand she should open, and that

doing they saw all who stood by, and that I

affirm and will affirm etc. But in the Processes

of the year 1617, there was one who said, that present

he had been at this miracle, and the woman knew.

[9] Anointed for death, In the aforesaid Process of the year 1612, fol. 241,

said the Witness: To me in particular it happened, before these

about two years, that, laboring with a most vehement fever,

to the extremity I was brought; and when had been brought

the sacred Oil, now to me as to a dead man

they had covered the face; when, coming upon, my kinsman

R. P. Fr. Peter Esteban, in this city

Commander of the Order of Mercy, me uncovering,

and his hand to my breast applying, a little

still to palpitate he felt, and ordered to be deferred

the Unction. This when to me had been administered, at the presence of the relics he is restored to himself.

and he the following day returned, in the same state me

found; he suggested that from the Convent of S. Francis

be sought the Jawbones of the glorious Martyr Raymond

Lull, wholly confident, that by them mediating

I would recover health. Said, done.

Brought them two Franciscans: and I them devoutly

adored. First I kissed them; applied

then to my head for about half an hour

I held. But before they were taken away, I felt a huge

heat about my breast, thence through my whole body

to be diffused; and myself as strong as today

I am; and at once from the bed I would have gone, if it

to me they had permitted. Therefore from then and now for

certain I hold, this grace to unworthy me divinely

bestowed, by the intercession of the glorious Martyr

Lull, and on that account a great toward him devotion

I conceived and keep. But folio 243 appears

another Witness, of the already said miracle.

[10] Before the same vowing 500 pounds for the Canonization, At the same place fol. 279 testifying Lady Isabella

Cotoner, wife of Lord John Forteza; Four

years it almost is, she says, that a certain little daughter

of mine, now about eleven years of age about to be

if she lived, by a vehement fever made sick, and now

by three Physicians Esteban, Santandreu and Kiebres

given up, was believed for certain to be about to die, because her tongue

wholly black was; when I, mindful of the miracles,

which at Majorca were done at the contact of the Jawbones

of B. Raymond Lull, asked them to my house

to be brought. Brought them two Brothers, together with

the Relics of S. Didacus: and these indeed they placed

on the head of the sick girl, those they applied

to her neck: but immediately to sleep she began, and

after a little awakened, cried out; What

is that which there they placed? for a dying little daughter, a sudden one; (and with her hand her neck

she showed,) give me at once what I may eat:

for well I am, nor anything of evil I feel. Give

me quickly something: and with a great voice calling me,

and wholly cheered, she said: Come, Lady

mother, well I am: I wish to rise, because well to me

it is; let there be given to me at once what I may eat. Therefore

days many unharmed she remained, with blackish however

longer tongue. But because, at the very moment of the cure,

the girl showed her neck, we did not doubt,

nor now do we doubt, but that a miracle is

to be ascribed to B. Raymond. At the same time my husband

with a similar fever labored, for her husband, a slower healing she obtains. with prickings

of the side, by which disease then many died.

Therefore also to him to apply I made the aforesaid Jawbones.

Not however so quickly health he received,

but more slowly and gradually; nevertheless this also

grace to the Saint we attribute, for I had vowed, while

the Relics were applied to the sick, five hundred

pounds to his canonization to be conferred,

if they should recover.

[11] Another person fol. 300. To me also, she says, in the year

past 1612 it happened to labor with a most grievous

pain of the teeth of the right part, in whose jaw,

the greatest I felt torment, so that my mouth

I could not open, At the contact of the same, nor by day or by night rest.

This when to me now several days had lasted, and

to the highest degree of torment had ascended,

Bartholomew Reus, my husband, said, that I should go to

the Surgeon Antony Roig, who that pain-causing

tooth would extract: but I, mindful

of the benefits, which many at S. Francis obtained,

thither betook myself, and asked to be shown to me the Jawbones

of the holy Martyr Raymond Lull: suddenly the toothache is taken away, which when

I had obtained, immediately ceased all pain, and glad

and cheerful home I returned; and thereafter to him

devoted, nothing I doubt but that through him that grace

was done to me, which naturally so quickly and completely

could not be hoped: which also judged the Witnesses,

folio 291 and 325 produced.

