Felix the Deacon

ON ST. FELIX THE DEACON

MARTYR AT SEVILLE IN SPAIN.

Felix the Deacon, Martyr at Seville in Spain (St.)

G. H.

The tables of today's Roman Martyrology, on

this second of May, these words have:

At Seville of St. Felix Deacon and Martyr.

Then notes Baronius: Of him likewise in

the Toledo Breviary, Sacred worship where more in his

Ecclesiastical Office. Further in the Calendar of the Breviary, according to

the rule of B. Isidore, called Mozarabic, printed at Toledo

in the year MDII by command of Francisco Ximenes the Archbishop, these on

this day are indicated, Of Felix Deacon of Seville IX

Lessons. And these thence translated by Tamayo Salazar to

the Spanish Martyrology, because other ancient Acts are wanting,

here we give. CAPITULA. Felix, thy Martyr, O Lord,

both by name approved, and by gift consecrated, while

thou callest him by name and by gift consecratest him, Elogies from the Gothic Breviary that thou both

mightest call him foreknown and glorify him elect.

Of this confession therefore make us partakers, and of beatitude

partners render us: that thou consenting, the unhappy

he may rescue from the workhouses of the infernal regions, while he himself happy remains

unto eternity. BENEDICTION. Christ the Lord,

who this most blessed Martyr, both by merit Felix

made to be and by name, from every stain of unhappiness

may purge you. Amen. That he who through him happily the temporal

unhappinesses of the unhappy overcame, to felicity

eternal may bid you be numbered. Amen. That he who through this

Martyr enjoys the privilege of granted felicity, in

eternal felicity without end joyful may delight you.

Amen. PRAYER. Felix is, O Lord, whom thou so by thy

gift makest to be felix, that he knows not the pleasures

of transgression, that though he can transgress, that he has transgressed

he does not know, nor to do ill, since indeed

he can deviate from right paths. Who therefore, not by his own,

but by thy gift of this felicity merited the gift,

of our unhappiness by his prayers may wipe away the opprobrium;

that under the leadership of so great a Martyr governed in the world,

both the will of sinning may we not know to have,

and the faults of transgression may we be ignorant to perform.

PRAYER. O God author of eternal felicity, who

so much madest Felix thy Martyr to be felix,

that neither after gold he went nor in treasures

and moneys hoped, since without the contagion of avarice

shining pearls by preaching he sowed among the people;

grant us, that all the bonds of avarice abhorring,

the word of justice in our mouth we may bear, that the law

and mercy in our tongue having, the unhappiness

of the world by the merit of thy Felix we may overcome, and the felicity

of eternal life by his happier suffrage may attain.

Through the Lord. These in the said Breviary: to which

what he adds nowhere to have been able to find asserts Marieta in book 2

of the History of the Saints of Spain chapter 99. figments not even worthy to be refuted. An empty field therefore for sowing

tares having found those, who out of their own brain fabricated

afterward the Chronicles of Dexter and Maximus, of the same Felix devised

various things, from which and others some elogium of him

composed Tamayo Salazar: but it pleases not to dwell on figments

to be refuted. It suffices to have indicated, that in the church and the whole

diocese of Seville is venerated St. Felix Deacon Martyr under

Common of a Martyr taken, and the feast of St. Athanasius into the day

fifth of May translated.

ON SS. SIMPLICIUS AND AMBROSE

MARTYRS IN CATALONIA.

Simplicius, Martyr in Catalonia (St.)

Ambrose, Martyr in Catalonia (St.)

BY THE AUTHOR G. H.

Philippus Ferrarius, in the general Catalogue

of the Saints, in few words of these Martyrs thus

makes mention: Sacred worship In Spain in the territory of Vich

of the holy Martyrs Simplicius

and Ambrose. And these, he says, from the Tables

of the Church of Vich and the convent of St. John of Ripoll,

where their bodies are preserved. Tamayo

Salazar in the Spanish Martyrology, Near Vich,

he says, in the valley of Ripoll of the County of Osona in

Catalonia of Spain, the deposition of SS. Simplicius and Ambrose

Martyrs, whose sacred remains in shrines

enclosed are honorably kept among the illustrious, and with an annual

festivity are venerated. Antonius Vincentius Domeneccus,

in the general History of the Saints of Catalonia on this

second of May, sets forth a title, on the blessed Martyrs

Simplicius and Ambrose, whose sacred Relics

with great veneration keeps the Church of St. John

de Abbatissis, once a celebrated monastery of Canons

Regular of St. Augustine in the Episcopate of Vich.

And then this history he subjoins, in Latin by Tamayo

Salazar edited. In the year of the Lord eight hundred

eighty-seven, Wifred ruling in Catalonia, Count

of Barcelona, surnamed

the Hairy, in the monastery of Ripoll. Lord Wifred and Lady Guidinilla

his wife, Counts of Besalú, when they had built

the monastery of St. John de Abbatissis in the County

of Osona, in the valley of Ripoll, procured

from the Lord Gothmarus Bishop of Osona,

now Vich, the church of the said monastery to be consecrated:

to which after Emo his daughter, that there in the habit

of religion she might serve God, they also offered some castles,

churches and houses, likewise fields, woods and many

possessions, especially in the town of Ripoll and

Scaranum, in which also houses, gardens and fields

they gave: nor less in Congost, the County of Berga,

and Ampurdán: whence the said monastery among

the richest of that province was reckoned. With these riches

offered not yet content the Counts, also into the service

of the nuns gave male and female slaves:

nay even Gothmarus the Bishop the tithes of some

peoples of his district to St. John granted.

Afterward because the nuns the aforesaid monastery

deserted, into their place succeeded Canons

Regular of St. Augustine. Into this monastery therefore

were translated the Relics of the holy Martyrs

Simplicius and Ambrose, whose solemn feast is recalled

on the VI Nones of May under a double rite, and this is recited

the Prayer: O God who us by the annual solemnity of thy holy Martyrs

Simplicius and Ambrose makest glad,

grant propitiously, that we who rejoice in their merits, may be kindled

by their examples. Through the Lord &c. But assigns

them the said convent for the Patrons of its Church.

Their sacred Relics are laid up in two

separate caskets: in one of which is read this inscription:

This is the shrine of St. Simplicius Martyr, in which his

body is laid. But in the other this is the inscription:

This is the shrine of Ambrose Martyr, in which his

body is laid. All these Domeneccus. Of Wifred,

by some Guifred, and Gryphus, surnamed the Hairy, largely

treats Francisco Diago in book 2 of the History of the Counts of Barcelona

chapter 7 and following, and asserts his wife Guinidildis

or Guidinilla, to have been the daughter of Baldwin Iron-arm and

Judith daughter of Charles the Bald King of the Franks. But Ripoll,

as if pollens with banks he thinks said, because at the confluence

of the rivers Ter and Freser it is situated: but the monastery not

for his daughter Emo, but for Rodulfus his son built he adds. The Bishop

Gothmarus, by others Gundemarus is called, to whom Vich

the city and its rights Odo King of the Franks had given. The rest

of the Acts of the martyrdom, with the place and time at which they flourished,

plainly lie hidden.

ST. ATHANASIUS

BISHOP OF ALEXANDRIA

IN THE YEAR CCCLXXI.

THE LIFE

Collected from his own and other ancient writings.

Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria (St.)

BY THE AUTHOR D. P.

PROLOGUE.

To narrate all the acts of the great Athanasius, and

with admiration to weigh them, would be the work

of a just history, says his distinguished encomiast

Gregory Nazianzen, If Nazianzen had written the Life, and

ἐυχῆς ἔργον, a thing with much prayer to be sought for himself it would be

he says, for the instruction and delight of posterity,

those things expressly to commit to letters; just as he himself the divine

Antony's Life wrote, which under the form of a narration,

the norm contains of the monastic conversation.

A laudable wish indeed, and worthy of such a writer; who

would that he also had carried it into effect! For just

as through that Life of Antony which Athanasius wrote, the Solitaries are formed

to the private cultivation of their own soul;

so in the Life of Athanasius, which Gregory should have written, would have had

the Bishops a most perfect idea of a true Prelate in the public

administration of the Churches, and a mirror of constancy and endurance invincible against

whatever incursions of heretics.

[2] There are indeed after some many centuries both in Greek

and in Latin written some things, it would not have been from the books of posterity bearing a certain appearance

of a history through the whole life of the Saint deduced, of which

at the end of this treatise we shall speak: but these, although mostly

received from ancient authors, Rufinus, Palladius,

Socrates, Theodoret, Sozomen, to a certain extent also from

the coeval Eusebius of Caesarea; yet, besides their own faults with which they labor,

many other things also they err together with those whom

I have cited as authors, neither among themselves nor with the Saint himself sufficiently

agreeing: which either to reconcile severally or to refute, or laboriously to be sought from the writings of the Saint himself,

which it is so much the easier to decline, the more about his own

matters the Saint himself was compelled to write. From which, to historical

order reduced, a copious and to this work abundantly sufficient

Commentary can be composed, if only from other writers

testimony of the Saint himself, be premised

and intermingled.

[3] This did in the French language, but with the sources indicated in the margin,

Godefroid Hermant, This was lately done in French, Doctor of the Sorbonne and Canon

of Beauvais; and so did that the whole history almost

of the IV century, in which lived and contended Athanasius, in two volumes

he comprised. By whose happy labor I gladly confess

myself relieved and aided; since I had the purpose, those things

especially, which St. Athanasius touch, in the proper words of Athanasius

himself explained to give: now it will be done in Latin. in Latin indeed, yet not

word for word from his Latin interpreter Nannius; since

he often too loose, nor sufficiently solicitous always was, that

his author's mind he should examine more closely. As often therefore as anything

with us otherwise, otherwise in the vulgar editions thou shalt read,

remember to recur to the faith of the Greek text; and I being silent,

easily through thyself thou wilt be able to recognize, that to this Saint also

was a fortune common with the rest of the holy Fathers for the most part,

that an interpreter in many things drowsy I may say,

or hasty, he should obtain: which that it may be easier for thee, I will express

in the margin the numbers of the pages, by the example of Hermant,

according to the Paris last edition of the year MDCXXVII, which

he himself and I have used.

[4] Further if the sloth or too great precipitancy of interpreters

often poured something of obscurity on works most worthy to be read; But the order of the works of Athanasius is to be noted.

an almost inexplicable confusion introduced those, who first

the same from various codices, as there either entire or by halves

they were contained, collected; with a misfortune no less

than was done in the books of St. Gregory of Nyssa against

Eunomius, or in the Apology of St. Justin the Philosopher: of which

this one to have been wrongly drawn apart in two parts, that the defect of the first which

perished might be supplied, we showed on the day XIII of April;

those to have been most ineptly divided and digested we proved on the day IX

of March. But it is so much the more desirable to have an ordered notice

of the works of Athanasius, especially the apologetic ones;

as it seems the more necessary for the history which we

have in hand.

[5] And first indeed it is certain enough, that the Apology to Constantius

is an oration, composed to this end that it might be recited

by the Saint himself, Of which the Apology to Constantius if at any time to his sight he should merit

to be admitted. Hence it comes that not but with the greatest respect

he everywhere addresses him, the odium of the things impiously and cruelly done,

as it can be done, upon his adversaries declining; and evidently

demonstrating, that he had neither ever spoken ill of him

before his brother Constans, nor had been able to have any commerce

with Magnentius the tyrant the slayer of Constans,

nor was to be accused for the delay which in his Episcopate he

drew out, relying on his very letters and the contrary mandates

not appearing; nor finally could be argued for his flight,

to which the savagery of the persecution stirred up against him compelled.

And this Apology was written in the year at the most CCCLVII, written in the year 357, when

in February of the prior year he had betaken himself to the hiding-places of the desert.

About the same time was written the other, an Apology call it

or an Epistle it matters not, on his flight.

[6] To these next, in my judgment indeed, succeeded a treatise,

much longer than now appears, in one part polemical, then the Epistle to the Solitaries in two parts, historical

in the other, with a dedicatory epistle directed to all

everywhere cultivating the solitary life, founded

in the faith of God, sanctified in Christ, and saying,

Behold we have left all and followed thee,

beloved and most longed-for Brethren. 1 p. 808 Of the aforesaid Epistle

this is the beginning, and at the same time the argument of the whole work, thus is set forth.

Induced by your benevolence, and much asked

by you, I have written briefly of those things which we and

the Church have suffered, on the divinity of the Word and his persecutions. as much as I could refuting the impure

heresy of the Ariomanites, and showing how

far it is from the truth. Then he begins to narrate what amid

the writing he suffered; how namely, on account of the incomprehensible

argument's sublimity concerning the divinity of the Word,

often to subsist and to desist from writing he wished; yet violence

he himself did to himself, lest either to those very asking, or to others

on account of his silence about to be in peril he should fail: and finally

what he wrote he asks to be received by them, not as having

but only as refuting the impiety of the Christ-fighters,

and to the willing affording occasion of holding

better the piety of the salutary faith in Christ; he bids

also from the divine judgment, in the death of Arius exercised and

otherwise sufficiently understood, to know how hateful to God

his heresy is; and once read several times to be sent back as soon as possible

to him, no copy being transcribed.

[7] The same afterward being asked by Serapion to write to him, both

those things which then against him had been done, which also was sent to Serapion the Bishop. and of the most impious

Arian heresy on whose occasion such things he had endured, and

what end of life Arius had; Of three, he says, requests

two indeed I have done willingly, and to thy piety

I have sent what I wrote to the monks; for from these thou couldst learn

what either against me or against the heresy were: but of the third

I have much deliberated, fearing lest anyone should think me

to insult a man's death. 1 p. 67. Yet simply narrating

what from an eye-witness he had heard, to lay the question concerning

Arius arisen whether he died in the Church's communion;

he bids them be recited to those, who had moved this question, together

with those things which to the monks in compendium about the heresy

were written; forbidding meanwhile, lest their copy he should wish either

to others to hand over or to transcribe for himself; and that on account of those things which

in the epistle to the monks suffered amid the writing

he had said, and because it is not safe to hand over to the unlearned writings,

especially about the highest and chief dogmas.

[8] And hence easily it appears the work's argument to have been bipartite;

and although about each one δἰ ὀλίγων in few words to have written

himself says Athanasius, The first part, believed to have perished that yet is to be understood with respect

to the matter on both sides almost infinite amplitude.

Further as the work itself, in the part where it is historical and known

commonly, although headless, is very prolix; so nonetheless

prolix it would have been on the other part, where it was Theological;

although under that form of a bipartite work nowhere it appears. But that

it so appears not, thence to me it seems to have come about; because, with some the history,

with others the doctrine for themselves afterward to be described electing,

the parts were torn asunder from one another: which, since they were in argument

and style so disparate, no one of the scribes afterward took care

or knew to be joined.

[9] Indeed I think not the Theological part, of which so much

greater the use to the faithful could be in preference to the historical, it seems to survive in the 4 orations against the Arians. was neglected

by posterity; and therefore to one looking around all the works of St. Athanasius,

it occurs to suspect, that of the five Orations, of which

the first has the title of an encyclical epistle to the Bishops

of Egypt and Libya against the Arians, 1 p. 283 and no connexion with the following,

the four remaining, of which this is the beginning,

Those heresies indeed, which against the truth

have devised madnesses for themselves, are manifest… but this

newest of all … which Arian is called… its appearance

dissembles, and with the words of the sacred letters as if

with an honest dress is clothed. 1 p. 306 These, I say, four, of which

none besides the last is closed with the wonted otherwise invocation of the most holy

Trinity, I suspect by the author into one four-membered

body to have been compacted: and prefixed to the other part of equal

prolixity, which by others together with the dedicatory epistle

described separately, alone now and indeed not entire, obtains

the title of the work to the Solitaries.

[10] That this part lacks its own beginning we noted in

March on the day XXVI, where of St. Eutychius, the Alexandrian Subdeacon

and Martyr, we gave a narration hence received.

For it is evident, that, with the Epistle thus ending, The grace of our Lord

Jesus Christ be with you, Amen, The second part is had headless: not aptly is continued

the following, But they those things, on account of which such things they had machinated,

not long after fulfilled. For soon from those

snares the Arians they received into communion, despising

so many judgments against them, but the Imperial

mandate concerning the same again pretexting: nor

did they blush thus to speak writing, Athanasius being afflicted,

the hatred subsided, but the Arians we will receive; and to the hearers'

terror to add, that this the Emperor commanded. 1 p. 810

These regard the Hierosolymitan conventicle, after

Athanasius' most unworthy crimination by the tumultuating

Eusebians of Tyre made, the great Constantine yet living:

wherefore, if this latter part of the work to the Solitaries, even from

the Nicene council, the first contests of Athanasius with the Arians even

to the year CCCXXX in like manner explained, in which the rest

thenceforth under Constantius done we have narrated; that

also will remain evident, that nearly half the history

is wanting.

[11] This loss the collectors of the works seem to have wished to supply,

by prefixing to the Epistle and the rest of the work to the Solitaries,

another certain writing of the same Athanasius, of almost equal

length, nor is its beginning the second Apology, which they called the second Apologetic

against the Arians; 1 p. 719 at each page repeating the title

of the Apology to the Emperor Constantius: of which

altogether nothing can be proved. For neither to the Emperor, as

most clearly is done in the Apology praised above, nor to any other

altogether anyone is it directed; nor has it any form of an Apology,

except perhaps in a brief exordium and an equally brief conclusion:

and finally Athanasius himself, in that which remains to the Solitaries

work, manifestly another name, another order assigns to it;

in five places altogether indicating, that the monuments, only at the beginning

by him described, there entire are to be sought.

[12] in the Epistle to the Solitaries itself often cited, But these places, not accurately enough expressed by unskilled

scribes, were not by the interpreter Nannius understood:

who when at the double letter of Constantius he had found written,

as also he printed, ἐγράφη ὀπίσω τὸν ξελόγον καὶ ἔστιν ἐκ ὁλοκλήρῳ ὁμοία τάυτῃ; 1 p. 824 as if the scribes' error

wishing to correct, in Latin put, The whole epistle above is written:

and soon below, where is ἐγράφη δὲ ἅυτη ὁμοίως εἰς τὸν ἀυτὸν ξελόγον; he himself wrote, And this also above

is described. 1 p. 826 The same formulas, both in Greek and in Latin,

are repeated on a similar occasion after the next page; with

this only difference, that where before was ξελόγον, not as something preceding, is had

ξηλόγον; when about the beginning alleging the Epistle of Constantine

the Younger, was read ἐγράφη ὀπίσω εἰς τὸν λόγον ἀπαραλλάκτως. 1 p. 814 Not so drowsy I believe Nannius was, that

he thought the adverb ὀπίσω, which without controversy means,

afterward, below, to be the same as ἔμπροσθεν and to signify before

or above: but this indulgence to be granted to himself he judged,

that what now were read before printed, those also above

to be sought the reader should understand.

[13] But at τὸν λόγον, ξελόγον, ξηλόγον he altogether stuck;

by no conjecture attaining, what by those at length was indicated.

For although many in Athanasius λόγοι are extant on various

arguments, none yet appeared anywhere, as the Interpreter did, who either by antonomasia

was called λόγος, or the very epistles which are indicated

contained; and only it he found in the preceding

Apologetic of whatever name. Besides although ξε᾽

is worth 65, and ξη᾽ 68; yet the property of Greek writing

such a syntax rejected; and if some number was to be indicated,

it ought to have been written τὸν λόγον ξε᾽ and ξη᾽. Not to say

that that is an enormous number, and not even to κεφαλίοις or

Chapters to agree, into which (in a manner nowhere else used

in Athanasius) that little work should be conceived to have been divided.

For howsoever minutely thou divide by imagining,

yet not more than sixteen sections canst thou make

before that epistle, which is said εἰς τὸν ξηλόγον referred.

[14] All things therefore considered, plainly I judge that

in those five places is to be read εἰς τὸν ξύλλογον, that is, in

the Collection, of epistles namely Synodic, Imperial,

and others rendering the innocence of Athanasius evident;

which Collection he himself made, all the epistles by the interposition of most brief

narrations into one as it were body compaginating, but as a collection of documents to be added at the end,

and that after the death of Constantine the Younger, when the Eusebians

at Antioch the former calumnies were reviving. The same

Collection Athanasius afterward judged, for greater evidence of certitude,

to be subjoined to the work to the Solitaries; in that

altogether manner in which the Alexandrian Synod, writing in defense

of Athanasius to Pope Julius (which defense the first

place in this Collection has) at the same time judged to be sent

the copies of the letters alleged by it, namely of Alexander

Bishop of Thessalonica, and of the Mareotic Presbyters,

and of Ischyras confessing that to calumniate himself by force he was driven,

and of the Father of the Emperors, that is the great Constantine,

execrating the Meletians for the feigned crimination concerning Arsenius slain. 1 p. 735

[15] [so that this is as it were the third part of the work to the Solitaries, though long before composed.] So that this as it were a third part of the work to the Solitaries

sent is to be reckoned: which since it contains no acts after

the return from exile performed, deservedly we reckon it itself indeed to have been written

about the year CCCXLII; afterward however when

it the Saint subjoined to the work to the Solitaries to be sent, there was added

at the end a clause about Valens and Ursacius, that

they ought to be believed once truly and from the heart to have retracted their calumnies;

and about the Bishops, for Athanasius' cause exile sustaining

rather, than that so many and so great Bishops' judgments

they should abrogate, in whose number was also Liberius

the Roman Prelate … and Hosius that great one …

But these words since alone were added, but then indeed augmented with some additaments. when that

Collection he subjoined to the work to the Solitaries to be sent; afterward,

when the same work to Serapion sent the Saint, to each name

he added a parenthesis about the lapse of Hosius and Liberius, of Arian

violence a witness. In that altogether manner Athanasius, after the writing

in the year CCCLVIII of the Epistle on the Synods, into the same he inserted

some parentheses about the Constantinopolitan Council and Constantius'

death, as in its place we shall show. Here only we say,

that both this treatise, of prolixity not least; and the former,

about which so much we have said, an Epistle is called by the ancient

describers of the works of St. Athanasius, when between the two

this annotation they placed. That bipartite work is called an epistle, The Epistle which precedes to

all everywhere monks, ends in the things done about Georgius

the Cappadocian's ordination through his receivers

the Arians: but the following Epistle on the Synods

held at Ariminum and Seleucia in Isauria, says the aforesaid

Georgius at Seleucia to have been deposed.

[16] These things for the easier and clearer use of the aforesaid works

observed, I conclude and say; By the name of the Apology, simply

put, that alone Oration in the following Commentary

is to be understood, which openly and without controversy to the Emperor

is directed. The Epistle to the Solitaries, is to be called, by us

also, that part of the history, which from the said work survives;

but what an appendix of it to have been we showed, we shall not call,

from the common error, and its appendix is called the Syllogus. the second Apology; but, from its own

author's prescript and mind, the Syllogus: but if it be also needful

to cite the lucubrations against the Arians, those by the now received

word we shall call Orations, although likely they could be called

correction no advantage to the history to be elucidated arises:

for in such things avails what is commonly said, One must speak as

the many, be wise as the few.

CHAPTER I.

The boyhood of St. Athanasius, memorable for baptism conferred on his companions in play.

[17] That the fatherland of Athanasius was Alexandria, the metropolis of Egypt,

both he himself sufficiently in his writings intimates, Born at Alexandria and

Constantius the Emperor declares, when stripped of his paternal

household gods, and at length to his fatherland to be restored, he admonishes him to come

to the Court; that, after he had seen his sight,

to Alexandria he should pass. 1 p. 769 There he had an aunt and kinsmen. In the same place also the Saint had

Gregorius intruded into his place, was prohibited burial,

after the Pascha of the year CCCXLI, of whom below num. 154. He had also

kinsmen, whom in the Epistle to Lucifer of Cagliari

written in Latin about the year CCCLXI, and below n. 283 to be cited,

he names parents, from the usage of speaking of the Westerners in Italy

and Gaul, where the Latin tongue he had learned: for that the father and mother

of St. Athanasius to that very time were in the living, the less

is it likely, the less of them we read in the writings of the son.

For what injuries to them ought not to have been inflicted? and

how pathetically those would the Saint have described, if anything they for his cause

had suffered? But since not even their names are known,

I judge altogether that both died, Athanasius being still quite

young.

[18] What from a boy was his instruction here, to recount

wishing Rufinus, as from those who with him had led their life, In a boyish game playing the Bishop, he baptizes catechumens

received, in book 10 of the Ecclesiastical History chapter 14 thus narrates:

At the time when at Alexandria on the day of Peter the Martyr

Alexander the Bishop was acting; when, after the solemnities completed,

he awaited the Clerics about to come together to his banquet,

in a place near the sea; he sees from afar a multitude of boys,

upon the shore of the sea, in play, as is wont to be done, imitating

the Bishop, and those things which in the churches to be done is the custom.

But when more intently for a while he beheld the boys, he sees

by these to be done certain things even more secret and mystical.

Perturbed, immediately to be called to him the Clerics he orders; and

to them, what from afar he himself saw, he shows. Then to go away,

and the boys all being apprehended to lead to him he commands:

and when they were present, what their play, and what they had done,

and how, he inquires. They, as such an age has,

fearful at first deny, then the thing done in order

disclose: and that there were baptized by them certain Catechumens

they confess through Athanasius, who of that play

boyish the Bishop had been feigned.

[19] Then he, diligently inquiring from those who baptized

were said, what being asked they had been, whom duly baptized Alexander the Bishop is said to have judged. or what

they had answered, at the same time also from him who had asked; when

he sees, according to the rite of our religion all to stand firm,

having conferred with the council of the Clerics, to have decreed

is handed down; to those, to whom with entire interrogations and

answers water had been poured, the baptism to be repeated

ought not, but to be fulfilled those things which by the Priests is the custom.

But Athanasius, and those whom the play either as Presbyters

it had seemed to have or as Ministers, the parents being called together

under the obtestation of God he hands over, of his church

to be nourished. But a small time being spent, when by

had been instructed; immediately, as a faithful

commended one of the Lord, by the parents he is restored to the Priest,

and as a certain Samuel in the temple of the Lord

is nourished; and by him, going to the fathers in a good old age,

to carry after him the Sacerdotal Ephod

is chosen.

[20] These Rufinus, whose authority cited, the same in an epitome

contracted reports Socrates in book 1 chapter 11. But Sozomen, Athanasius was then perhaps eight years old,

equally as Socrates, a writer of the next age after Athanasius,

the same Rufinus in just as many words describes, and to be said he says, these

to have happened, Athanasius οὔπω προσήβῳ γενομενῳ, not yet

the age of puberty entered. Nor indeed either Rufinus' words,

or the matter itself allow, than an eight- or ten-year-old boy a larger one

here to conceive Athanasius, who namely had not yet begun

to learn letters: which of a twelve-year-old or one greater than that cannot

conveniently be received. That nevertheless to do is necessary for those, who after

the year CCCXI think done, the things which from Rufinus are narrated:

although not even thus Athanasius, in the year CCCXXVI, in which to be made

Bishop is established, the just age for that office would have attained:

and yet this defect never objected we read by the adversaries,

in every way striving to disparage his election, and

as if not duly made to calumniate.

[21] The whole difficulty hangs on the year, in which St. Peter (on whose

anniversary day the thing is said to have happened) with the distinguished crown of martyrdom

endowed writes Eusebius book 7 of the Ecclesiastical History chapter 26, after the martyrdom of St. Peter the Bishop in the year, not 311. designating

the ninth year of the persecution. But of that persecution the beginning

take most from the year CCCII or III, in which Diocletian

and Maximian, edicts being everywhere promulgated, churches to be destroyed,

Bishops to be slain, Christians wherever found ordered to be

apprehended; and with extreme, unless from Christ they should depart, to be punished torments. But with the reverence of many most grave

authors saved, I think it can be doubted whether Eusebius, at least

there, not far earlier begins the years of that persecution.

A cause of doubting affords Theophanes, an author indeed

grave and diligent, whose Chronography by a peculiar exegesis

before volume III of March I attempted to illustrate, when

at that year, which to the year CCXCV of our vulgar era corresponds,

thus he speaks: but in 303 slain, In this year Diocletian and Maximian

Herculius, a vehement and horrible against

the Christians persecution being stirred up, and of every kind

devised torments, very many myriads of Martyrs

dispatched, of whom whoever the eight books of the Ecclesiastical

history by Eusebius composed shall have run through, notice

shall receive. But afterward, at the year CCCIII, the resumed

more atrociously persecution he describes, which martyrs innumerable

consecrated; among whom if was Peter himself,

consequent it will be that Eusebius in that place, where St. Peter's Martyrdom

he refers to the ninth year of the persecution, followed the writings of the Alexandrians,

from the year CCXCIV it beginning; although he himself,

things in his own age done chiefly about to narrate in the following book,

seems to begin the persecution from the year of the published decrees.

[22] But what in the year CCCIII was the most savage rage, that

in the subsequent years interpolated with various accidents and less

continuous it was, so that about the year 305 the thing could have happened. the tyrants of their own accord abdicating; and so could

the anniversary of Peter, even in the first years from his death, more festively

be acted at Alexandria by the Bishop and Clergy, yet to the boys the sacred

Christian things on the shore to imitate the faculty was freer. Let him have celebrated

therefore his predecessor's anniversary Alexander in the year

CCCV or the following, and let him have seen with boys playing the boy

Athanasius; he could yet, when in the year CCCXXVI made

Bishop he was, and the saint in the year 326 to have been thirty years old. have been in the XXX year of his age; which to the present matter

seems to be enough. Nor indeed for a much longer age

to him to be attributed to contend absolutely are we compelled; since of the aforetouched

persecution, which I said began in the year CCCXCIV treating

Athanasius himself, not his own knowledge alleges in the epistle

to the Solitaries, but only says, that he heard from his parents,

and true to judge, that when the persecution had been moved

under Maximian the grandfather of Constantius, heathen men

hid in hiding-places the Christians, and often were punished

with money and to prison were delivered, for no other thing,

than that the fugitives to themselves to betray they would not. 1 p. 853

Which matter and distinction of the causes, for which by the tyrants were seized

men, since under the boyish sense it fell less,

prudently the testimony of his elders appealed Athanasius; by no means

of it having need, if larger by birth he had been.

[23] Let it remain therefore, that from the part of the age, which in the first

years of Alexander he had attained Athanasius, unless thou prefer to say there was an error in the name of Alexander, and which it behoves him

to the Episcopal ordination to have brought, there be no convincing

cause, for which the Alexandrians' relation about Athanasius,

to us set forth by Rufinus, and by almost all who about this

Saint have treated in writings and by word of mouth celebrated, ought to be called into

doubt. If anyone yet, the substance of the matter being saved, to Rufinus, in other

things also about this Saint not most accurate, and only

things known by hearing narrating, think in naming the Bishop crept in

an error; and to St. Peter himself, in memory of his predecessor St.

Theonas a church dedicating, prefer to have happened that he should see playing

Athanasius, and so to this one's age would wish eight or

seven years to add, we will in nothing resist: because even thus

the substance of the matter will remain saved, and only it will be defective in a circumstance,

easily in such things alterable. But that to someone wonderful

perhaps may seem the approbation of a baptism, as at first

sight it appears, ludic, not so much to move anyone ought it,

that on that account the whole narration he should pull apart; the substance of the history being saved, since a diligent

consultation thereupon made, and the boys' discrete interrogation

can persuade, that nothing was done rashly: and the very in Alexander

or Peter present holiness, and in Athanasius grace

precocious, could something beyond the common order in that

case have done. Meanwhile observe, that from what has just been said something

ought to be corrected or illustrated on the day XXVI of February, where

of that St. Alexander the Acts we deduced, and this same matter

we treated.

CHAPTER II.

The studies of St. Athanasius and his first contests with Arius at Alexandria and at Nicaea in the Council.

[24] Restored to his parents by the Bishop, under that which we said

condition, Athanasius; to the liberal arts

of such things altogether rude and ignorant

he should seem, and those to be ignorant which for himself he had reckoned to be contemned. As a boy he is imbued with the liberal arts,

For neither a generous and magnificent soul

with vain studies to be occupied did he endure, and in the same

manner to be affected as the unskilled athletes, who while the air

more often than the bodies they strike, of the prizes' hope are frustrated.

And so that Sulpicius Severus in book 2 a Jurisconsult

calls Athanasius, not likewise in the science of civil Law, for that time in which the Bishop

of Alexandria he already was and advanced in age, that of the sole science of the

ecclesiastical Canons I would have it received; not however

in that latitude, in which to the end of the year 311 said Baronius,

that not only greatly imbued he was in the Theological faculties,

but also Jurisprudence very thoroughly he knew.

[25] However it be, I return to Nazianzen, Athanasius' studies

and progresses setting forth in these words: but in the sacred letters Of the Old and New

Testament the books all so having meditated through, that not

even one indeed anyone else, not only of contemplation

but also of an excellent and brilliant life with the riches

he is augmented, and wondrously each he connects, a chain

truly golden, and of such a kind that by no means by many

it can be connected: this namely reason entering upon,

that both life as a guide to contemplation he might use, and

by contemplation his life and the elegance of his morals he might seal

… Thus further nourished and erudite (as now

also it would behove those, who of the people Prelates about to be,

and the great body of Christ about to handle) according to

the great counsel of God and prescience, which

of great things the matter long before constitutes, into

this great order of the Clerics is co-opted, He is ordained Cleric. and

into the number of those who to God approach

is enrolled, and with the honor of the sacrosanct station and order

is affected: and all the offices of the Ecclesiastical grades

thenceforth having discharged, (that what is intermediate

I may cut off) to the Alexandrian people, which is the same

as if I had said, to the universal orb of lands, is set over.

[26] Among the intermediate things, which to be cut off for himself thought Nazianzen,

reckons Baronius that he did not always with Alexander

remain, and without any retreat to the desert, but having set out into the desert clung to that great

Antony, and that he thinks in his Life by Athanasius himself

to be signified. But nothing such there I find, only in

the preface thou mayest read, that often him he saw. 2 p. 453 Testifies indeed

the Alexandrian Clergy, by letters inserted in the Syllogus, that by the people's

clamors was demanded Athanasius, naming him

through all most good, sedulous, pious, a Christian.