[12] Another, fol. 319 says: I suffered the greatest of head

and jaws pain, and a long-lasting headache, for which no I found

remedy or solace: and it for four

or five days continuous increase

taking, now not even my mouth to open to take food

I could; wherefore I thought thence I

would die. But I remembered the marvels, which

of the Lullian Jawbones I had heard; and that my kinsman

Fr. Ferregut, of the Order of S. Francis, to me

had said, that whenever such an evil

to me should come (for it came often,) to

him I should have recourse, who to me those Jawbones, would make

to be adored and kissed to be shown, which done I would be

probably to be freed. On such an occasion therefore,

when in bed I lay, nor had strength to

the building of S. Francis to go, I asked, that some

of the Fathers of the said Order, by Brother Ferregut accompanied,

that Relic to me would bring. by a similar means, Nor in vain:

for when it I with a pious kiss having venerated,

on my head placed, the torment began to be soothed, and with great

solace of heart, a firm hope I conceived of full

convalescence. And truly it attained me

I felt within half an hour, in which that sacred pledge

upon me I had. For, before it was taken away,

my mouth I opened, and to eat I began without

any impediment. But the next day, I went to

the chapel, in which the holy body of Raymond and the Relics

are kept, and took care there to be said

through the way met me a certain young Lady, wife of Andrew

Palon, dwelling in a house next to mine,

who for the sake of visiting had come the night before, with great wonder of the neighborhood.

and present had been, when the said Jawbones to me

were applied. Therefore me coming seeing;

Jesus! she exclaims wondering, are you the same who

the night past? and this way you go? is it possible?

It is possible, I say, because the Lord healed me

through his holy Raymond. Which said

from her I departed on my way, most certainly persuaded,

that grace to have been miraculous, on account of the sudden

force of the remedy so accelerated, that to the powers of nature

it could not be ascribed; of which matter a co-witness, fol.

326 added, that she knew not, whether lying in bed she,

some other evil suffered; but well, that

so enormously inflated.

[13] Folio 256 of the often-said Process, a witness heard;

Next spring, he says, it will be about

two years, By a continuous fever sick to death, that about the feast of Pentecost, a certain tumor

I felt in my body, with a most vehement

fever, and that continuous, so that the physicians despaired

of my life, as to me my wife

narrated. In that crisis placed, when often

I had heard narrated the stupendous miracles, which at Majorca

were done, at the invocation of the blessed Martyr

Raymond Lull, I prayed, that his Jawbones

to me be brought, as to the sick in the city,

they are wont to be brought: which while I await, and

with a Crucifix in hand from God I implore mercy,

there was present with them, P. Fr. Pisa, by another Religious

accompanied. Indeed scarcely of myself then I was master; the Relics being brought,

yet as much as I remember, those Relics, devoutly

received, for about half an hour, by

me I had; and with great inward solace suffused,

the aforesaid Religious them took away

(for they did not wish to leave them to me) falling into

sleep, and the appearance of the Saint praying for him being seen, he recovers, I seemed to myself to see the figure of S. Raymond

Lull, with bent knees and joined hands;

at which sight I veiled my eyes, and soon again unveiled;

but seeing no one, I remained with so great

confidence of keeping my life, that I said to the bystanders,

that they should go to bed, the care of me being dismissed, which

any longer I did not need. And truly from that moment,

so to be better I began, that I can in no way doubt,

but that by the special help of God, by the prayers of B. Raymond

obtained, and not by any human remedies,

my life was preserved: as also

another Witness, folio 258 affirmed.

[14] A little boy all but dead, Folio 287, another Witness; Three years it is,

he says, that a certain little son of mine, a year old, lay

brought to the extreme by a spasmodic fever:

whom his mother, my wife, dead believing,

that as a dead one I should sign with the Cross and bless

advised: and I, his face inspecting, and his eyes

closed and covered with discharge, to him gave blessing,

as to the dead is wont. But when a little after, somewhat

still to breathe he seemed, having conceived in the Doctor

Lull confidence, I went to his tomb, and

with bent knees there I prayed for the infant. Thence to the P.

Guardian of that Convent I proceeded, asking

that some Religious he would designate, to my house

with me to go, with the holy Jawbones. There was present

soon, by the Guardian's command, one; by the touch of the same he revives: and he asked

whether also he would take the Relic of S. Didacus.

I answered, that those alone of S. Raymond I required,

and went with him to my house, where the infant we found

such as I had left. But soon, as to him was placed

the Relic, as if his last to be moved

and to struggle he began, so that to the side he fell out,

the Relic to his body being placed. Then the Religious

himself, the accustomed prayer being said, it took up,

and to be kissed to the infant offered, and departed. Scarcely he had departed,

when the little one opened his eyes, all wiped away the

discharge, most clear; to the great of his mother and of all

the bystanders solace, who without delay believed,

the effect miraculous to have been, which

to the merits of B. Raymond ought to be ascribed.

[15] Folio 118 deposes the R. P. Presented, Fr.

Bartholomew Bramona, likewise a Religious of Mercy, of the Order of B. Mary of

Mercy, as follows: When P. Fr. Peter Esteban,

grievously was sick from a continuous fever, as

judged Doctors Ferregut and Esteban, who him

visited; they advised me that I should dispose all

things which are wont for dying Religious to be cared for,

with this added, that for the sick man no hope of life longer was.