One of the Ascetics, and truly a Bishop: but this exaggerated

manner of speaking contains a certain figure of similitude,

not of property. For just as not yet then was Bishop

Athanasius, but only was indicated apt who he was; so

neither was he ever an Ascetic in the desert, but in the midst of the people, he remains in the family of Alexander the Bishop. as to

the exercise of virtue, to the Ascetics themselves to be compared he was said.

Let it remain therefore absolutely and without restriction true

what said Sozomen, that Athanasius, even from the first of his

Clericate years, to Alexander ὁμοδίαιτον καὶ ὑπογραφέω

as long as he lived from the most dear Father's society never departed.

[27] Two further things Alexander's Pontificate vehemently

exercised, in which his parts to have acted Athanasius, by writing

his Bishop's letters and the business handling, to doubt

we cannot. He himself of each matter thus has in the Syllogus. 1 p. 777 Meletius,

named Bishop of Egypt, of many

crimes convicted, and especially that to idols he had sacrificed,

in a common Synod of Bishops had deposed

Peter, his scribe and helper against Meletius' schism, before the persecution Bishop, and in

the persecution a Martyr declared; (which about the year

CCC he could have done) he indeed not to another Synod

fled, nor to their successors strove to purge himself,

but made a schism; and who from the Lycopolitan Episcopate

by right had fallen, in all Egypt power to himself arrogating,

and of his faction Bishops and Clerics ordaining, first Peter,

then his successor Achillas he calumniated,

and after Achillas Alexander … But while

these things did Meletius, and to his attempts strenuously himself

opposed Alexander, as on February XXVIII is deduced;

also the Arian heresy emerged, in that namely manner

which Theodoret book 1 of the Ecclesiastical History chapter 2 declares in these

words.

[28] and the heresy of Arius. Arius, to the number of the Presbyters enrolled

and to whom was entrusted the exposition of the sacred scriptures…

the enemy of truth… persuaded him, that the Apostolic

doctrine of Alexander openly he should resist. For as

this one,

the discipline of the sacred letters following, the Son

to the Father in honor equal and of the same with him to be of substance

taught; so that one, against the truth manifestly

fighting, him created and made affirmed…and

these things not in the churches only, but also outside in

the circles and meetings of men to discourse he began;

through the houses also round about to range, that whom he could

into the snares of those errors he might lead. Alexander

therefore, of the Apostolic doctrine the Patron, first by exhortation

and counsel him from the opinion to lead away attempts:

but when in the manner of the Corybantes to rave he saw, and

the impious doctrine openly to preach, from the dignity

Sacerdotal he removes him, the Gospel's precept following,

If thy right eye scandalize thee, pluck it out and

cast it from thee.

[29] But since nonetheless went on Arius, with the heat of ambition

inflamed, [to whose damnation, in the Council of Alexandria made and through epistles divulged,] as says the same chapter 3, those whom with pestiferous against

God blasphemy he had ensnared into one to drive, and separately

assemblies to celebrate, Alexander the impious

his blasphemy to the Prelates of the Churches through epistles

signified. Of these one to his namesake and gentile

Alexander Bishop of Constantinople, by which

the pernicious attempts of Arius perspicuously are explained, sets forth

Theodoret chapter 4. Epiphanius in heresy 69 affirms,

all in number seventy with the studious of his time

to be kept. But the chief is, which has Socrates book 1

chapter 3 to all everywhere of nations in the Church's ministry

joined; by which causes he renders, why himself with others

almost a hundred of Egypt and Libya Bishops, into one

coming together, to Arius and his fautors and followers

anathema he denounced.

[30] Is this Epistle so much the more notable, that in the history

of the Nicene Council, to Gelasius of Cyzicus ascribed, are added

to the same the subscriptions of the Presbyters and Deacons of Alexandria

and of the Mareotis, Athanasius the Deacon subscribes in the year 320 consenting to the aforesaid and to the dejection

of Arius, and of those who with him impiously think:

where among the Alexandrian Deacons in the fourth place is found

Athanasius the Deacon likewise to have consented, no

doubt but this our one, a Deacon still after the year CCCXX

when celebrated to have been the Alexandrian Synod aforesaid

is gathered from the epistle of St. Athanasius to the Bishops of Egypt and

Libya, which by the title of the first Oration against the Arians not rightly

is marked, and written was in the year CCCLVI; where he asserts that

the Arians 1 p. 305 before the thirty-sixth year heretics declared

and from the church removed were. For what about the

judgment of the whole Oecumenical Synod he subjoins, namely

the Nicene, otherwise to be understood it cannot, than that this the Alexandrian

Synod's sentence confirmed: not that from it even

to the time of the written Epistle years had flowed XXXVI.

[31] the Arians on the contrary every way writing, the dissension is increased: For the rest to that diligence of so many letters to be written

compelled Alexander the indefatigable zeal of the Arians;

who, soon from the sentence at Alexandria approved, had judged for themselves

to be preoccupied the favor of the Bishops, and legates had sent

with letters about their faith, demanding that if rightly

about God to think they themselves should seem, they should signify to Alexander

and him appease; but if not, they should teach how

was to be believed. And this attempt, says book 1 chapter 14

Sozomen, not a little their cause had aided. For

this their opinion among almost all dispersed, by all

everywhere Bishops about it to be disputed began:

of whom a part wrote to Alexander, that he should not admit

the Arians into the church, unless their about the faith opinion

they should cast off; but a part prayed, that them he should not repel.

[32] and by the craft of Eusebius of Nicomedia, The chief in these was Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia,

the court of the Emperor Licinius, residing at Nicomedia, whose wife

Constantia, sister of Constantine, altogether obnoxious

to himself he had, and, as the more likely opinion has, by kinship

near enough he touched. He the same with Arius thinking,

yet by a certain respect of crafty politics, preferred of Arianism

that both from a Council in Bithynia assembled, for Arius, as

rightly thinking, to all Bishops should be written; and from the sentence

of another Synod in Palestine, should be permitted Arius his

assemblies at Alexandria to have, yet so that they should subject themselves

to Alexander, and that of peace with him to be made to treat not

they should cease, as more fully in the aforecited place narrates

Sozomen.

[33] Through these contentions, the scandals increasing in the church

of God, Constantine the Emperor, after the Empire purged of

the tyrants and Licinius conquered in a double battle, Constantine inclined in Arius' favor, nothing

more caring than that the Church also pacified he should see;

immediately as to Nicomedia he came, and what at Alexandria were disputed

he learned, first indeed to Alexander and Arius

wrote those letters, which in book 1 of the Ecclesiastical history chapter 4

recites Socrates as indices, of a mind indeed altogether most pious,

but through Eusebius of Nicomedia not lightly preoccupied

against Alexander, as if, A provincial Council at Alexandria, on account of questions of moment not

great and with all zeal to be laid to rest, so many troubles he had excited:

then Hosius Bishop of Cordova being sent to Alexandria he took care

that a Synod there be assembled, in which about the restoring of the Churches'

concord and about the Catholic celebration of the Pascha there should be treated.

Which when little according to his wish succeeded and Hosius the matter unaccomplished

returned, he wrote to the Bishops everywhere all, that

to a universal Council, at Nicaea in Bithynia to be celebrated, then he orders an oecumenical one to be held at Nicaea.

they should come together. Now there came together above three hundred: who

except very few, τὸ Ὁμοούσιον receiving, Consubstantial

to the Father the Son pronounced; the very Nicomedian

Eusebius also and his followers into the same profession of faith

consenting; but how little sincerely by them this was done

soon appeared.

[34] These things thus briefly to have touched is enough, because by the Ecclesiastical

history's writers they are so treated, that what properly

did Athanasius no one expresses. St. Gregory Nazianzen

says, that not yet into the number of Bishops chosen,

In which Athanasius the Archdeacon of Alexander, but of the first Order among those who

together with the Bishops came, the disease, as much

as in him was, restrained. Gelasius of Cyzicus in the history

of the Council wove a Catalogue of the Holy Bishops through whom

the holy great and universal Synod at Nicaea assembled,

sent to all in the whole orb of lands the Churches of God,

what by them through the Holy Spirit in it had been

constituted: and says that this to do was bidden Alexander

with Athanasius then Archdeacon, to the Churches through

all Egypt, Libya and the Pentapolis and the neighboring regions

even to the provinces of India. bidden to publish the decrees with him, For indeed

that he was a man of keen intellect and in Ecclesiastical affairs

most thoroughly vigilant, sufficiently was known, says Rufinus

chapter 14; as one by whose suggestions the wiles of heretics

and fallacies vigilant were detected.

[35] But above all here is to be heard St. Cyril: who

one century after Bishop of Alexandria also himself was. He

when in Epistle I to the Solitaries to prove he intended, the holy

Virgin Mary without hesitation to be called Mother of God,

and that he had proved by authority sought from Athanasius' book on

the Holy and consubstantial Trinity, he was chiefly in the esteem of the Fathers, A fit indeed this

man is, he says, and thoroughly worthy, to whom intrepidly faith

to adjoin, and whom safely to follow it is allowed. For by what

manner that illustrious and celebrated Father, who in that holy

and great Synod of Nicaea in such admiration of all

was held, from the path of truth would err?

For although through that time the Bishop's office not yet

he sustained, but still among the Clerics ministered: nevertheless,

on account of his excellent disposition and his life's notable

probity, by the Bishop Alexander of blessed memory

assumed then he was. But he was conversant with the old man,

as a son with a father, to whatever usefully to accomplish

himself a leader showing, and in all things which

were to be done a convenient way showing. Sozomen

further chapter 16 book 1 also more distinctly speaking says, that

Athanasius, then still Deacon of the Alexandrian Church,

the greatest part of the deliberations was seen

to sustain: of which this was the issue, which as to the matter

ours pertains, that as in his Apology says Athanasius himself, 1 p. 777

the Arian heresy with anathema condemned and the Arians

rejected, the Meletians in some manner were received.

[36] The beginning of the Council take some from the day XX of the month

of May: which of the consultations, previous to the Synodal sessions,

The Council lasted three months, could not inconveniently be understood; and of that time,

which by the Bishops' mutual criminations among themselves and the libels offered

to the Emperor was spent it is established: but of the very

beginning of the Actions seems Baronius most accurately to have found expressed,

in his very ancient Cresconian collection, where thus

he reads: There was a Council at Nicaea, the Metropolis

of Bithynia, from the day XVIII of the Kalends of July to the day

VIII of the Kalends of September, Paulinus and Julianus Consuls,

who the year mark for us CCCXXV, with Constantine's vicennalia

distinguished. of the year 325, finished 25 August, There were indeed who for the three months

of the sitting Synod just as many years obtruded, and these either

with the aforenamed Consuls ended or from the same began:

but that aberration is so manifest, and to that period's history either way

so evidently repugnant, that to be refuted it deserves not. But that trimester thus

constituted, the rest of the chronology, both before and after to be ordered,

the acts may be annexed. Hence in that question, which about the

year of Licinius conquered and routed is agitated by great authors on both sides,

almost two years after Licinius was conquered. whether it was of the present era CCCXXIV, or only

CCCXXIII, this latter is preferred. For since the last disaster of Licinius

at Chalcedon only happened on the day XVIII

of September, there seem not so many things, which after that and before

the Council were done, conveniently to be able to be compressed within the narrow

space of only eight or nine months. But if a year

thou add, conveniently will flow all things; and it can be said, the diverse

beginning of the civil and consular year to have given occasion, that

confounded somewhere were the characters, by which the deposition of Licinius

the authors annex.

[37] Socrates book 1 chapter 9 cites the Synodicum of Athanasius

Bishop of Alexandria, Of it a book wrote Athanasius, which perished, and in it says to be had the names of all

severally who at Nicaea came together, with the title of each one's

province and city: which book would that it survived!

for scarcely can we persuade ourselves, that it was nothing other

than a little book of Canons, there for ecclesiastical discipline established,

such as in the collections of Councils is extant, and indeed

destitute of various canons, which some holy Fathers

allege as at Nicaea established. I judge, that as afterward Athanasius

wrote on the Synods of Ariminum and Seleucia, so now

he wrote on the Nicene a history, to be esteemed with gold if preserved

it had been. This loss could have supplied that most ancient

book, containing the sayings, deeds, and ordinances of that sacrosanct

assembly, described on parchments, which had made

the divine and by fame celebrated Dalmatius, who was in

the illustrious metropolis of the Cyzicenes of the holy and Catholic

Church Bishop; as also the writings of Dalmatius Bishop of Cyzicus, which in the paternal house at Cyzicus

found, and by himself studiously read through writes Gelasius of Cyzicus,

when long afterward made Archbishop of Caesarea in

Bithynia, from the memory of things once by himself there read and

observed, and likewise from Eusebius, Rufinus and others, chiefly

however from very ancient quaternions of John

compiled the aforesaid Council's history, in the time of Basiliscus the Emperor

about the year CCCCLXXVI. and of John the Presbyter on the same argument. But neither that book of Dalmatius,

nor John's quaternions survive; but Gelasius himself

too much seems to have attributed to Eusebius, to cover

his own and his Arian-favoring party's confusion

intent. But about Dalmatius we could believe he came to Nicaea

with his Bishop Theonas, just as thither came Athanasius

with Alexander, and with faith and intention similar wrote.

CHAPTER III.

The concordant election of St. Athanasius to the Episcopate, and his virtues therein.

[38] Not yet five months, namely from the finished Nicene

Synod, had passed, when B. Alexander

died, says himself in the Syllogus St. Athanasius. 1 p. 777 St. Alexander being dead, not in February, He died

therefore in the month of January Alexander; granted that in another month, and on another

than his death day he is venerated, as of the same See several others,

and namely St. Achillas his immediate predecessor, who is venerated

on November VII, but died in some far earlier month, and

St. Proterius, in the year CCCCLVII about the Pascha or on the very Paschal

day XXI of March slain, who is venerated on February XXVIII.

He was perhaps on February XXVI ordained Alexander: and that

confirmed seems from the History of the Nicene Council, to Gelasius of Cyzicus

attributed, where it is said, that from the slaughter of St. Peter, in the month

of November made, a year elapsed (the whole namely or almost

the whole, in which the Episcopate on account of the persecution was vacant) is ordained

in the see of the holy Martyr Achillas: but since this one

for months only five had survived (Epiphanius three only seems to put, Theodoret indefinitely a little

time has) took up the primacy of the Priesthood Alexander:

why not on that day on which he is venerated?

[39] nor in December, However it be, he died not in the month of December Alexander,

and so neither well is it believed St. Athanasius the successor's Ordination

was on the VI Kalends of January, as on the genuine Bede's

Martyrology on the II day of May, is added in the MS. of the Vatican Church

of St. Peter. They are venerated by the Greeks with a common feast, on the XVIII

of January or the XV Kalends of February, SS. Athanasius and

Cyril Bishops of Alexandria; hence it seems to have come about

that from some more ancient one's error Usuard and Ado, whom following

others, St. Cyril's memory to the XXVIII or V Kalends

referred. Something similar could have befallen Athanasius, and by a new

afterward scribe's fault, for the V Kalends of February, but in January, Athanasius is substituted, into that

MS. of the Vatican church to have crept the VI Kalends of February.

But whatever was for the Greeks the cause of those two

Saints' worship on such a day to be joined; by a likely conjecture

it can be said the XVIII of January was St. Athanasius' Birthday,

not indeed in heaven (for to have died on II of May he is to be said,

if he is venerated on some day on which he died, as below shall be proved) but

into the Episcopate. perhaps the 18th of the same; For thus we know spoke of the Bishops'

Ordinations anciently the Churches: and just as

they were wont this their Birthday yearly most celebratedly to keep

the Bishops while they lived, by an example from the Emperors taken,

so often it happened, what already we have indicated, that even after

death it remained festal, sometimes in preference to the very day of decease.

[40] These things about the time of the succession. About the manner is to be heard

above all Apollinaris the Syrian, a coeval writer, the same likely

about whose great with St. Athanasius familiarity

more shall be said below. He in some writing of his, which now

indeed has perished, but saw and transcribed Sozomen

book 2 chapter 16, thus speaks: there succeeded into the Episcopate

Athanasius, much indeed flight using, but God providing

found: as one about whom by divine revelation

it had been pre-shown to the blessed man Alexander,

when to God he commended the Episcopate, according to a revelation made to St. Alexander dying, that no other

than this his successor would be. For when

from this life he was called, and was already to death near;

Athanasius, who by no means was present, by name he calls:

and, when of the same name another to the caller

had answered, was silent himself, as one who this one by no means called;

then again that name he calls. But while

this often was done, he indeed who was present was silent,

for it was established that the absent one was called; but Blessed Alexander,

as if with a prophetic spirit chiding, about him absent or hiding, subjoined;

Thou thinkest to have escaped, Athanasius: not indeed shalt thou escape,

the contest namely indicating, to which he was called.

[41] Absent therefore was Athanasius, and if indeed he was absent by the very

Alexander sent to the Court, as Epiphanius has,

likely thither he had been sent on account of John, whom against

the Nicene Synod's decrees had designated for himself as successor Meletius;

and other followers of Meletius, who in the manner of dogs, not unmindful

of their vomit, again the Churches to perturb had begun,

as of them in the Syllogus complains Athanasius. 1 p. 777 But whether from this,

or from the sole cause of declining the Episcopate, absent was from Alexandria

the Saint; not so far was he absent, but that at the time of the election,

immediately after Alexander's death begun to be made, either within or

about the city hidden he was; and quickly found, was

by common consent ordained, as soon from the Alexandrian

Clergy's own testimony shall appear. Nor indeed is to be heard here Epiphanius,

in heresy 69 writing, that to Alexander succeeded

Achillas … and to Achillas after three months B. Athanasius. yet quickly being found:

This certainly error manifestly refutes the Saint himself,

in several places Peter, Achillas, Alexander, as in the same

order preceding, naming. Such an error nevertheless being admitted,

consequent it was that Epiphanius, knowing it was not in the Alexandrian

Church a custom, that the Bishop dying the successor's election and ordination should be deferred, should excuse the necessity

by which had been elected Achillas, but not immediately, he who from

God called had been and by B. Alexander decreed,

Athanasius.

[42] The same error also the Arians themselves refute, saying

according to Sozomen in the cited place, that Alexander being dead

they entered communion among themselves, who not by guile filched the ordination, both who Alexander's

and who Meletius' parts followed; and from

the Thebaid and all Egypt coming together Bishops

fifty-four, conspired by common suffragation

to elect him who the Alexandrian Church

ought to preside over: but certain of them seven in number,

the oath being violated against the opinion of all

filched the ordination of Athanasius, whose

communion many on that account from the people, many

through Egypt Clerics declined. These same those,

to whom no kind of lies seems to be dreaded,

to the Emperors wrote. But we, says

the Alexandrian Synod in the Syllogus, 1 p. 726 on the contrary testify, with

the whole city and the entire province, all the multitude

and the people of the whole Church into one assembled, but he was demanded by the people,

as if into the appearance of one body and soul,

with clamors and vociferations to have demanded, that Athanasius

to the Church should be given as Bishop, and that with public

vows from Christ to have sought, and us that we should do it through

many days and nights with an oath to have besought;

while meanwhile neither they themselves from the church departed, nor

to us departing the faculty permitted…

[43] Further that of us most, under all's

eyes and acclamations Bishop created

Athanasius, we ourselves offer as witnesses: to whom

as authors of the ordination greater faith ought to be had,

than to those who then were absent and now lie …

Then, and he was received with great gratulation of all, retorting upon Eusebius of Nicomedia his own promotion's

uncertainty or rather invalidity, they return again to

the things objected to Athanasius as fabrications; and altogether of the same vanity

with the former are, they say, to have been at Athanasius'

entrance seditions, mournings, and the peoples' lamentations,

unworthily bearing his creation.

Nothing there such happened, but altogether contrary all things;

joys namely and alacrities of souls; and the peoples',

desiring to see the man, concourses;

and gladnesses and gratulations to the Lord through the churches.

But the Ministers and Clerics so him beheld,

that both in their souls joy they conceived, and that day

of all the most auspicious they reckoned. But our,

who Bishops are, inexpressible gladness,

what need is there to write? since already before we have testified,

whatever to him should happen to us to have happened to seem. 1 p. 727, 1 p. 728

[44] Neither sufficiently can I determine, says St. Gregory

Nazianzen in the encomium of Athanasius, as a most certain pillar of the Church. whether he received

the priesthood, as a prize of virtue, or as a life and fountain

of the Church? For her it behoved, with the thirst

of truth languishing and almost done for, like Ishmael,

with drink to be refreshed; or as Elijah, to be revived from the torrent,

and scarcely breathing to be recalled to life; and a seed

to Israel to be left, lest as Sodom and Gomorrah we should become.

Therefore for us already lying a horn of salvation

was raised; and a corner-stone, us both with itself

and among ourselves opportunely binding, was cast in;

or a fire, of bad and vicious matter the purger; or a fan,

by which from heavy dogmas the light are discerned;

or a sword, of vice the roots cutting; and God's Son

who for it may breathe. So therefore and for those

causes by the whole people's suffrages, not however according to

the perverse example which afterward grew up, nor

by force and slaughter, but Apostolically and spiritually to

Mark's throne is raised, no less of piety than

of the primary See a successor…

[45] But after in this manner Prelate

he was designated, him by the virtues fitting a Bishop praises Nazianzen, in the same also manner he administered

the rule. For not as soon as to the throne

he came, like those who a certain tyranny or an inheritance

unhoped-for received, immediately on account of the abundance of things

was lifted up with insolence: for this is of adulterine

Prelates … who more for their own than for the people's ignorances sacrifices owe, and altogether one of two

things sin, that either beyond measure easily they forgive

others, because they themselves of pardon have need; or more bitterly use

their rule, to their own sins to cover. Of which

each fleeing Athanasius, in life indeed was sublime,

but humble in soul; and of such virtue that to it

no one could aspire; with affability yet so great, that

to his converse to all easy lay the access;

clement, alien from anger, with pity endowed, in speech

pleasant, in morals more pleasant; in form Angelic,

but in soul more so: in rebuking placid, in praising

having a force instructive; so each tempering,

that neither virtue by immoderation he weakened;

but a correction he used paternal, a praise magisterial;

neither dissolute in gentle things, nor austere in

grave; but to these discretion, to those prudence applying;

but both in him were least, if the figure

of diction thou regard, sufficient yet for instruction;

and the least indeed he had of the rod, on account of

the modesty of his speech; less even of the cutting,

on account of that rod's most moderate use.

[46] as one who Christ's example and Paul's rule in himself expressed, But what need is there a man to describe,

whom Paul anticipating depicted, partly when that great

Pontiff penetrating the heavens he praises

(for thither even to ascend dares speech, since indeed

Christs I have learned to be those who according to Christ's precepts

live) partly when to Timothy, in that which to

him he writes Epistle, laws he establishes; him who of the Church

for if those laws, as a certain rule

to this one, whose praise we have woven, man thou apply;

how right it is, clearly thou wilt find. Come therefore and

with me, of speech the want laboring, divide the parts

of the praise: for many things to pass over I desire; but

one after another draws me; and, as in a body

with all parts equally beautiful, whatever occurs

seems more beautiful, and the speech to itself converts.

[47] Come, I say, and his excellent gifts pursue,

you who of them both praisers and witnesses are. and all the ages and conditions of men,

An illustrious among you contest undertake, men together

and women, youths and virgins, old and young;

Priests and laymen, monks and cenobites, who in

contemplation and who in action are conversant. Let one

praise his zeal, in fastings and prayers so assiduous,

as if of body he had been devoid: another the vigils'

and psalmodies' constancy; another of the needy

the care and patronage; another how either the proud he resisted,

or to the humble himself he lowered, let him tell. Let virgins praise

the bridesman, of those bound by the yoke of Matrimony the moderator,

the instructor of the Solitary, of those placed in the common life

the lawgiver, of the simple the leader of the way, of the contemplative

the Theologian; severally he invites to commend the same. of the cheerful the bridle, of the calamitous the solace; of grey hairs

the staff, of youth the discipline; of poverty the bestower,

of riches the keeper. They seem to me also

the widow's defender, the orphan's father, of the destitute of the poor

the zealous, of guests the hospitable, of brotherhood the lover

the brethren, of the sick the physician of whatever disease

and the medicine, of the well the conserver of health;

all in fine to extol him with praises, who all things made

is to all, that all or most he might gain.

So far Nazianzen.

CHAPTER IV.

The conspiracy of the Arians with the Meletians against Athanasius. The calumny and retractation of Ischyras.

[48] Which in the preceding chapter are related, however they be

great, The infinite contests of Athanasius for the faith, the least of the praises of Athanasius to be proclaimed,

acknowledges his encomiast Gregory, a torrent

of eloquence in this place pouring forth, to whom in fewer words consonant

Rufinus, His, he says, so great were for the Church

contests, that even of this he seems said, what

is written; For I will show him how great things it behoves

him to suffer for my name. For into his persecutions

the universal world conspired, and were moved

the princes of the earth: nations, kingdoms, armies came together

against him: but he that divine

word preserved, saying, If they stand against me

camps, my heart shall not fear; if there rise against me

deliberation wavering what he holds, what he omits, while so great

and such are Athanasius' deeds, that the magnitude indeed

of the matters nothing to be passed over allows, but the multitude

compels very many things to omit. Let us take the beginning from

the words of the Alexandrian Synod, in the Syllogus related.

[49] When Arius, whence the Ariomanites' heresy was

forged, after the Nicene Synod, from the church through the blessed

Bishop Alexander had been ejected; the Eusebians,

disciples equally and companions of his impiety, themselves ejected

to have been equally judging, with many exhortations

to Alexander wrote, that Arius outside the Church he should not leave.

But Alexander, for piety toward Christ,

the impious man not receiving; under Alexander on account of Arius not received begun, against Athanasius

his Deacon they turn their wraths; both because him assiduous

to be with Alexander and to be held in esteem

curiously they observed; both because already before his for

Christ piety they had experienced in the Synod of Nicaea,

where with great freedom against the Arian heresy

he had disputed. But after God him to the Episcopate

raised, the old already long malice they revived,

fearing his orthodox mind and strength in

repelling impiety; and in conscience mad,

by all means conspiracies against him they began

to cook. 1 p. 725

[50] The old malice to have revived the Eusebians, say

the Alexandrian Synod's Fathers: for not in the first of Athanasius' to

the throne raised beginnings to exert it immediately they had been able, destitute

of their heads, they grew worse again after the return of Eusebius and Theognis from exile, Eusebius of Nicomedia and Theognis of Nicaea

Bishops, because caught communicating with the Arians Constantine

the Emperor, the third after the Nicene Council month,

exiles into Gaul had sent away, as asserts Philostorgius book

1 chapter 10, and there for three years had detained, as the same says

book 2 chapter 7: which although so distinctly are said by no other one,

to be held nevertheless they seem to be able, and of the persecutions to St. Athanasius

stirred up the beginning to the year of the vulgar Era CCCXXVIII

to be ascribed. Then namely, in the year 328; the Emperor being persuaded of the true repentance of Eusebius and Theognis,

and his sister Constantia perhaps

striving therein, restored to their Sees, they began, the Bishops, if

any contradicted, to construct snares, and in their place

to bring heretics into the Churches; that, when they wished,

Synods they might assemble, those whom for that they had raised supporters

about to have; as says Athanasius in the epistle on the

Synods. 1 p. 890 Thus St. Eustathius, who on July XVI by us shall be commemorated,

from Antioch; but Asclepas Bishop of Gaza

at length by their machinations were ejected: but first against

Athanasius were prepared the engines in this manner.

[51] A certain Arian Presbyter, a familiar of Constantia,

and by her dying to Constantine her brother commended, since

in the greatest honor with the Emperor he was held, so softened

his mind, by excusing Arius, who having brought Arius back into Constantine's favor, as if dissonant nothing

from the Nicene faith thinking through envy only from the Church he was kept; that to hear him himself speaking for himself at Constantinople

he did not refuse; and a confession of faith having received from him, in appearance

right, the same to Alexandria he sent back, in the very

time in which the Meletians (who because in some at least manner

received they were and quiet and grateful ought to be) again

the churches to disturb had begun. 1 p. 777 When therefore by the orthodox

not was received Arius; the Meletians, now tumultuating,

to himself to be joined judging Eusebius, the champion of the Arian

heresy, to them letters gives; they joined the Meletians to themselves: and with great promises

for business to be done a time they appoint. So Athanasius

himself in the Syllogus, whose henceforth words from the first into

the third person transferred I go on the rest of the conspiracy's

progress and issue to exhibit; in few words for the history to be illustrated's

sake under a mark of diverse character interjected: which once

here admonished, in this rest of the Commentary ought to be present

to the reader's mind; if however the reader needed to be admonished, in that which

through this whole work is to be observed by its very use he can understand.

[52] then in the year 33. Entered therefore, which I said, with the Meletians a society,

in the year CCCXXXI Eusebius, lest first harsher things he should attempt, than

he should seem milder to have applied endeavors, first letters

to Athanasius hortatory writes about Arius to be received,

but so that without writing he threatened. 1 p. 778 But, when

to him it had been answered, the inventors of heresy, to truth

hostile, and condemned by the whole world's Council,

by no means to be received are; Caesar he induces, that to Athanasius

with threats he should write, those things himself to expect

he ought, which also afterward he suffered, unless Arius he received. when Arius at Constantine's mandate to receive

But part of the epistle, which brought Syncletius and

Gaudentius the Palatines, thus had itself: Since therefore

the sentence of my mind thou understandest, to all who the Church

to enter ask, an access unimpeded thou shalt afford:

but if thou shalt prohibit anyone who himself of the Church

I will send immediately with my mandates, those who thee may depose

and into another place may deport.

[53] Here when to Caesar writing Athanasius to him

persuaded, Athanasius had refused, that none ought to be of the Catholic Church

with a heresy of Christ the impugner communion,

then at length, the Emperor not lightly moved,

with the Meletians he had appointed; letters to them writes,

that crimes those about Athanasius they should feign, by which themselves

against Peter, Achillas and Alexander they had exercised.

But since to those catching at very many things nothing

was found according to the wish of the Eusebians; through Ision,

Eudaemon and Callinicus a crime they lyingly devise about

linen garments, for the use of the Alexandrian Church to be furnished;

as if Athanasius a canon of such a tribute on the Egyptians

introduced, him before him through the Meletians they accuse, and first of all exacted. But that

in vain was: for his Presbyters Apis and Macarius,

who there by chance present were, them the Emperor

hearing convicted of the calumny. But he

condemned Ision, but Athanasius to come to him

by letters ordered; but in vain; certainly about to learn the cause of the Meletians,

who the ordinations prohibited to them by the Synod of Nicaea

presumed to make; and that to themselves through the Emperor furthermore

it might be allowed, importunately insisted; Athanasius on the contrary striving,

and of the pernicious schism the roots to be extirpated persuading.

[54] Recognized, Eusebius to the Meletians is the author,

that they move not from the place, Constantine rejecting their calumnies, that is Nicomedia, where resided

the Emperor, and himself the Bishop of the whole engine's motion presided.

By his further counsel the Meletians the matter before Caesar

with new crimes attempt; accusing Macarius

about a chalice, of which matter at more length to be treated below; but Athanasius

not with any crime but with that which the greatest

of all is they charged, as if an enemy of the Emperor,

charged, he had sent. 1 p. 779 But the Emperor

at Psammathia, which a Nicomedian suburb was,

with a palace distinguished, the cause heard; them indeed as calumnious

rejected; and Athanasius praised sending back. but Athanasius returning into

his fatherland, sent back with an epistle … to the people of the Catholic

through Alexandria Church written, by which both he refuted

odiously brawling, and Athanasius to them commends,

as a man of God, whom fit and necessary he reckoned

that to them as minister he should preside in sacred things, as, whose

in protecting equity sedulity, not unworthy nor inept

of our peaceful religion, the good of salutary doctrine

ever may foster. 1 p. 781.

[55] These things thus done, when for a while the Meletians

had been quiet, Ischyras, having feigned himself a Presbyter, again more hostilely rising up, a counsel

such they entered, that they should gratify their works'

redeemers. The Mareotis is a certain Alexandrian region,

where Meletius once a schism to introduce

could not. When therefore there churches in certain places

were, and the Presbyters synaxes in them celebrated, and

the people in quiet were; a certain Ischyras, as by no means

attempted his village's inhabitants to deceive, boasting himself

to Athanasius, then the Churches surveying, announced.

Athanasius therefore him himself with Macarius

the Presbyter sent off, and by Athanasius' order through Macarius restrained, to Ischyras to be summoned.

Whom when with disease lying in a chamber

they had found, his father they enjoined that to his son he should announce,

that such a thing, which of him was reported, he should not attempt.

But he when from the disease had risen, and by friends

and even his own father was restrained, to the Meletians

fled. Who, the matter with Eusebius being communicated,

such a calumny composed; a chalice by

Macarius broken, but Arsenius a Bishop by

Athanasius killed to have been: and Arsenius, that the calumny

might succeed, to Eusebius fled: in hidden places they have; that, if nowhere

he appeared, slain to have been he might be believed. Meanwhile

they a certain man's hand, as if from his body

cut off, for show to carry about; Ischyras,

whom they had not known, as a Presbyter to officiate; that

when about the chalice he should speak, by the authority of the title more convenient

he might be for deceiving.

[56] On account of these things when Ischyras was reproved by

his own, then repenting of the deed, to feign a calumny Athanasius lamenting he went to, nothing at all

saying such to have been done by Macarius, such as

they boasted: but himself to have been suborned by the Meletians, to

that crime to be devised: wherefore those things

also in writing he produced. To the Blessed Pope Athanasius

Ischyras in the Lord greeting. Since I came

to Thee, Lord Bishop, wishing to be of the Church;

thou indeed didst rebuke me for those things which heretofore I spoke,

as if I of my own accord that had done, and not by force rather

hither driven I had been; therefore this satisfaction

to thee in writing to be offered I thought, that thou mightest know

to me to have been done force, even inflicted blows by

Isaac and Heraclides, (these were of the Meletian schism, Isaac

of Cleopatris, and Heraclides called Bishop of Nicia) and

Isaac of Letois, and their companions. 1 p. 782 But I, he confesses himself compelled by the Meletians. God

as witness taking, for excuse say, that of none

of those things which they that by thee done they boast conscious

I am, nor any chalice broken to know, or

to attest by their violence to have been driven. These

things therefore I excused and in writing delivered, … in the presence

of the Presbyters, Ammon of Dicella, Heraclides

of Pascus, Bocco of Chenebris, Achillas of Myrsene, Didymus

of Taphosiris, and Justus of Bomotheum; then Paul,

Peter and Olympius, Deacons of Alexandria;

but of the Mareotis Olympius, Ammonius, Pistus,

Demetrius and Gaius. These when so had written Ischyras,

again nonetheless the same accusation boast

the adversaries, and the matter to Constantine the Emperor

bring.