I betook myself therefore to the chamber of the sick man, whom

I found as if lethargic; and while there I was, there came upon

to the sick through the city the Relics of the Doctor

and Martyr Lull to carry around: when now he was at his last gasp. which when to the sick man

he had applied, and with a great shout exhorted that the Saint

he should invoke, confident that through him health

he would receive; I saw him, and saw all who were present,

to give signs, of doing that with his heart, which with his voice

he could not; and at once we recognized to him to be better;

and for certain we hold a miracle to have been, because

within two days we beheld him walking through the streets

of the city.

[16] Fol. 220 a Witness heard by profession a physician,

said: A physician Doctor testifies that to several it happened. A certain matron, with a burning continuous

and pestilent fever laboring, to such extremity had come,

that I and another who her with me cured

physician, her for desperate held; and therefore,

now dead deeming her, I ceased her by custom to visit.

Afterward however to the same returned, I met her,

wholly better having; but the cause of

so swift a change asking, she answered; The Relics

of the holy Martyr being brought to her, suddenly better

I felt myself, within a few days wholly healed

I was. And cases of this kind, says the Witness, I experience

daily about the sick, whom I am wont to exhort,

both in the city and through the kingdom, that a remedy of this kind

they may try. Another fol. 239 said: Years

twelve it is, The pain of the head with fever is healed. that to me suffering a fever with pain of the head,

the Fathers of S. Francis brought

the Jawbones of the blessed and glorious Martyr Raymond

Lull; which adored when to my head I had placed, immediately

ceased the pain; and the fever, which vehement

was and to last longer was feared, greatly

alleviated, within a few days wholly vanished.

CHAPTER III.

Other benefits, by the mediation of the same Jawbones, obtained.

[17] Three years it is, says a Witness, folio 150

reported, After a miscarriage sick to death, that my wife, a few before the Sunday

of the Ascension days, suffered a miscarriage

with a copious flux of blood. Applied to her

in vain remedies various: wherefore both I and the midwife

her life held in the desperate. Now the seventh day

was passing, when my wife, mindful of the marvels

of S. Raymond, his relics sought,

obtained, and them having kissed, invoked the help

of the Saint, and immediately to be better began, and

within a few days the whole recovered her health;

which we all, equally as our neighbors, of that

case conscious, imputed to a miracle; as also

did the Witness reported fol. 251: and thenceforth frequently

we go to the chapel of the Saint, thanks for so

present a help giving, and in other necessities

him invoking.

[18] Folio 253, another Witness: It pleased, he says,

our Lord in me a very notable miracle

to work, and a man seized with deadly pleurisy, to his honor and his glorious Martyr's

Raymond Lull, five years ago; when

reclining at the table invaded me a furious pleurisy,

so that unfed I had to to the bed be carried.

Soon called the physicians and surgeons applied those

remedies, which to profit they believed, with fruit

none; the evil growing by the hour, and by day and by night

to cry compelling. Therefore mindful of the miracles

of S. Raymond, I commanded with a strong shout,

that his Jawbones to me they should carry, confident

by them mediating to be healed. When now for five

days thus I was afflicted, brought them P. Fr. John

de Mesquida of the Franciscan Order, and to my mouth to be kissed

applied first, then upon me

placed left them; and suddenly to be relieved feeling,

to sleep I began. the Relics being applied they are cured: A little after awakened, I convoked

my domestics, who me asleep having beheld, from the chamber

had gone out: I asked where was P. Fr. Mesquida;

they answered, that he had departed, and with him the Relics

had taken away. To whom I, nothing more of evil feeling

except a little fatigue from so many

days' torment; Father, I said, Mesquida, together

with the sacred Jawbones, my evil has taken away: therefore,

both I and the present all, so sudden

and perfect a cure to the intercession of B.

Raymond ascribed, and myself on that account bound I acknowledge.

[19] likewise another from a burning fever, Another fol. 255 said: It is two years in the month

of December, that seized by a burning fever, with

applied medicines, to hope I began that I could

by means of S. Raymond be healed: and with great

confidence I asked, that his Jawbones be brought to me.

Brought them a certain Franciscan, Fr. Costa called,

if I am not mistaken; and devoutly adored by me, he applied

them to my forehead. Hence at once to be better beginning,

in a short time I recovered wholly, nor without hesitation

by no medicines could have been obtained.

[20] Folio 169 deposing another Witness: Years

five it is, he says, and a year-old boy from a deadly spasm; that my brother Peter

George, then a year old, fell into a grave and

vehement fever, with a convulsion and spasm

such, that his arms with his hands were twisted

backward, and continually trembled, nor

them could he use, until to him were brought the often-

said Jawbones; which by two Brothers received,

and applied to the sick one, the boy his arms and hands extended

to them to kiss, from the convulsion already

said and the trembling cured; and within a few days

wholly healthy as long as he lived, all the bystanders

he moved to give thanks to God for so notable a miracle.