CHAPTER V.

The calumny about Arsenius the Bishop slain through Athanasius, and the judgment for this cause constituted at Tyre.

[57] The Saint is accused of Arsenius slain: Which in the preceding chapter about Ischyras, by Athanasius' own

words deduced we gave; more accurately also refuted

we shall exhibit, together with the other crimes, to the judgment afterward

at Tyre brought: now about Arsenius' slaughter, how this also

already long ago was of falsity convicted, declares in this manner

Athanasius. 1 p. 782 He had heard already before at Psammathia being

the Emperor about the chalice, when we also present

there were; wherefore the adversaries' sycophancy being repudiated,

to Antioch letters to Dalmatius

the Censor he sent, that he should learn about the cause of the homicide.

The Censor therefore writes that I should prepare myself for the crime's

defense. But I, the letters received, at the beginning

of that matter no care took, because to me conscious

I was, nothing true by the adversaries to be said: but yet because

the Emperor was moved, more certain of that matter I make

the fellow-priests through Egypt; and a Deacon sending,

who about Arsenius should learn, whom within five

or six years altogether I had not seen.

[58] He, that in compendium I may speak, first indeed in

Egypt while there he was hidden, was found; afterward

him at Tyre hiding ours found: but here he is found alive,

and, what thou mayest wonder, found and apprehended

he would not acknowledge himself Arsenius to be, unless in judgment by

Paul of that place the Bishop convicted: for from that time,

by shame impeded, himself to deny he dared not. 1 p. 783

But that therefore he did, because the pacts with Eusebius preserved

he desired, lest, himself being found, the argument of the fable should be dissolved.

Nor deceived him his opinion. For when

I had written to Caesar Arsenius found to be, and into memory

had recalled what about Macarius at Psammathia he had heard;

he inhibited the judgment of the Censor; and letters sent,

by which the calumnies upon us cast he reprobated; and the Eusebians,

to him into the East coming against us,

the matter unaccomplished to go away ordered… But indeed Arsenius therefore

hidden to have been, that a slaughter likely they might make, when by the Meletians in vain he had been hidden,

testify his familiars; of whom one Pinnes,

found at length after long tracking Arsenius,

in this manner wrote to John the successor

of Meletius, of the whole faction the head, and of this sycophancy

the author. 1 p. 784

[59] To the beloved Father John Pinnes, Presbyter

of the Monastery of Ptemengyrcis in the nome of Antaeopolis, greeting.

We wish thee to know, that Athanasius sent into the Thebaid

his Deacon, that he should scrutinize all things, for

Arsenius to be sought. But first met and found

Pecysius the Presbyter, Silvanus the brother of Elias, and

Paul the monk of Hypsele, confessed him with

us to be. Which when we had learned, we took care him into

he might be conveyed. as from their own letters it was established. Not so long after the Deacon, with

some coming upon and Arsenius seeking, into our

Monastery rushed: but him, sent away

already to the lower parts, as I said, they did not

find; but me, with the monk Elias, who Arsenius

had conveyed away, with them to Alexandria they carried,

and to the Duke us they presented. There for me by no means was it allowed to deny,

but I confessed him to live and slain

not to be: the same also the monk, who him had conveyed away,

confessed. These therefore to thee I have signified, Father, that thou mightest know,

Athanasius by thee not to be accused … the matter

indeed has become known to all Egypt, nor can it be concealed.

[60] The writings further of the Emperor, of Arsenius unharmed

found admonished, are these. 1 p. 785 Victor Constantine,

Maximus, Augustus. To Pope Athanasius. Thy

prudence's letters read through into this I came opinion, that I should think

thee by our writings to be exhorted, And so commanding Athanasius to be secure, that the people

of God to modesty thou shouldst lead: for in my mind

these among the chief I have, that both truth I cherish, and

in my mind justice ever I conserve; and in those most

I rejoice, who the right way of life walk. But about those

worthy of all execration Meletians, monstrous

I say and nefarious men, who with madness seized

are stupefied, and only by envy, emulation

and tumults to crimes are moved, their nefarious

mind declaring, this only would I have said: Thou seest

those men, the calumniators he refutes: whom they themselves slain by the sword said to be,

in the midst to be conversant and life to enjoy. For what prejudice

to their criminations can be opposed worse,

and which so clearly their cause loads? …

Now since in this business so great was of their malice

the importunity, certain let them have me so to have decreed and

of this to be the opinion; if anything such again they shall move,

not by the custom of the Churches, but according to the public laws,

I by my own work the cause's cognition will undertake;

and then they shall learn, themselves not only of the human

race, but of the divine also doctrine robbers to be.

God preserve thee, beloved Brother.

[61] But that more might be shown the sycophants'

wickedness, behold also Arsenius wrote after

he was found, when for some time he had lain hidden. 1 p. 786 For just as

Ischyras by letters confessed his calumny, then writes also Arsenius himself.

so Arsenius' letters more evidently their perversity

convict, while namely they declare how he

himself and his Hypselites, over whom Meletian parts once following

he himself as Bishop presided, the communion shunned of those,

who themselves from Athanasius had separated. And we also, say

he himself and his Presbyters and Deacons, 1 p. 787 loving peace and

unanimity with the Catholic Church, of which thou through

God's grace Prelate art, and wishing to the ecclesiastical canon

according to the old institution to be subjected, we write to thee, Pope

beloved, and promise in the name of the Lord us

henceforth not to communicate with schismatics …

nor without thy our Metropolitan's sentence, Athanasius' communion seeking: any

about Bishops or another common and ecclesiastical dogma

decree to issue, but to yield to the canons

before received… Besides we beseech thy

humanity, that to us as soon as possible thou write back, and

about us to our in sacred things colleagues, and indicate to them

us now to stand by the pristine decrees, and peace to keep with

the catholic Church, and to that regions' Bishops

joined to be; and we believe by thy prayers, both gratuitous

and efficacious with God, that peace firm

and indissoluble perpetually to be about to be…

[62] But a greater and clearer argument, that we

were assailed with calumnies, John's penitence demonstrates,

of which a witness was himself, to God most gracious

and of blessed memory the Emperor, Constantine. the same does John the head of the Meletian faction, Who

when he knew what kind of crimes to himself John had brought,

and the letters of the same now repenting had received, in

this manner wrote. From the heart to me grateful were

thy prudence's letters: thence indeed I learned,

what most I desired to know, thee all to have laid aside

pusillanimity, and with the Church (as fitting

it was) to have communicated, and with Athanasius the Bishop

most to be reverenced into concord to have come.

Certain therefore have thou thyself by us for those things to be praised

… These things thus done it happened that Athanasius to Alexander

Bishop of Thessalonica wrote, and the deed congratulates Alexander of Thessalonica. and his Serapion,

the bearer of the epistle, to him praised and commended: to whom

writing back Alexander, this besides added; Our beloved

fellow-Deacon Macarius cheered me, at Constantinople

writing, how the sycophant Archap (who

also is John, witness Athanasius) was convicted a living man,

as if slain, before all to have proclaimed. 1 p. 785

Which testimony of that Alexander, on account of the supreme man's

authority, into his own Syllogus also Athanasius inserted.

[63] Thus, God making from the temptation an outcome, to the recall of those

erring and the reconciliation of those dissenting

was turned the engine, but Ischyras remained not in the faith: Arsenius remained, by the Eusebians against Athanasius prepared.

For although Ischyras by moneys and promises, to the calumnies

now recanted to be repeated, was seduced by the Eusebians:

yet his kinsmen, to whom alone he had persuaded himself a Presbyter

to be, the fraud being detected, to the catholic communion ever

joined remained, not about to do namely, if even a little

of injury they had received from us, say the Alexandrian

Fathers. 1 p. 735 Arsenius not only not returned to the Eusebians, nor

subscribed to the condemnation of Athanasius (which yet assented

Socrates book 1 chapter 21, deservedly adding that almost incredible

it could seem, that he to whom was reported by Athanasius inflicted

death, this one the same disowned alive) but persevered

in the communion and friendship of Athanasius constant, as

testify the aforesaid Alexandrian Fathers, in the year after this the fourth,

of Christ CCCXXXIX. Pope also Julius by an epistle, in the year

CCCXLI written, this same confirms. Finally he is found

subscribed to the Council of Sardica, as if God him therefore had wished

to live longer, that to men's eyes a daily testimony

he might give of the most base calumny, by the Eusebians against Athanasius

so impudently reproduced at Tyre, when no one was

in Egypt but that its falsity already he knew.

[64] For the rest in this also about Arsenius history, through the common

people's mouths running, something to have changed, as is wont, is found fame.

For there are who narrate, that Arsenius, about whom other less true things were scattered. of whom so great everywhere

talk there was, only to the grade of Lector in the Alexandrian was promoted

Church, when on account of an enormous certain crime just from

Athanasius punishments fearing, by flight himself he had snatched away, nor

was believed into the sight of men easily himself to give on account of

the turpitude of the crime, an opportune one seemed to whom slaughter and

hand's cutting off should be ascribed: Nonetheless is deceived in the place

aforecited Socrates, when he says by mere curiosity led Arsenius,

at the time of the judgment about Athanasius instituted came

to Tyre, and by Archelaus the Consular's servants apprehended

in a tavern, by Archelaus himself sought out and shut up,

and by Paul Bishop of Tyre convicted, was offered to Athanasius.

For already we have seen him by the aforesaid Paul convicted to have been,

not in any manner, but in judgment: which if in the year CCCXXXV

it had been at Tyre exercised, could not Arsenius' presence the Eusebians

have escaped.

[65] But what John? Quickly to his nature he returned. For

when he himself his about a chalice broken sycophancy

had acknowledged, and accordingly into communion had been by

us received, say the Alexandrians aforecited, 1 p. 788 by whose persuasion the emperor indicting a Council. observing

the Eusebians with zeal and mind with the Meletians

to coalesce, and a common faction to nourish; so

yet that them openly to aid they would not, but

other for that persons and of things pretexts they sought;

offered to them his as on a stage histrionic service,

to that play to be acted of which the argument was,

the Arians' contest; but the first parts of the drama,

the Arians' success; but a sewn-on appendix, John

with his herd-mates; that the Arians' zealots,

under such an occasion and appearance of judgment, the adversaries

of impiety from the midst should take away, and impiety in place

of religion should introduce, and the Arians in the Churches

should place.

[66] For indeed the Meletians, so as above was said with

shame departed, says himself in the Syllogus the Saint, not so

even could the Eusebians be quiet; because

to them not the Meletians, by whose persuasion the Emperor indicting a Council, but the Arians a care were: and fearing

lest the Meletians being quiet, they should be destitute of such

calumnies' actors, again them they exasperate

against Athanasius, again to be indicted at Tyre a Synod

the Emperor persuading. 1 p. 788 For to Caesarea of Palestine

(where Bishop was Eusebius, and the other Eusebius of Nicomedia)

could all things) to come the Saint had refused. But

not even to Tyre indeed, he compels Athanasius to come to Tyre, whither for holding a Synod was sent

the Count Dionysius, and to the Eusebians a military garrison

added, would have appeared Athanasius; unless by severe from

the Emperor mandates it had been written, that he be present; and

so the necessity of coming was adjoined, that unless he came he should be brought

unwilling. He came therefore with Egyptian Bishops

forty-nine, for his Metropolitan's innocence and the laboring

with him truth of the orthodox faith to be sustained,

among themselves and with him most closely joined.

[67] From the Epistle, which, the conventicle still lasting,

the Presbyters and Deacons of the Mareotis gave, to the Consuls,

Julius Constantius the Most Illustrious Patrician, brother of the Most Religious

Constantine Augustus; in the year 335, and Rufinus Albinus;

most renowned and to God most pleasing men; 1 p. 795 From this, I say, epistle

it can be established, that in the year of the Christian era CCCXXXV was acted

the tragedy, which to narrate we undertake, and in the very year XXX

of Constantine the Emperor; on occasion namely of the Bishops,

from the whole East invited to the dedication of the Hierosolymitan

church, the next September, which to the Greeks about to begin

was the year CCCXXXVI, to be celebrated. Namely this they were doing

the Eusebians, on occasion of the Hierosolymitan dedication: that Athanasius' subversion, which they were machinating, thereby

might be precipitated the more, because as it were a by-work this was to the Bishops

elsewhere hastening; so much yet might come out more celebrated and more known,

and more just, also might seem, the greater was the number

of those judging. These when Socrates sixty to have been says,

it appears of those alone he treats, who from the part of Eusebius had come together

by name called: for even from Egypt alone, as

we said, were present with Athanasius forty-nine, that of

others of other regions I be silent.

[68] But, that of the Alexandrian Council's words I may use, with what

face such an assembly can be called a Synod, over which

those arriving? where the Count words made,

the rest present in silence were, or rather to the Count

their obsequiousness accommodated? where what commonly

to the Bishops pleased by him was impeded? 1 p. 728 He

used command, the Bishops by soldiers were led;

or rather to the orders of the Eusebians and their sentences he himself

the Count was subservient. In sum, what appearance there of a Synod,

where either slaughter or exile, if to Caesar it had pleased,

was constituted? … If as Bishops themselves judges

they wished to be, what need was there either of a Count or of soldiers,

or of edicts for coming together Imperial? But

if Caesar they needed, and from him they wished to receive strength

their acts, by what right they themselves the judgment of Caesar void

should make? or for what cause, since Caesar the Meletians

pronounced in writing calumniators to be and nefarious,

for a slaughter about a living man feigned, but Athanasius

most innocent; they themselves the Meletians true

to say, and Athanasius guilty to be define?

CHAPTER VI.

The public refutation of the calumnies, objected to Athanasius before the judges.

[69] If anything in accusing Athanasius was done thou ask,

with admiration far the greatest seized necessary it

is, say the Alexandrian Fathers: 1 p. 728 A woman accusing Athanasius of debauchery, but while to more atrocious

they hasten crimes, they pass over a comedy, in the very

beginning of the accusation acted, which Rufinus book II chapter

17, and from him Theodoret and Sozomen narrate. The words

of Rufinus are these: First is introduced the accusation of a woman

Athanasius to have received, and by him at night, nothing suspecting,

force of corruption to have endured. To be introduced

for this is ordered Athanasius: he enters with Timothy

his, and admonishes him, that after the woman the speaking

end had made, himself being silent, he should to those things which she had said

respond. And when the woman those things which she had been taught

had perorated; Timothy turned to her, In truth, he says, he is convicted not even to know him.

woman, did I stay with thee at any time? or force

to thee, as thou assertest, did I do? Then she, as of such women the petulance

itself has, chiding Timothy, Thou, thou, she says,

to me force didst do, thou in that place didst defile

my chastity: at once and turned to the Judges, to attest

the faith of God she began, true herself to say. Then all

he being silent, the faction of the composed crime had lain open:

nor yet were permitted the Judges to have about the woman

had been compacted the calumny: since the liberty of judging

with the accusers was.

[70] Little it is in the Alexandrians', which I said, for Athanasius

epistle this so splendid of the public confusion argument

to be passed over in silence: nor he himself indeed Athanasius of it anywhere

makes mention, as neither of several other of less celebrity accusations

of which some Sozomen book 2 chapter 24 thus reports: Several others about force to themselves by him offered complain,

Callinicus a Bishop and a certain Ischyrion of the faction

of John (Ischyras this is to others and to Athanasius himself) accused

the Saint, that a chalice mystic he had broken,

and that the throne Episcopal he had overturned; and

Ischyrion himself, who was a Presbyter, often in prison

he had shut up: nay also that in his name to

Hyginus prefect of Egypt falsely informed, as if stones

at the statue of the Emperor he had cast, with chains

to be bound he had caused. And likewise that Callinicus,

Bishop of the catholic church which is in Pelusium and

assemblies with Alexander wont to keep, he had disowned,

not willing to communicate with him, unless persuaded to himself

he should allow, of the breaking of the mystic cup the crime to be false.

Besides that to a certain Marcus, who had been from the Presbyterate

disowned, of the Pelusiac Church the governance

he had committed; and Callinicus himself by soldiers to be guarded,

with blows to be beaten, and into judgment to be brought he had effected.

Further Euplus, Pachomius, Isaac, Achilles and Hermaeon,

of the faction of John, him charged, that by him they had been beaten.

[71] Finally all commonly to him objected,

that by some men's perjury to the Episcopate he had ascended; about his ordination surreptitious,

and that when all the Bishops had asseverated, that no one

ought first to be ordained than the crimes upon him brought he had cleared;

and themselves so into fraud led, on that account from his communion

to have abstained. But him to have disdained

his cause by persuading to obtain; but by force compelling

men and into chains casting, his into opinion

to have attempted to lead. To these the crime about Arsenius

was renewed: and, as is wont to happen in snares which

of set purpose are stretched to men, those who were thought

his friends to be, on a sudden accusers stood forth:

nay also tablets were read, in which written

were the vociferations of the people against him, and by the people disapproved; as

if the Alexandrian common people on account of him to assemblies in

the Church to be held to come had refused. But Athanasius

bidden for himself to respond, often into judgment entered,

of the crimes to him objected some he cleared, of others a day

for deliberating he asked. But he wavered in mind

greatly, when he saw both the accusers to the Judges'

nod and will themselves to accommodate, and many

against himself witnesses, partly from the Arians, partly from the Meletians,

to have been procured; and the calumniators, although crimes

false, which he himself had refuted, they had brought back, pardon

yet to have obtained.

[72] These Sozomen: who when both about the woman and about Arsenius

things objected had set forth, and about many others; I believe, he says, of them earlier in

the Acts of the Council therefore not to be extant, because a matter so base

and so ridiculous was not into the tablets to be referred: and

I believe, because related it was not, therefore less worthy of Athanasius

it seemed of which by name he should make mention; as neither of others less

pertinaciously ventilated crimes anywhere makes mention;

this one in general to answer content, There are from Egypt

and Libya and the Pentapolis Bishops almost a hundred, which by his Bishops' testimony refutes Athanasius:

of whom no one us charged, nor a Presbyter

any complained, nor anyone us from

the people detracted. 1 p. 788 But the Meletians, by Peter ejected, and

the Arians, so among themselves partitioned the snares are, that these the accusation,

those the office of judging to themselves claimed. How

the Egyptian Bishops cleared the vice to St. Athanasius' Ordination

objected already above we have seen: about Arsenius how

the matter was done, it pleases again from Rufinus to hear.

[73] and Arsenius, whose slain hand was displayed, There is produced a crime, by ages unheard. Behold, they say,

where no one can by the prestiges of words deceive:

with eyes the matter is acted: words ceasing, this arm

cut off thee, they say, Athanasius, accuses: this is

Arsenius' right hand, which thou, how and for what uses

thou didst cut off, declare. Then he: Who indeed, he says, of you

Arsenius knew, that this his right hand

to be ye recognize. There rose up some, who said themselves

excellently to know Arsenius, among whom some

were without the conscience of the faction. He begs thereupon Athanasius

from the Judges, that his man, whom the business

demanded, they order to be introduced. And when introduced

was Arsenius, his face being raised, Athanasius

to the Council and Judges says, This is Arsenius: and lifting

his nonetheless right hand, alive and whole to the judges he presents. This is, he says,

his right hand, this is also his left: but this, which

these offer, the hand whence it is, you inquire. Then as

what they should do, whither they should turn they knew not:

for Arsenius himself the witnesses, who a little before to know

themselves had said, confirmed. But, because not of judging

but of oppressing the man's cause the Council was held,

to be Athanasius, and not ought further such a man

to live: and an onslaught being made with their hands him to tear apart

they prepare. But Archelaus, who with the rest from the precept

of the Emperor the Council presided over, snatched

him from the hands of those tearing apart through hidden exits

led out.

[74] who since not then first himself opened, But how at Tyre, in that article of time, was found

and produced Arsenius? The matter nowhere distinctly and faithfully

enough explained thou wouldst find. For where it is said, by the fame of the judgment

for his cause to be made moved, secretly himself to have presented to Athanasius, about to do

whatever should be ordered; in the same place are added circumstances

certainly false, that a Lector ordained by Athanasius, lest the punishments

of the disgraceful crime he should sustain by flight and hiding-places to himself had taken counsel,

until the holy man's evident danger had compelled again

to come into the light. But already long ago was convicted the calumny,

and it had been established Arsenius to live, both by the confession of Pinnes who

him had hidden, both by his own bringing to the Bishop

of Tyre; then when to himself about the Catholic communion pleasing,

as say the Alexandrians, nor from elsewhere testimonies

expecting that alive to be he might be shown, he himself himself

confessed to live, by letters to Athanasius written:

by which also to the Emperor was proved the calumny's falsity. 1 p. 729

Why therefore, thou wilt say, with the other Egyptian Bishops forty-

nine, this one also with him Athanasius did not lead, about to be

of his innocence a testimony evident?

[75] Indeed I judge the Meletians, never about to dare

to have been again this cause to stir up, he seems from a repeated custody escaped unless again in their power

they had had Arsenius. Which to indicate to me seem the Fathers

Alexandrian, when they say: Nor did it shame the impious, a man

by so great an interval of places and journeys by land and sea

separated, by Athanasius slain to devise,

whose through those times the place, where he was, to no mortal

was known; so he, by no evil yet touched

by the accusers was hidden: whom, as long as it was allowed,

into another orb they had transferred, about to slay him willingly,

that even the man truly extinguished Athanasius

convicted they truly might slay. But to the divine here

providence thanks to be given, which nothing unjust to prevail

allows, and Arsenius under the eyes of all produced,

clearly by his presence their calumnies and

figments uncovering. From which to us likely it becomes, again to Tyre to have come.

Arsenius by a divine miracle or his own industry escaped from custody,

secretly from all to have come to Tyre, and by Athanasius

for a while hidden to have been, until himself to be presented to the judges

the opportunity of the cause and of the time, should persuade.

[76] But this nothing to Athanasius profited, says Rufinus,

but that oppressed by calumny, as a true homicide,

into exile at length he was driven. But when longer afterward

in life remaining Arsenius, What afterward the Arians feigned both about Arsenius, of prestiges the opinion by his

too much most certain life cleared away; then the Arians for excusing

the Meletians, lest altogether without foundation they should seem

to have undertaken the accusation of homicide, enough to be they believed,

if they should say, that Plusianus, one of the Bishops who to Athanasius

were obedient, by his mandate Arsenius' house had burned,

him himself had bound to a column, with thongs had beaten,

into a little chamber at last had thrust; but Arsenius

through a window thence had fled, and when he was

to be sought out for some time hidden had lain concealed; and

because he appeared not, to men the opinion to have been

not without cause brought, that he had died: for which

cause the Bishops who to the parts of John favored,

him as an illustrious man and Confessor sought, and

the matter brought to the magistrates. So from afterward

fabricated of the Arians excuses Sozomen; which how

falsely they were feigned, openly to make wishing the Bishops Egyptian,

Arsenius, they say, us by no means shuns as his slayers,

or as injurious hates (for nothing of evil

from us he suffered) but our communion eager,

in our flock to be conversant desires, which his writings

declare. 1 p. 729

[77] There is extant by Jacobus Gothofredus brought into light a peculiar

little work of Photius, in his Library hitherto wanting,

in which into an epitome contracted are had the twelve books of the ecclesiastical

history, than about the woman, by Philostorgius the Cappadocian a heretical man

compiled, from the beginnings of Constantine the great and of Arius, to

his own, that is of Theodosius the Younger, even times; where the said

Photius, among the rest which Philopseudes Cacostorgius

about St. Athanasius portentously narrates, book 2 num. 12

the calumny about the woman thus to have inverted him says, as if she by

Athanasius against Eusebius had been hired, that by him herself impregnated

she should profess: and when about her adulterer, whether him she knew,

through Eusebius himself she was interrogated, so incongruously

she answered, that the truth beginning to be laid bare, Eusebius from all

calumny clear appeared; but Athanasius not

only not avoided the crime of an illegitimate ordination,

but on the contrary doubly guilty was convicted of calumny.

[78] Namely with equal faith before n. II, that impious of lying

instrument he had written, and about the ordination of Athanasius. Alexander being dead the suffrages varying

for some time, Athanasius about the night

obscure, into the church which was called of Dionysius to have withdrawn;

and the gates being shut most firmly, by two certain

Egyptians there found his ordination

to have extorted, and about it, as by the common consent of the city

made to have written to the Emperor; who by that fraud deceived,

possession of the See confirmed to Athanasius, although him

the present troop of Bishops to anathema had subjected.

So nothing of weight have heretics, for their faction's to be covered

disgraces, to heap upon lies lies, which in the following

more clearly also will appear.

CHAPTER VII.

The calumny about the chalice at Ischyras' broken

is resumed, and for it to be proved are delegated into the Mareotis

of the adversaries the most suspect.

[79] As to the crime of the mystic cup by Macarius

shattered, on account of which to Tyre he had been brought

in chains, and Athanasius was charged guilty; since

Athanasius himself in the Syllogus says, that the whole conspiracy

in feigning the crime from the letters of the Egyptian

Bishops can be known; 1 p. 788 it helps of the same

words to use, This crime refutes the Alexandrian Synod, and for the other which repeatedly are alleged writings

originally and entirely to be read, to dismiss the reader

to the said Syllogus, to which both these letters, and several others to

Athanasius' purgation pertaining, word for word are inserted.

The Meletians are, they say, who here themselves as accusers offer,

men altogether of faith unworthy, as being schismatics

and enemies of the Church; nor those new or recent, but

old already long from the times of B. Peter Bishop and

Martyr, declaring the bad faith of the Meletians, to whom snares they laid; and of Achillas his successor,

whom they calumniated; and of Alexander, whom

even to the tribunals of Caesar by accusing they persecuted; and

at last so in meditating crimes exercised, Athanasius

they invaded, nothing alien from their malice doing

… whose calumnies before ineffective, now at length

the favor of the Arian impiety, companions and patrons obtained

they have, for which to be defended, as upon many other Bishops,

so also upon Athanasius accusations they make. 1 p. 731

[80] But that place in which the broken cup

they boast, and how falsely Ischyras was said to have had the sacred chalice, a church it was not; nor any of the Presbyters

to that place near; nor the day, on which it done by

Macarius they will, a Sunday. Since therefore neither a church

there was, nor one who sacred things made, nor a day

this very thing required; what, or when, or where mystic

that cup was broken? Cups many

everywhere in houses and even in the middle of the forum to be had,

to no one is doubtful, which the one striking do not make impious:

but a mystic cup, which impious

renders him who it of his own accord breaks, nowhere except with

the legitimate Prelates of the Church wouldst thou find … But a Presbyter,

and to be a Presbyter, who is feigned to have been present, is that so often by rumors

bandied Ischyras, who neither by the Church ordained was

Alexander into the church received, in their

number ever was held. By what manner therefore

is Ischyras a Presbyter, or by what at length author constituted? 1 p. 732

Whether namely by Coluthus? for that remains.

But that Coluthus in the grade of the Presbyterate died,

and all by him ordained into the order of laymen

were reduced, so among all is established, that no one

about that matter to be doubted thinks. How therefore

mystic to himself entrusted had?

[81] although to him afterward a church was built. But they a private man call a Presbyter;

and to our injury, this name to him

gave; and to the same for the reward of his calumnies,

therefore through that time no church had, now, for

the recompense of his crime and obsequiousness in accusing

shown, a church has received, perhaps even with an Episcopate

to be endowed: for that everywhere he boasts and threatening roars.

Such, alas! rewards through Bishops to accusers

and sycophants are conferred. Nor that undeservedly:

whom indeed an administer of their lust they had,

him, as of affairs and counsels a companion, with a like

Episcopate worthy they held … Unequal yet

to the truth, although themselves in all ways they had fortified,

because Ischyras at Tyre for a calumniator

held nothing could prove, Sent nonetheless those who should examine the matter, and the calumny itself by its own vanity

collapsed, the judgment of the cause suspended they wished,

until about the proofs it should be established. 1 p. 733 They promise therefore

themselves some of their own to the Mareotis to be about to send away, who

the matter curiously should scrutinize: about whom forthwith you

we informed, that for many causes they were to be rejected; especially

because both Arians they were, and on account of Arianism

to us openly hostile.

[82] But they, on the power of the magistrates relying, secretly

send forth Diognius, Maris, Theodorus, Macedonius, and indeed most suspect

in years and dispositions rotten and venal: to these they add

two, in age and morals younger, Ursacius and

Valens, men Pannonian, who from those farthest

bounds to Tyre set out, that a sentence against the adversary

they should say; and after so much journey, from Tyre to Alexandria

they hastened, with no shame that themselves

from judges witnesses they should make: because rather, with all

means of plotting openly undertaken, whatever labors and journeys they underwent,

that the calumny once begun

they might complete. The enemies therefore of Athanasius, Athanasius

abroad detained, to Alexandria, in the people and the church

to rage about, hasten: nay, what

more absurd is, Ischyras the accuser with them led,

the accused Macarius they permitted not to follow; but at Tyre

crime's pretext up and down they had dragged.

[83] On the contrary said Athanasius, that superfluous was

the Mareotic legation; and that they should not feign, as if about

those things which already long they had meditated, together with the accuser Ischyras: not yet enough

they had discoursed; and that they should not seek delays, since what

themselves to detect they had hoped could, all already into the midst

they had brought forth; and accordingly themselves, of things destitute,

tergiversations to hunt. 1 p. 790 But if altogether the Mareotic

legation necessary should seem, at least not men

suspect thither they should send. The Count therefore, as to the

suspect pertains, complied: but they the same thing

so much the more keenly did; whom indeed on account of the Arian heresy

rejected Athanasius, those they with all power to the same place

sent away. By which matter's indignity moved Alexander

Bishop of Thessalonica, to Dionysius the Count and of the judgment Prelate

this wrote epistle.

[84] Clearly I see for Athanasius a calumny to be constructed, for all

whom he refused, which although disapproved Alexander of Thessalonica, I know not by what manner those to send forth

they wished, no to us of that matter indication being made, for it

was decreed that a consultation should be had, whom

thither to send away it behoved. 1 p. 798 Take counsel therefore for them, lest anything

rashly they do. For they came to me turbid with

these words; that beasts had bristled up, and in proximity it to be that

they should leap out, because by sound and noise dismayed

they are, and had heard John some to have sent forth. Thou knowest

further the Coluthians, together with the Arians and Meletians,

enemies of the Church to be. These now among themselves, with minds and votes

reconciled, huge evils to perpetrate can.

See therefore what useful is, lest anything sad emerge; lest

we be subjected to detraction as if by no means justly

we had judged. But that especially about them suspicion

is, lest, the Churches traversed, whose Bishops here

are, through fear and force all Egypt they perturb,

that so to the Meletians the Churches be handed over, which indeed

to be agitated already long has been observed.

[85] To this suggestion willing something to have deferred to seem Dionysius

the Count, to the Eusebians wrote in this manner. and the Count Dionysius himself, These very things

were what I said to my Lord Flacillus (of Antioch

this was the Archbishop, and if any at Tyre was of the Synod an appearance

to it either presided in fact, or to preside ought)

Athanasius will rise up, and will say, those whom he himself had rejected, those

to that business to be sent down; and himself with injury to be treated and

circumvented, he will vociferate. 1 p. 799 These also the same

things they are, which the Lord of my soul Alexander by his

epistles to us signified. But that you might know with reason

to stand, what to me by him were written, his epistle,

that by you also it be read, I have subjoined. Mindful

but be you of those things which before I wrote, when I admonished

your goodness, that the legates by common judgment

and suffrage were to be chosen. See therefore lest the matter

to fault liable be, nor a just of accusing us

occasion to the accusers we afford: for as of those accusing

the part to be burdened ought not, so neither of the accused.

I judge further not the least of detracting from us

matter to be about to be given, if my Lord Alexander

to our acts shall not seem to suffrage.

[86] Nor more slothfully acted the Eusebians than admonished they had been,

carrying about a libel, yet by many it is held a forged thing: by which the legation by common consent made

might be said, and to each to be subscribed offering; with wished-for among

many success, and (which thou mayest wonder) even with that very of Thessalonica

Alexander; for thus about him speak the Alexandrian

Fathers: But if him in their flock number

the adversaries, and a companion of their faction boast, by that very

their force upon the man, by which his subscription they extorted,

they will declare. 1 p. 735 These things when to be done perceived the Bishops,

who with Athanasius from Egypt to the Council came,

other Bishops at Tyre congregated, those namely who not yet

openly to the Eusebians and Arians themselves had joined, wrote to

through Adamantius the Bishop; and what letters he gave with their names'

subscription confirmed about thirty-six

Prelates. 1 p. 795 But of the letters this was the tenor.

[87] We think not further uncertain and doubtful

to be held the conspiracy of Eusebius, the rest, lest the same they do, admonish the Egyptians, Theognis, Maris,

Narcissus, Theophilus and Patrophilus. At the beginning

indeed all we exclaimed, through our fellow-minister

Athanasius, that to them, since they were present, of the cause the cognition

should not be permitted; as not ignorant, that even of one

enemy the presence, much more of several, judgments to be confounded

and harmed can be. Nor indeed hidden is to us

the hatred of them, not only against us, but against all the orthodox;

and how to the Arian matter with furious and monstrous

zeal, and to the impious doctrine with zeal, they threaten all,

and against all conspire. But when we,

on truth relying, the Meletians' calumnies to refute

wished, by I know not what arts the Meletians our attempts

to disturb strove, and great

pains to expend that our sayings should be rejected, now

to those sincerely judging threatening, now even contumelies

inflicting on some, to that only end that

[88] Perhaps your divine religion, most reverend Lords,

was ignorant at that time of their conspiracy:

but now we think it to you to be manifest

since themselves what they were so clearly they have shown. [and that at length they may acknowledge by a manifest conspiracy all things are done.]