And folio 22 in the Process of the year 1605, said

now there a Nun she was, when Sister Honofria

Bonapart apoplectic became (another Sister added,

that the physician visiting her judged an incurable

disease to be) whence her speech she lost,

nor before recovered, than upon her were placed

the Jawbones of holy Raymond. The matter moreover happened

before nine years, the day before S. Anne's, on which the aforesaid

Sister apoplexy seized. But

I was in the chamber of the sick woman, until the third

hour after sunset, when she said; A little

I slept, and behold better to be I feel,

from which upon me they placed the Jawbones of Mag.

Raymond. That voice all us present with admiration

filled; and out of her mind. for Sister Honofria of her mind

was not master, when to her were applied

the Relics aforesaid. Therefore immediately rising,

I roused and convoked all the Religious women, to give thanks

to God for so miraculous a cure;

and at the same time all the cell having entered, we found her healthy

and healthy thereafter she lived some years: of

which none of us doubted but that of God alone the work

it was, by S. Raymond's merits obtained. There are

also other Witnesses of the same miracle in that Process:

in whose folio 19, another woman affirms, that the aforesaid Jawbones being applied

to her and one Mass cured,

she was freed from an intolerable pain of the teeth,

which she suffered; And by a similar of the same Jawbones

application, we find, several others from

various infirmities cured.

[21] Certain little pieces plucked from that Cross,

on which fixed Christ to S. Raymond appeared, Splinters of the Lullian cross, cure with various

miracles also became famous, of which one

is reported in the Process of the year 1612, folio 168, in this

manner: A certain little sister of mine three years old suffered

an infirmity, which a disease to be the French one,

contracted from the nurses, who had nursed the little infant,

said Doctor Raphael Amer and John

Strader the Surgeon. This understanding my father

Peter Ribot the Notary, when now one year

the little infant that evil suffered, the French disease, communicated by a nurse to the little infant and it greater

daily took increases, home came

about the hour of dinner, bringing with him a splinter of that cross,

on which to the glorious Martyr Raymond Christ

is said to have appeared; and it brought out he applied

to her ulcerated mouth. I said that similarly he should apply

to the secret part, no less infected: but he answered;

Nothing is that needed, enough her so will cure

S. Raymond. That night no care,

such as we were wont, we applied to the little one: in the morning

however, when for the same cause, the girl we visited,

we found her healthy, left only a slight about her mouth

scar, and thenceforth until now healthy she remains,

all who before her had seen esteeming

manifest to be a miracle, since indeed human

remedies nothing had profited. Co-witnesses moreover

of the same were, first the physician aforesaid, whose

deposition is reported fol. 107; and several others reported

folio 202, 166 and 169.

[22] The same witness fol. 170 says. This very year

in the month of January, and a man almost consumed by the same, my husband Bartholomew

Capo, for four months laboring with the same French

disease, and incurable judged by the physicians, after

very many remedies in vain applied, the evil so growing worse,

so that his whole body was now one single wound,

especially his head and his neck. Then my father,

the case understood, sent me a little piece

of the aforesaid wood: which received I said to my husband, that he should take

courage, and to B. Raymond commend himself,

and I began it to apply to his head; at the wife's vow, and then

to his neck hung I left it, with much devotion and

confidence. But the following day my husband from the bed

could rise, and within a short time wholly

recovered, from day to day advancing in health:

in memory of which benefit I vowed to have painted

among the hands of the painter it is.

[23] Folio 244 another Witness thus swore: Last

spring of the year 1612, another afflicted with intolerable gout of the knees, now it is months six,

that in bed lying occupied me a pain in the knees

so intense, that able to bear it in no way,

continually I wept and lamented, nor

pacify me could whoever assisted; when

to my house came Peter Ribot the Notary,

saying that he brought a Cross, in which enclosed was

and this taking from his neck, he hung

on mine: and at once that great torment ceased,

nor afterward it any further I felt, all who were present,

at so sudden a miracle astonished:

especially since it was wont to me often during the year

to return: and there is present a Witness of it another, folio 246.

[24] Folio 303 speaking another: A year, he says, almost

one has gone, that tertian fevers I suffered with

wood, which someone to me had given; as soon as

it I applied to my head, ceased the pain: but when

it afterward fell, from the place where I had put it;

continually returned that pain, until it I replaced:

of which matter often experience I made for

two months, in which the fever lasted. But this

ceasing, that little piece of the sacred wood I lent

to a certain neighbor of mine, who with a similar pain was tormented;

and, as she to me related, the same thence benefit

received. Nay also many other marvels, by particles

of this kind mediating, worked God, as

in this city is known.