For as many as from the whole flock most suspect were, into

the Mareotis they sent away, that through our absence,

we to whom here is to be adhered, the peoples they may perturb and

their zeal accomplish. For because they knew the Arians,

Coluthians and Meletians to be of the Catholic Church

enemies, therefore them especially they strove to send forth,

that through our enemies' presence, a web such as

they will against us they may weave. Certainly the Meletians, who

here with us at Tyre are, before four days, as if certain

they were this in the Council to be decreed, certain of

their own at evening through couriers sent away; who also from

the rest of Egypt to the Mareotis should convoke the Meletians,

who there are none; and to the same place from elsewhere should gather

the Coluthians, and should instruct what against us said

they would have. For mindful you are that Ischyras himself said

before you, not more himself to have than seven who

might come together.

[89] protesting about the fraud But because after those tricks and the suborned

most suspect men, we have heard them each one of

you canvassing, to ask your subscription,

that by all your counsel it done to seem

it might, therefore we both these things write, and protest, that

snares from them and through them we suffer: and we pray that

the fear of God receiving in your mind, and being indignant

that without your consent they sent forth whom they would,

from subscribing you abstain … and as an account

in God's judgment about to render, beware anything

against us to do, or the Eusebians' counsels to aid …

Similarly writing to Flavius Dionysius the Count

most illustrious they offered a libel, that the cognition of their causes

to the Most August Emperor himself he should reserve

… before whom it might be allowed both the rights of the Church and their own to set forth, also before the Count Dionysius.

… obtesting and adjuring through the omnipotent

God, and the Emperor's and his children's

safety, that nothing in their affairs henceforth he should do,

nor to himself indulge, that anything against them

in the Synod he should move. 1 p. 797

CHAPTER VIII.

The legates' insolence among the Mareotic and Alexandrian people. Athanasius' departure from Tyre to the Emperor.

[90] Meanwhile the delegates, to Alexandria with the accuser

Ischyras, their tent-mate, comrade, Into the Mareotis having set out the legates, boon-companion

entered, taking together the prefect Philagrius,

(whom St. Athanasius a deserter of our religion to have been

says; and his soldiers heathen men 1 p. 790) for those things to scrutinize,

which not even to catechumens is it lawful to behold, into

the Mareotis they withdraw: and there alone according to their lust

on the questions they lean: nor did they permit the Presbyters

that they should be present, although it with many prayers

they required. 1 p. 733 But those who these things asked were,

all both of the Alexandrian city and of the whole province

Presbyters, the Presbyters who wished to be present being rejected, asking that to them to show it might be allowed

whom Ischyras had suborned as witnesses, of what kind, and whence.

The ministers of sacred things therefore being excluded, before heathen

men questions about the church, about the chalice, about

the table of the Lord, about the holy of holies they had; and

what is more grave, heathen men in the question about the mystic

cup as witnesses they cited … Nor did it shame them their testimonies

before themselves and the sole Prefect to receive, who

whence of the nations they were knew not: nor were they afraid them

to say by Athanasius slain, by whose testimonies against

Athanasius they abused.

[91] Nay rather death to Athanasius machinating, with new

lies the fable about the lying slaughter of Arsenius imitating,

those who alive are dead they feigned; they exercise a question and still

surviving and in their sees before men's eyes

appearing, before those placed far off most wretchedly they deplored;

that since from afar were to be sought the matters'

documents, Athanasius they might calumniate,

as by force and power raging, while they themselves through force and

power all things did. 1 p. 734 For the same things again at

the Mareotis as at Tyre were performed. most similar to the Tyrian judgment; For as there

displeased either to be said or to be done permitting: so

also here the Prefect of Egypt, with a military hand girt,

all the Ecclesiastics terrifying, to no one permitted

from the truth to say testimony: and, what more absurd is,

in the very houses of the accuser they dwelt, and according

to their pleasure decided the work to the questions to be given;

and so both judges and witnesses, and the rest of the same

zeal, or, what more true is, of the Eusebian faction the administers,

came together …

[92] So far the Alexandrian Fathers; but Athanasius himself,

about the manner of the question exercised, somewhat more distinctly thus writes:

About the mysteries inquiring Jews they interrogated

and Catechumens; Where, saying, were you, when

Macarius came and the table overturned? 1 p. 800 And they answered,

We within were. Now this if true is,

then at that time the Oblation to be celebrated could not, and they cite to say testimony Jews and Catechumens, since indeed

the Catechumens within were. Nonetheless

everywhere they wrote, the Presbyter standing and the sacred making,

Macarius entered to have overturned all things. And,

when they interrogated whom they would, thus they inquired:

In what place was Ischyras when Macarius came upon?

and they answered, In the chamber sick he lay.

Therefore in the Sacred he stood not, who through disease

lay; nor the Oblation to make could,

who in his cell sick lay. Besides, Ischyras

saying the books to have been burned by Macarius, suborned

for that matter witnesses, nothing such to have been done and

Ischyras to lie asseverated. Now, what thou mayest wonder,

when by their letters the fame everywhere of lands they had spread by

Athanasius taken away to have been, those who conscious testimony to bear

could; the same nevertheless, when now they appeared, they inquired

of; and by no shame meanwhile were they touched,

seeing that everywhere they were declared informers.

[93] Such things and in such a manner doing, the Clerics all being excluded, as already said, the Alexandrians protesting against them

lest also, as at Tyre happened,

their own they should have refuters; to lie hid altogether they could not:

but the Presbyters and Deacons under the Most Reverend

Bishop Athanasius of the Catholic Church of Alexandria,

their malice being observed, to Theognis, Maris,

Macedonius, Theodorus, Ursacius, Valens, Bishops from

Tyre set out, in this manner wrote and protested

themselves. 1 p. 790 It behoved especially, since hither you came

with the accuser himself, to bring also with you

the Presbyter Macarius. For so judgments to be instituted

ought according to the sacred Scripture, that the accused and accuser

at the same time appear. But after neither Macarius

you brought, that nothing legitimately was done: nor the Most Reverend Bishop

our Athanasius to the judgment was received; we asked,

that at least to us to be present it might be allowed, so that

we being present a certain question to be instituted could,

and in this manner the matters being done faith to your judgments

deservedly we should have. But this also to us you denied,

and alone with the Prefect of Egypt and the accuser that

you do which pleases. We profess therefore in your

acts a suspicion of malice; and we observe your coming

nothing else in itself to have than a conspiracy

and snares; and for that cause this epistle

to you we have given, a monument and testimony

of this matter at some time to be in a true and legitimate Synod,

that to all it may become known, that, the other part unheard,

nothing else you strove to do, than that us by a conspiracy

you should oppress: but that it could not be concealed from

you, a copy of these letters also to Palladius

we gave, the Emperor's Curious one: for the crimes which

you have done, make us that also to suspect about you.

[94] Their names, after Dionysius the Presbyter who the letters

gave, similarly also the Mareotic men protest, subscribed, Presbyters fifteen, Deacons

five. But of the Catholic Church the Mareotic all

Presbyters fourteen, and Deacons just as many, first

writing to Flavius Philagrius, and Flavius Palladius the Ducenarian

Palatine Curious, and Flavius Antoninus of the Supplies

Prefect Centenarian of the most illustrious

Prefects of the sacred Praetorium, with a subscription an epistle

for testimony offering. 1 p. 794 These when already they had shown

Ischyras a Presbyter not to be, as by Coluthus alone,

who a Bishop never had been, ordained; they adjured them

through omnipotent God and through Constantine Augustus

and his children the Most Illustrious Caesars, and to Tyre also to the Bishops they write, that into

the cognition of their piety they should refer, that neither

Ischyras a Presbyter is of the Catholic Church, nor

was broken: but these all false and feigned are. 1 p. 792 With these

further not content, they wrote also to the holy Synod of the Blessed

Bishops who at Tyre were, under this exordium.

Knowing it written to be, What thy eyes have seen speak;

and that, A false witness unpunished was not: those things

which we have seen to be testified we judge; and especially because

this our testimony necessary rendered the conspiracy,

against Athanasius our Bishop

entered.

[95] and they convict the calumny, Then to wonder themselves they say, by what at length reason

Ischyras for an Ecclesiastic is held … God as witness

they make, nothing in his words to be except calumny;

and that as certainly conscious, as being, they say, who neither by long

bounds from the Bishop are distant, and companions to him in surveying

the Mareotis we have adhered. For never he

alone for the sake of visiting is wont to undertake journeys; but companions

with himself to draw Presbyters and Deacons, and not few

of the common people … Accordingly they conclude, that Theognis and

his companions into the Mareotis gone, no documents of the guilt

to detect could. 1 p. 793 But what and how

they did, thus they set forth. When the matter was at that point that the sycophancy

against Athanasius about to come forth openly seemed;

Theognis, the enemy of Athanasius, his kinsmen and

certain Ariomanites instructed, that what he himself would

for testimony they should speak. and testimonies by force extorted: For no one of the people

anything against Athanasius would have spoken, unless

by the terror of Philagrius the Prefect of Egypt, and the importunity

of the Arians vehemently insisting, conquered and compelled

they had been to those things to do which to themselves it should please. Since we,

they say, to refute the calumnies thither coming, did not

they admit; and us being rejected those, whom fit

they thought for fraud to be instructed, they received: who

through fear of Philagrius the Prefect into their parts had withdrawn.

And therefore namely us removed they wished;

lest namely the criminators suborned by them, either Ecclesiastics

not to be; or, if they were, Arians to be we should teach.

[96] But yet although separately, without others'

authority, so according to their lust they did, and by nods the witnesses

they admonished; and the Prefect indeed threats cast, which Acts although the adversaries concealed,

but the soldiers weapons and wounds threatened; nonetheless

yet the Lord the truth disclosed, and them of sycophancy

convicted, says these reciting Athanasius. 1 p. 800 They

therefore, as the same pursues, suppressed of the Acts the monuments

which they had, and to the notaries enjoined that them

they should hide, nor any copies to be divulged should allow.

But in vain all these things. For he who them wrote is Rufus,

who now in the Augustalian office an Executioner acts,

and a witness of it can be recited: they came into the hands of Athanasius. and even the Eusebians themselves

them through their own to Rome sent, and the same those by

Julius the Bishop to me were transmitted. They are mad therefore,

since those things which to be concealed they themselves wished, in our hands

we have and read. So Athanasius, from those very

Acts indeed, not from others' relation having whatever

about the things done in the Mareotis he wrote, and by others' for himself testimonies

[97] But what at Alexandria they dared, returned from

the Mareotis the egregious inquisitors, Returned to Alexandria the legates cruelly rage. those everywhere of nations by fame

divulged to have been, assert the Alexandrian Fathers, under whose eyes

were perpetrated the crimes. 1 p. 734 Drawn namely swords threatened

to have been against holy Virgins and Brethren, scourges

on the precious with God bodies inflicted; and feet

weakened by cudgeling to have been to those, who their mind in

chastity and in all solid goods exercised: meanwhile

to the gentiles commonly to have been allowed to strip the bodies of Virgins,

to beat, to defile, the altars of idols and victims

to threaten. So that a certain insolent man,

as if such a power thenceforth had been granted

in favor of the Bishops, a Virgin by the hand seized,

to an altar which by chance was at hand dragged, the necessity

of sacrificing and the force of persecution representing.

Amid these things the Virgins to have fled. The heathen to have insulted the Church,

the Bishops within those very houses where such things were perpetrated

being conversant: in whose favor the Virgins wretched

drawn swords, all kinds of dangers, and

whatever contumely and violence to experience were compelled:

and these things indeed to have suffered fasting while the Bishops

within feasted.

[98] Say the Alexandrian Fathers, in their for Athanasius prolix

defense, Meanwhile Athanasius to the Emperor flees: that, since the Bishops at Tyre nothing of fault

in Athanasius found, and the Count with supreme force pressing

more against him machinated; he himself the Count's violence

fleeing, to the most religious Emperor went up:

which I think not to obstruct that it be believed the Saint, from Tyre

departed, to have followed the Inquisitors against himself into the Mareotis

sent; since so expressly protest the Presbyters and Clerics

Alexandrian, of whom above, that neither Macarius by them

was brought, nor his Bishop Athanasius to the judgment

received. 1 p. 729 I think also likely, that his life he preferred to a ship

to commit, than to a land journey, in which to the Eusebians'

snares more opportune he would have been: and again from

Alexandria, when in vain himself he saw, to have sailed to Constantinople

to seek out the Emperor. The Bishops, ordered to go away to Jerusalem, Meanwhile soon as

at Tyre to appear he ceased, first by the Council the cause unheard

he is condemned, as Socrates says: Then, as soon as those

things which in the Mareotis were done, concurred, an abdication

to him is decreed. After these things done, says the same

Socrates book 1 chapter 22 letters of the Emperor are brought,

which signified that the Council quickly to Jerusalem

should betake itself: and so the Bishops, no delay interposed,

from Tyre to Jerusalem hastily journey make.

[99] This order of the things done everywhere follow writers

other: the dedication of the church being performed, but as much as by conjecture and arguments I attain

less rightly. For from the oration of St. Sophronius Bishop of Jerusalem

on the Exaltation of the holy Cross, and likewise from the Typicum

of St. Sabas for the use of the monasteries and churches to the holy city subject

composed, and from the Menaea and Synaxaria everywhere

all it seems established, the tradition in the very Hierosolymitan

Church received from elders, and to the whole East communicated

to have been, that the same day XIII Sept. both of the dedicated church

and of the exalted Cross by a solemnity was accumulated. In the Chronicle

however, which everywhere Alexandrian is called when Constantinopolitan

more properly it should be named, thus is read: There were made

the encaenia of the Church of the holy Cross, under Constantine built,

in the month of September ιζ᾽, on the day 13 Sept. that is XVII. But a fault

to be scribal, and ιγ᾽ to be read, to be doubted it cannot, since

it adds. Hence began the feast of the Staurophania, that is of the manifested

or exalted Cross: which on another than the XIII day to be acted no one

ever has heard. But that it is of the Dedication of Jerusalem

the feast Sozomen book 2 chapter 25 sufficiently indicates, when he says

that from the time of the dedication aforesaid the Church of Jerusalem

every year a feast-day splendidly very much

celebrates, so that on it initiations of the sacred things are performed,

and for eight days thereafter assemblies are made, and very many

from all the parts of the earth according to the holy places'

history, at the time of that solemnity come together;

which by another name to be the solemnity of the exalted Cross,

from the Life of St. Mary the Egyptian, not a whole after the begun festivity

century written, appears.

[100] But that being posited it could not be, that those who into the Mareotis

were sent away, they hear the legates returned from Egypt. and against whom illegitimately proceeding the Mareotic

Clergy protested, to Philagrius and his companions writing on the

tenth day of Thoth, that is, on the seventh day of September, the question

performed they returned to Tyre so quickly, that having heard their relation,

could the Synod Athanasius' abdication decree, letters

everywhere dispatch, and at Jerusalem be present before the tenth

third of the same month. And so willingly thus I would order

of the matters already indicated the series; that the Bishops, not many after

the legates' departure and Athanasius' flight days, a mandate

received, that other whatever causes for a while omitted to Jerusalem

they should hasten for the dedication aforesaid, and Athanasius they abdicate. and finally

either to Tyre returned, which no one indicates, or there at Jerusalem,

which I think most likely to be, and that about the beginning

of October, received the returned from the Mareotis legates, and Athanasius'

abdication precipitated, and then received from the Emperor

through Athanasius approached and led an epistle, by which they were bidden

to come to Constantinople, about to render an account of so unjust

a judgment.

CHAPTER IX.

The Arians in the Synod of Jerusalem being received, absent Athanasius is condemned.

[101] The things at Tyre and in the Mareotis done being narrated, the rest

pursuing Athanasius in the Syllogus, The Epistle of the Synod, and the adversaries

luculently convicting, the cause, he says, why these they did,

manifest they rendered. 1 p. 801 For both in their departure their own Arians,

with themselves to Jerusalem brought, into communion

they received, writings of this kind upon that matter letters,

of which the beginning and part this is. The sacred Synod,

by God's grace at Jerusalem congregated, to the Church of God

among the Alexandrians, and to all through Egypt, the Thebaid,

Libya, the Pentapolis and everywhere through the orb Bishops,

Presbyters, Deacons, in the Lord greeting. To all

of us into the same place, from diverse provinces,

to a great and festal day congregated, that the dedication

of the temple of the Saviour, the Arians as orthodox receiving, by the care of the most religious Emperor Constantine

to the King of all Christ built, we might celebrate;

Emperor himself most religious, by his own letters admonishing us

to that which most was expedient; namely that the hatreds being put

far from the Church and all malignity, on account of

which its members dissented; with a simple and peaceful mind

we should receive the Arians, whom the iniquity of envy for a while

retained outside the Church. The Emperor himself indeed

to God most dear gave to them through an epistle a testimony

of their right faith, of which both by them with living voice

persuaded the same he had received, and to us manifest he made,

to his letters subjoining their written about the faith

confession orthodox.

[102] The rest by the Pseudo-council done Sozomen pursues

book 2 chapter 25 in these words. there follows the abdication of Athanasius, It condemns the cause unsaid Athanasius

the Synod, and the Episcopate disowns him, and decrees

that at Alexandria he should not dwell, lest tumults and seditions,

if he be present, to excite he attempt: but John and all

who from him stood, as by injury incommoded

affected, into communion it receives; and what of them each one

in the same assembled Council, the Acts of the Council to the Emperor

transmitted, and wrote to other everywhere Bishops,

that from the communion of Athanasius abstaining neither

to him let them write nor from him receive letters; and encyclicals against the same. since indeed

both of the crimes, of which more certain made they had been,

convicted he was; partly by flight, partly because his cause

in judgment to plead he refused, guilty detected.