[25] Nor fewer he did by the mediation of the oil of the lamp

before the Saint burning, of which matter among others

one foot torment, They are healed by the oil of the lamp, so that hardly stand on the step

I could, I visited as best I could the chapel of B. Raymond,

and twice my foot from the lamp before him

hung I anointed; and freed thereafter until

now I was. Another folio 298; Last spring, he says, the pain of the head, now habitual,

I suffered a most grievous pain of the head,

I was wont ordinarily to be tormented, and it lasted from the hour

second or third after sunrise, until the third

or fourth of the night, growing worse the more

the more the night approached. But when I was

in the convent of S. Francis, and there prayed before the tomb

of the holy Martyr Raymond, I anointed my forehead

with the oil of the lamp there burning, and at that very moment

I felt the torment alleviated; and that so quickly,

that before my foot I could from the church carry,

almost wholly removed it was; but when

to my house I came, now nothing more I felt:

and I hold for certain, that through that oil I was

healed from that torment, which according to

its ordinary course was wont to me

until night to last; but then soon from

the anointing to cease it had begun, and shortly wholly it ceased.

It is true indeed, that some days after

again the pain returned, not however so vehement

nor so continuous, as it was wont, when on any

week once and again the same I suffered.

But from that time at which my forehead I anointed, now three

months have gone, that any more it I have not felt.

[26] The same Witness p. 299 thus proceeds: In days

past occupied me in the groin a carbuncle, a carbuncle in the groin,

or a sanguineous tumor, which of very slow cure

to be said some: but within seven

days the suppuration matured it burst, and dried

was the ulcer: and I hold for certain, this done by the virtue

of the same, which I said, oil; because it I put on a plaster,

to me for the cure being applied. Another then

person fol. 329, paralysis of the right side, speaking of a certain nine-year-old

daughter of his, in the whole right side paralytic, to whom continually

the hand trembled, the physicians no hope of cure

giving. When, he says, a certain neighbor

to me had suggested, that the daughter I should commend to B. Raymond;

we went to visit the chapel, in which his

body and relics are kept; and we took of

the oil of the lamp there lit, and with it the girl we anointed:

which as soon as to do we began, began she

to be better, and now healthy she is wholly, that very

hand using and work doing, with which before nothing

she could do.

[27] Folio 330 another Witness, when first she had said,

that of her sons one, likewise the pain of the head as often as; wont a frequent

pain of the head to suffer; at the very moment in which

he anointed himself with the aforesaid oil, was wont also the evil

as if to be wiped away, whence to the same Saint most devoutly

he was affected. The Witness herself then of herself; Last, she says,

of the year 1612 November, about the first hour

of the night, came upon me an evil so grave,

that thence wholly to die I believed myself.

It was alleviated indeed twice or thrice that night;

but soon it returned twice more vehement, and another great evil; so that

my domestics and neighbors all of my life that it was done

judged. In that state, when most keenly pressed the evil

(sleeping, or for pain of sense deprived,

I know not) I seemed to myself to speak with B. Raymond,

and with my whole heart for gladness inflamed to say:

My Saint, nothing I have which to you I may give; I will make

however to be painted a votive tablet. And this saying

I opened my eyes, and myself wholly healthy I found,

nor ever that evil to me returned.

[28] Another fol. 331 said: Eight days after I

had given birth, I know not by what rashness I placed myself at

the window; and by the air which thence breathed the pores entering,

as soon as thence I withdrew, and an acute after childbirth fever, I felt myself grievously

tormented, and the same night came upon me a vehement

and acute fever, which the bystanders made

to despair of my life; nay also I thought

myself soon to die, on account of the pain which I felt

vehemence. But morning being come, mindful

of the miracles, which through the city were narrated to be done,

by the mediation of the Relics of S. Raymond and the oil

of his lamp, I asked that a little something of it

for me they should seek. They did, what I asked, and

with it for me the pulse of the vein and the neck they anointed: and at that very

instant better to be beginning, within two

hours I rose from the bed, and healthy myself I found

both from the pain of the head and from the fever, never thereafter

returning: to which matter attests another folio 332.

Another folio 378; the torment of an inflamed mouth, For six months, he says, I suffered

and caustic waters I had applied, nor anything

profited, I went to the chapel of the blessed Martyr,

and with the oil of the lamp anointed for myself all my jaws.

But I began at the first anointing to feel relief

some; and it then through about a whole

month continuing, at last wholly healthy I was.

[29] Folio 381 is found another Witness to have said: A son

of mine Nicholas Tries, being of age

the eighteenth year about, a deadly fever at the last gasp, by an acute which

he suffered fever to the extreme had come, given up

by the physicians, and the fourth now day of speech, sight,

hearing deprived, his eyes nearly broken, so that at moments

singly the last breath was expected; nor

other sign of life remained than a slight and most thin

breathing. In such a crisis entered my house

one of the neighbors, the first hour after

sunset, and to me said: So many things you have done

for recovering for your son health, nor anything

you have profited; do now, what I suggest. I bring to you something

of the oil of the lamp, before the tomb of B. Raymond

hanging: take and anoint with it the sick one, because

by such a means many have obtained lost health.

I took therefore the flask, in which the said oil

was contained, in the name of the most holy Trinity

and the blessed Martyr; and with my finger dipped I formed

for the sick one a Cross on his forehead, and another I impressed

on his mouth, breast, hands and feet: and at once

he began to move and turn himself, which to do

through days four preceding he had not been able:

his head also he raised above the pillow to a palm

one. Then to his ears I shouted with a loud voice:

and he answering, My mother, he said. But I

offered him a plum one, which he took; and

from that hour so quickly he recovered in the four days

following, that hardly I could food, as much as

he desired, supply: and so full health having attained,

he is well until today, so that there is no one

of those, who the sick one saw, nor of the physicians

curing him, who does not feel, evident to be

I invoked, when my son I anointed: which also

affirmed the Witnesses, reported in folios, 378, 379,

384 and 387.

[30] Another Witness folio 388; I was sick, he says,

last August so grievously, the impediment of the hands and feet, that to die I believed myself.

Cut for me eleven times was the vein, and the fever

departed; but me it left in hands and feet so

impeded, that for nothing I could them use:

and when I was about to rise from the bed, or somewhere

to go I wished, of crutches placed under the arms I had

need. In that state when the whole of October I persisted;

said to me my wife, that she wished

me to anoint with the Lullian oil: but I, who often

had heard those speaking of the marvels of the Saint, no

however toward him hitherto had I had devotion;

Away, I said: a woman you are. These things so said,

the following night waking, I noticed,

that she for me was anointing the muscles of my hands and shins

with the aforesaid oil: the same then she did three

consecutive nights. After the last anointing, a vow being made about carrying the crutches to the tomb;

with my crutches leaning, when I had come to the new courtyard

of the church of S. Antony, where hangs the effigy of the holy

Martyr Raymond; my head I raised, and it

being seen, moved I was to some toward him devotion;

and I asked, that he would deign to restore

to me the former vigor of my shins; but home

returning, I vowed to his chapel to carry

my crutches, if I should recover. Meanwhile them

on the return using (for not otherwise to steady my step

could I) I came up to the door of my house;

and there I felt a great heat through my whole body

diffused, and I cried out. My domestics indeed running up,

put me back in bed; and a small

time after, as long as once would be recited the Creed,

I tried whether I could from the bed rise; and I felt myself

free from that numbness, which of the hands and feet

the muscles thus far impeded had held. Placed therefore

my feet on the ground, from the house I went out, and walked

through the square without crutches; which to fulfill deferring, by the returning evil he is chastised, and wholly healthy, I blessed

God, and to him and to the holy Martyr thanks,

not however as much as I owe, I gave; nor did I doubt,

but that through the aforesaid anointing, and not by another means,

I had been healed. But nevertheless seven or

eight days after, when, my vow forgotten, until he satisfies it. I deferred

my crutches to carry to the chapel, as I had promised;

there returned to me in those same limbs the former pain

and numbness: and the vow made recollecting, those limbs

I anointed with the aforesaid oil, and at once ceased

all the evil, and the vow fulfilling, the crutches to

the chapel I carried and hung, where they hang even now:

and I am healthy, thanks to God. The same testify

the persons reported folio 391, 392, 393.

CHAPTER IV.

Various persons from various diseases, the Saint being invoked, in diverse ways freed.

[31] Suppression of urine for 7 days, Some also a similar effect experienced

in themselves, from vows made and Masses

cared for; and namely a Witness, folio 181 heard,

said: On the first day of July, in the year 1610, I suffered,

as at other times, a suppression of urine; which

when the seventh day lasted, nor anything profited

the applied remedies; no hope of life any more

in those having, I had recourse to spiritual medicines,

and asked for the Sacraments of Confession and Communion,

which to me now lying in bed were brought;

and these received I asked that to me be brought

the Jawbones of B. Lull. Answered the R.P.Fr. Beltran, the Saint's jawbones being adored it is loosed.

that them of his own accord he had brought. This I having heard greatly refreshed,

seated me in the bed I composed; and them received,

as I could, most devoutly I adored, and kissed,

promising to that Saint a tablet, from a vow to be hung

in his chapel. A little after it pleased the divine

mercy, that the sought urinal I filled

to the measure of half a hemina

(Mig Quarter we call it,) then hours two I slept,

which before I could not, hindering it

the vehemence of my imagination, the present evil

continually remembering. Then again I asked for the little vessel,

and again without any difficulty I filled,

as if nothing of evil I had suffered. The following therefore

Sunday I betook myself to the church of S. Francis,

where again confessing my sins, I took in that very chapel

the sacred Communion, and hung that which

I had promised tablet, a Mass also to be said I cared:

and thenceforth daily to him I commend myself

certain prayers reciting. To this deposition agrees

another fol. 200.

[32] It is three years, says a Witness folio 285, under oath,

that to my little daughter grew a tumor above

the foot's instep of the same, A dangerous tumor above the foot, whose flesh was of a color, which

was judged very dangerous. This wishing to be removed,

after many other vain remedies, I had recourse

to the intercession of the holy Martyr Raymond;

promising him a wax shin. But a vow of this kind being made,

began to subside the evil, and within

twenty-four hours the whole vanished. an abscess in the hand, One about

year after, came to the same girl an abscess in

her right hand, difficult to cure: which when again,

after medicines several in vain applied, to the Saint

I had vowed, to be healed soon it began, and quickly recovered:

which, though unworthy, wholly I ascribe to the Saint.

Finally, recently spring being past, to the same little girl

came erysipelas, and erysipelas, her whole head deformingly

inflaming: to whom when neither phlebotomy nor other

remedies profited; we carried the little one to the convent

of S. Francis, to ask the Jawbones of B. Raymond

to be applied to the sick one; and I promised, that

the girl a whole year would wear a garment of the color

usual to the Saint, and for her I would offer a tablet

witness of the miracle. And when the said Relics had been

into the house brought, and placed upon the little one; within

two hours seemed that sanguineous tumor gradually

to settle, and wholly the following day to have disappeared;

and from the bed rising the daughter from her chamber descended,

and began to run about through the squares.

[33] Folio 262 a named Witness; I had gone, he says,

to a certain sick friend of mine to visit, and a deadly fever, a Mass being cared for, are healed.

and found with a burning fever and danger

of death in bed lying: wherefore I betook myself

to the convent of S. Francis, and of my own money

I offered for a Mass to be cared for, and so the sick one

I commended to S. Raymond. The next day to

him I returned, and found far better having:

and asked how he fared, he answered, above all

hope, lighter: but I, what I had done in silence

keeping, recognized silently the grace, by the Saint

mediating obtained.

[34] Folio 307 said another: When to my wife,

after grave fevers, The danger of consumption is driven away, a cold humor into her breast had descended,

whence those who her visited physicians, an incurable

consumption augured; to the intercession

of S. Raymond I fled, and asked that to me be brought

his Jawbones, and a particle of that wood,

upon which on Mount Randa to him appeared

Christ, and at the same time by a servant I sent money

for a Mass at the altar of S. Francis to be cared for.

And it pleased this and B. Raymond, that at the very instant

in which I counted out the money, and to my wife were applied

the Relics aforesaid, should begin she more lightly

to suffer, and the evil diminished gradually was, so that

the returned physicians were stupefied, to the stupor of the physicians. and so great a change

denied, to any their remedy could be ascribed;

and to me narrating what I had done, they answered; Nothing

is impossible to God; and after a few days plainly

recovered the woman. But when the same physicians her

advised, that for the to-be-nursed, whom she had borne, little infant

felt, that the milk returning into her breasts she went on to nourish,

and even now nourishes her offspring. Another also

woman, of whom is read folio 292, said; After

twenty-four hours of a most difficult childbirth, of strength

all destitute, when a Mass to the holy Martyr

to be cared for I had vowed, him I invoked; and at that very

moment, no one assisting, the offspring I brought forth,

which so prompt and happy a success, not

could I but impute to the merits of the Martyr by me invoked.

[35] The Lullian mastic's leaves being taken, Various also testified, that by the mediation of the leaves

of the mastic, famous on account of the letters inscribed on them in favor

of S. Raymond, they were cured of the infirmities

by which they were held. So one folio 259 was heard

to say: Last year about the Paschal feast, seized

I was by an apoplectic spasm, by which, no part of the body

excepted, from head to feet vehemently

I was tormented. The Physicians applied whatever

remedies they knew, in vain; she is cured of apoplexy, but when to the highest

degree the evil seemed to have ascended, to visit

me came (whether Antony Collo, or Servador

Jorge, in my house frequent, I do not remember)

and holding out a little branch from the trunk of that shrub,

to which is believed that Mag. Raymond Lull certain

letters inscribed; Take this, he said. But I,

what frequently I had heard narrated, graces,

by the mediation of such little branches' leaves obtained,

from the seven or eight, which there were counted,

three or four I plucked, and to my mouth placed

I ate, with much confidence, that through the intercession

of the Saint, salvation I would recover.

Nor my hope deceived me: for at that very moment,

after taking a hot, I know not what little broth, or

wine with water mixed, draught, I felt myself from all pain

free, so that I seemed to myself able from the house

to go out, and immediately to all coming to me

I narrated the case: and with me they too judged it

miraculous; since it can happen naturally not,

that a disease so grave, and by so many medicines

in vain cured, in a moment be healed; and of the same

matter Witnesses also heard are reported, folio

261, and 264.

[36] and arthritis with pain of the head. At the same folio 264 the aforesaid woman's husband;

I had suffered, he says, a whole year, a troublesome convulsion

almost arthritic, with great

weakness of the head, often within that year's course

recurring, and to keep to the bed compelling.

But recollecting my wife, that she had remaining

three or four little leaves of that miraculous mastic,

by whose use she (as above said) had been healed;

ordered me them to eat with as much

as I could devotion, and to care for one Mass to be said.

Therefore in a cup of water immersed I took them,

and at the same time health whole I drank, without any

trace of the former evil; and the following day with

all my family I proceeded to the church of S. Francis

(it was moreover the month of April not long after the feasts

Paschal) and the vow I fulfilled, many thanks

giving to the Saint, to whose favor so notable a benefit

I attributed: as also a Witness

another folio 260 confirms.

[37] By the touch of a Rosary, applied to the Relics, Quite singular was the case, which happened

by the mediation of a Rosary, to the sacred Relics of B. Raymond

applied; and folio 199 thus is narrated by her to whom

it happened: Last 1611, on the 5th day of December, came

my husband home at the second hour of the night,

otherwise not wont now late to return; and me found

in bed lying, on account of the most grievous of the teeth

and jaws pains, which now for years about

eight such I suffered, that my mouth to eat to open

I could not except most painfully: there were moved also

to me all my teeth, as if about to fall out; wherefore repeatedly, she is healed of the eight-year toothache of a woman,

when to me something hot in drink was given,

I was wont to look into the cup, whether them I would find

there fallen. But in the last three years,

scarcely speak to confess I could, nor except twice

or thrice with the sacred Eucharist be refreshed: and my husband

and the same a Physician, wearied of medicines to give,

which in vain many I had used, and believing

that I had to die of hunger, because nothing except a little

of decocted broth, and that most painfully, I could

swallow, came, as I said; the hour now late; and narrated

what that day he had done; namely, that

he had been summoned by the Magnificent Jurats into the convent

of S. Francis, together with other Doctors

Physicians and Surgeons, to examine the Relics

and the Head of the glorious Martyr Raymond Lull;

and the things which were to be done being done, his Rosary

he had drawn over them; he asked moreover whether it I would wish

on my neck to be placed around. But I, who many things

had heard of his miracles, otherwise about to die of hunger. assented; and it received

having kissed, with it myself I signed, and it

through each jaw I drew, and on my neck placed:

then, before my husband returned, bringing the broth,

my only and accustomed nourishment, healthy

myself I felt, and well disposed to take

something of more solid substance, now freely my mouth opening,

and my jaws moving, and I began by the mediation

of that Rosary's touch, whatever was brought, bread,

meat and other things brought to eat, my teeth,

which before seemed from my mouth about to fall, miraculously

confirmed; when before my whole mouth as if burned

I had, from the heat of so many medicines applied.

I labored besides with another symptom,

namely a spasm, during that year frequent, and

then, before I was healed, much more frequent, from

defect of suitable nutrition; but from that moment,

in which the Rosary on my neck I placed around, nothing

such have I suffered. The same all testified my husband,

the Doctor Physician, fol. 166; more expressly specifying

all the things, which to his wife he had applied remedies, and

what he had seen, examining the aforesaid Relics.

[38] Very many also cured from their infirmities

are, Those visiting the Saint's chapel are cured, by visiting the chapel or tomb of the Saint.

Among these was a woman, folio 267 thus speaking: A half

about year it is, that in the corner of one of my eyes

I felt as it were a grain (the Physicians

sleep nor rest could I: for curing which,

the Physician applied certain plasters, by which profit

was nothing, nay rather increased the evil.

But when I was in the church of S. Francis, I noticed

many there to receive for their diseases a remedy; one with a fistula in the eye,

and therefore the chapel of S. Raymond I entered, and vowed

and began the Rosary to recite, and soon improvement

to feel, vowing a wax eye. so advancing, that before

it whole I had completed, ceased all pain:

home moreover returned, I noticed that very

grain gradually to dry. The day then was inclining

into evening, and the next morning cured

myself and wholly healed I found. The same testified her husband,

folio 267 under oath.

[39] Folio 361 a produced Witness; Four, he says,

or five years I suffered in my jaw

right a grave evil and to me unknown, A certain man in the cheek suffering gangrene, (Witnesses,

folio 334 and 353 produced, that it was gangrene asserted)

for curing which the Physicians nothing useful found:

but the evil growing, and pus much

and fetid ejecting through an abscess; it happened a