Besides through letters they showed, themselves to such a sentence

against him to be pronounced impelled; first

because grievously very much they bore, that when the Emperor

had given a mandate the year before (a new one for them now with

September to flow had begun) that the Bishops of the East to Caesarea

for his cause should come together, he himself thither had not come and

the Emperor's mandates had contemned, and that although he saw

the Council by long for him waiting fatigued: then

because, when very many Bishops to Tyre had come together,

to the same place he had come thronged with a multitude of men and disturbances

and tumults in the Council had excited, now for himself to respond

declining, now the Bishops with contumelies loading

… nay even, plainly ascertained to be that the chalice

mystic he broke, they declared … each crime (as

the forensic custom has) touching, and that one thing doing,

that calumnies for Athanasius as artificially as possible they might weave.

[103] Who these hearing, says in the Syllogus Athanasius,

their fabrications and tricks would not perceive? 1 p. 802 … For

if I were he who the Arians kept off from the Church, By these things in favor of the Arians to be done and the Arians

me oppressed were received; what else wouldst thou understand

than all things in favor of the Arians to have been done,

all things against me instituted … that a heresy into the Church

they might let in, and themselves meanwhile not be held

condemned of heresy. Nor do they fear in their letters to affirm

that rightly think the Arians, whom the whole world's

Council with anathema condemned; nor do they fear

so distinguished a Synod, as much as in them is, secretly

to demolish, anything rashly saying and doing. He adds

however Sozomen book 2 chapter 24, St. Maximus is said to have led away Paphnutius. to very many Bishops

it to have seemed that by no means a sincere judgment was being acted,

and for that matter to be said that Paphnutius the Confessor, who

the Council attended, took the hand of the Bishop

of Jerusalem, and admonished that he should rise: for not

fitting it was, that they themselves, who Confessors were

and for piety dug-out eyes and weakened hams

had, should communicate with a council of lost men.

But that after the celebrated Jerusalem Church's

dedication to have happened ought, nay in that very Jerusalem

Synod: for who would believe St. Maximus, of so great

or the dedication performed, to that impious Synodical, which

we have reported, consenting to have subscribed?

[104] Such things while partly at Tyre partly at Jerusalem were done

(nor indeed is it easy each in its places to discern) Athanasius,

the Prince being approached who the Synod had indicted, in which

also his Count had presided, the Eusebians' crimes

disclosed, About the same by Athanasius appealed to Constantine, in that which Constantine himself in his epistle

indicates manner. 1 p. 803, 1 p. 804 To me entering, he says, the namesake

to me and happy fatherland mine Constantinople

(I was however on horseback) suddenly Athanasius the Bishop

in the middle of the way, with some others whom about himself he had,

so unexpectedly met me, that not a slight to me

of all the beholder, that I, who he was, at first sight

could not recognize, unless certain of ours,

who that one was, and what injustice having suffered, had indicated

to us, that very thing as was fitting inquiring. I

therefore at that time neither of my address nor

of my conversation him a partaker made, and almost

I ordered to be removed him, nothing else from me with great

freedom asking, than that you hither to be called I should order,

that, you being present, what by force he had suffered

he might complain.

[105] The Bishops he chides for things turbulently done. These things Constantine to the Bishops at Tyre congregated,

either because them already he knew to have returned to Tyre, or because also

to Jerusalem departed by the Synod of Tyre's name to call he continued,

an Epistle from a chiding of this kind beginning, I

am ignorant what to themselves these things would, which by your Synod tumultuously

and tempestuously have been judged. To me indeed

it seems, by I know not what manner, the truth through immodesty

to be oppressed … But it will be of the divine providence's work, both of that

contentiousness the evils manifestly produced to dissipate,

and to show to us, whether thither coming together a care

any you had of the truth, and whether in things

to be judged without hatred or favor you proceeded.

Wherefore instantly I command, and to render an account to himself he cites: that all to my piety

you come together, of your deeds an exact account

about to render. The same again he repeats toward the end of the epistle,

them as quickly as possible to be present bidding. 1 p. 805 Which being learned,

conscious of their crimes, the rest of the Bishops from the journey

being retained, lest namely some of them, with equal or greater

than at Tyre and Jerusalem freedom, should protect

Athanasius at Constantinople, there come to Constantinople, only six, and by discordant sentences

the calumny disclose; alone Eusebius, Theognis,

Patrophilus, and the other Eusebius, Ursacius and Valens

the Prince approached, without any mention of the chalice

or Arsenius: for there was wanting to them for this confidence.

[106] What then? Another crime, equally fabricated,

they brought, namely that Athanasius had boasted

that the transport of grain from Alexandria to Constantinople

he could impede. 1 p. 729 by whom of a new crime accused the saint These, when they were said, and

the Emperor indignant at them threatened; heard,

who within with Athanasius were of the Bishops Egyptian,

Adamantius, Anubion, Agathammon, Arbethion,

Peter. And when Athanasius at such great calumnies groaned

and affirmed them to be false, nor possible to be

that a man private and poor so great of strength should have;

Eusebius, not even publicly declining a calumniator's

office, swore Athanasius exceedingly opulent

to be, and enough of strength and authority for all these

to be perpetrated to have, that so more likely the calumny

might seem. 1 p. 805, 1 p. 730

[107] There flashed forth immediately Caesar's indignation: for

he who before such things against Athanasius' calumniators, he is relegated into Gaul, as said

it was, had written, and their injustice had known so clearly;

immediately as he heard accusation that, he flared into

he dismissed into Gaul, says Athanasius himself. But the Alexandrian

Fathers, a milder using phrase, God's, they say, grace

more in this business prevailed than of those sycophants

the wicked malice: for the piety of the Emperor to a more humane

he bent part, and in place of death exile gave.

Others otherwise this deed of Constantine receive; through the too great facility of the Emperor, of all most prudently

Theodoret book 1 chapter 33. To no one, he says, wonderful

ought to seem, that the Emperor into fraud enticed,

so illustrious a man proscribed; for he believed

the Bishops deceiving him, the truth indeed concealing,

far however another appearance bearing.

Just as truly also the Prophet David deceived

was, but deceived him not of the Pontiffs anyone,

but a domestic homeborn slave, nay a knave, Siba I mean, who

what false was to the King against Mephibosheth suggested,

and his field to himself obtained. But these things I say,

not as the Prophet refuting; but an excuse

for the Emperor bringing, and human nature's weakness

demonstrating, and admonishing not to be to accusers,

however much of faith worthy they may seem, so to be believed,

that the other ear be not preserved for the accused.

[108] These Theodoret: but Athanasius the produced Constantine

the Younger's Epistle, which below we shall give, perhaps so wishing his life to be provided for. excusing therefore

into Gaul sent the Saint, lest from the cruelty of his enemies

he should suffer anything not easily afterward curable, the same

seems an excuse to admit: for thus he speaks. 1 p. 806 When that

therefore the cause was on account of which into Gaul I was sent,

who does not see, hence indeed a pious toward me of the Emperor

purpose, thence indeed of the Eusebians a bloodthirsty

mind: and that the Prince therefore only this did,

lest some graver evil to me they should machinate?

So far in the Syllogus Athanasius, who besides in the epistle to

the Solitaries more even declares, nothing against himself done by

the Emperor with injury of the orthodox faith; whence it came that

he could not be persuaded by the Eusebians that into Athanasius'

place a Bishop, whom they themselves demanded, he should substitute:

nay those who that machinated he restrained, and already

the matter itself attempting with grave threats deterred. 1 p. 844

CHAPTER X.

In exile in the Gauls Athanasius writes certain things in Latin.

[109] Relegated, as said it was, Athanasius, to Augusta

of the Treveri came, in the month about February of the year

CCCXXXVI, St. Athanasius 28 months stayed at Trier since indeed it is established from Theodoret book 2 chapter 1 for two years

and four months there to have stayed; but sent back

to Alexandria to have been by Constantine the Younger, in the month of June of the year

CCCXXXVIII. But he had there the Saint not inconvenient

under Constantine the Younger then Caesar an exile, as from this

now Emperor's epistle more clearly soon will be plain: and by St. Maximinus

Bishop of Trier honorably was received,

as writes in the Chronicle St. Hieronymus; but he errs when

he adds this to have been done when by Constantius he was sought for

punishment. To this meanwhile error the San-Maximinian monks, from

popular tradition, superbuilt a fable, which the Annals'

of Trier writer Browerus book 4 laboriously refutes, and Trithemius

in the Catalogue under these words more exaggerated sets forth.

Fleeing, he says, Athanasius from the face of the Emperor

and of the Arians, came to Trier a city of the Gauls,

and by St. Maximinus the Archbishop honorably

received, not for 7 years, seven years with him lay hid in a cistern

without water, which even to this day at the monastery

of St. Maximinus at Trier in the crypt is shown.

In this place for many years, as we said, lying hid, the sun

he saw not; and there the Symbol, Whosoever wishes to be saved,

he composed; until at length by a girl betrayed, by God's nod,

by flight he escaped.

[110] St. Maximinus is venerated on the day XXIX of May, when about

his distinguished basilica more fully to treat occasion will be given. the well which is shown for his own perhaps necessities used, Here

to have admonished suffices, that the well which is shown by us also under

the choir was beheld, and judged to Athanasius' lodging once

adjoined, perhaps water to have afforded the Saint, when not yet there

well it should be called, and by that appellation occasion gave for the aforenarrated

fable. Alexander Wilthemius in his most accurate

Annals of the San-Maximinian monastery (which in manuscript

we read, and at some time into light to be given we hope) the popular

tradition of the Treveri as to the Symbol, thinks not altogether

to be rejected; whether there the Symbol he wrote is not established. because Gregory IX in a definition of faith (which

he himself to his Apocrisiaries to Constantinople to be conveyed gave in the year

MCCXXXIII, and which from the Greek Vatican and Sforzian Latin

made Gerardus Vossius) it in these words is alleged; Whence

St. Athanasius, while in the Western parts he was in exile,

in the exposition of faith which in Latin words he rendered,

thus says: The Father by none is made. But who us will teach,

either an exile properly so called, such as not but at Trier the Saint

had, to be understood by Gregory, when he often elsewhere was in Italy

certain of authority argument, so many after the matter done

centuries?

[111] One thing for certain we have, that Athanasius who the books

of Lucifer to Constantius in Latin written into the Greek speech

translated, It seems he himself wrote it in Latin; as below shall be said n. 303, of the Latin tongue

no less than of Greek skilled was; and therefore we doubt not

but in Latin written was the Symbol, which another long

afterward turned into Greek, as among his works now is found.

Nor indeed among the more ancient Greeks any I find vestige

of any typus or formula about the faith, by Athanasius issued: who

in all his to the Easterners writings this most does, that

besides the issued at Nicaea formula, no other they require or

receive. With the Latins however diverse altogether ought to be the

manner of acting: to whom that his doctrine, with the Nicene faith

altogether the same, distinctly and clearly in their very tongue he should explain

plainly was fitting; for the confutation namely of the Arians, feigning

even by themselves to be held the Nicene faith, and Athanasius

criminating as if by the sole zeal of contending he fought about words,

by no means necessary to the right exposition of the faith.

[112] But the little book on the observances of monks,

which Lucas Holstenius, as also the book on the observances of monks, Custodian of the Vatican Library,

in the Appendix of the Codex of Rules, in the head of the exhortations

to monks and virgins on the observance of the religious life, collected

once by Benedict of Aniane the Abbot, from two

manuscripts of Fleury of the Queen of Sweden edited, and to the same

dedicated with those words, which I myself with my Master

Henschenius sitting by the little bed of the dying man and his last things disposing,

with my own hand, as also the other of the same Codex dedications,

received the day before his death (for of such modesty

of mind he was, that long before printed in type to that very time he had deferred

to publish) This I say little book, already before among the works edited,

as an Exhortation to monks not but in Latin to me

written seems. requested by the monks under St. Maximinus instituted, And since the monastic profession still in

the West rare was and almost unknown, but the monks of San-Maximinus

their beginnings to Constantine the great referred

(as from Dagobert the first's diploma appears) likely to me

it is, that when with them treating Athanasius, and many things narrating about

the multitude and discipline of the Egyptian monks, at their asking,

themselves, who no yet had a Rule of life described,

that little work he composed, thus beginning:

[113] Although to glory in Christ it is allowed, that with such

beginnings you have been initiated, whose excellent beginnings vehemently he praises, that your inchoation be

flying past, the apex of the very summit being occupied,

of discipline the sum you hold; to me yet of this the license of the

prerogative a paternal affection ascribed, and

to be embraced by me your postulation's exaction: who

while me you hear, not only willingly, but even avidly,

shameless me by your love you have made. Going before

I lead, and beyond the measure of my possibility, stretched,

those whom to follow I desire, to lead I am compelled. I will go on

therefore through the path of your life, and as one who in the first

elements of letters is imbued, the depicted by shadowed

prefigurations marks with an imitating stylus I will trace, those approaching

to the hoped-for of the blessed institute rewards who are to be

followed: for so namely I think these last words to be read,

not which are to be followed.

[114] But after about the care of abstinence, the measure

of fastings, the instancy of prayer, the interval of reading, of food and clothing

the manner, the custody of the tongue, fraternal charity, the moderate

and circumspect with pious women acting manner, yet he refuses not if any wish laxer things. of a good name

the care, of poverty finally the rigor, he had discoursed solidly and briefly;

at length about to conclude, these things if to anyone besides you too much

seem strict, who God's gates to knock shall attempt,

according as his reason shall bear, will relax; as if about to be

foreseeing that elsewhere also congregations religious would come together,

under a less than that by which the San-Maximinian had begun austerity.

Not willing also, just as the monks themselves before he had admonished, those who

outside are, and in secular yet act by worldly

bonds are bound, by the austerity of a more attentive life to condemn;

but rather by benign exhortations and an alluring

blandishment, [and the seculars themselves to a virtue fitting their state he bids to be animated.] the way of truth shown, the cloud

of error to open; that not to be drawn each one may begin

but to follow step by step, as far as through the condition of his own state

it shall be allowed. But if anyone, he says, either bound be by a spouse

or by children impeded, has, besides these strict things,

let him believe, but by the access of another vocation admitted.

[115] Which whole context although well Latin be, many

yet has of the new testament places, In this book he seems from sole memory to have alleged the Scriptures, which seem not described

according to some which then vulgate was version

Latin; but rather from memory, suggesting the words of the text

Greek, not always most faithfully as to words, faithfully yet

as to sense, because there the Greek text perhaps was not at hand:

which the author to have been Athanasius, as the title bears,

to us confirms. Let an example be the place from I Peter 3 v. 26.

Prepared always be to render an account to

all, asking you about the word of your faith and your hope,

and from I Cor. 12, v. 12 For as the body one

members has many; but all the members of the body

one, since they be many, the body one are, and

2 Cor. 11, v. 2 Being zealous of you with zeal I have betrothed you to one man,

and Matth. 10, v. 37 Whoever shall have made more me a house

or a wife &c.

[116] Such a thing it will be allowed to observe also in the following work

to which the title, An Exhortation to the Spouse of Christ, as also in another which is an exhortation to the Spouse of Christ, which indeed

ceremony consecrated, that we may learn, says the author,

the consecration. For since the whole crowd of believers

equal of grace gifts receives, and with the same all of the sacraments

benedictions glory; those

something proper before the rest have; when from that

holy and immaculate of the Church flock, as holier

and purer hosts, for the merits of their will,

by the holy Spirit are chosen; and, through the supreme

Priest, of God are offered to the altar. in which is cited some Roman canon, Certainly

also in this work about the end admonishing the author the Spouse

of Christ, lest to anyone either of lusting an occasion she give,

and a reason adding, because more criminous is Christ's

adulteress than a husband's; sufficiently he indicates himself among the Westerners

beautifully the Roman Church, by an Apostolic without doubt

whose See it holds spirit animated, so severe

lately about such a thing a sentence established, that

scarcely even of penitence worthy it judged, who a body sanctified

to God by lustful defilement should have violated.

[117] These words if anywhere be found among the Canons of the Roman

Pontiffs, about the author and his age something more certain

to teach us they will be able: meanwhile it will be allowed to believe the title, which

St. Benedict of Aniane in the century of the Christian era IX found,

prefixed to the work, as more likely I think, in Latin written; and it to St.

Athanasius to leave. To these things he seems to have looked to a Synod

Roman some under Sylvester Pope, or his successors

Mark or Julius, held at that time in which in the Gauls in quiet

enough was conversant Athanasius, and of such a writing to have an occasion

he could amid the veiling of some Virgin more illustrious; perhaps of a certain Synod under Sylvester.

not indeed to the claustral communion, which not yet perhaps

to be used in the West had begun, and of which no in this

exhortation vestige; but to the Church's ministry, and

that of the same Saint similar other little works more, either in Greek

or in Latin, to be found it might happen! for to all ought to be applied

what in the Spiritual Meadow Chapter 4 to John Moschus said the Abbot

Cosinas, When thou shalt have found anything of the little works of St. Athanasius,

nor shalt have papers for writing, on thy garments

write it.

CHAPTER XI.

The death of Arius: Athanasius' return from exile.

[118] Not for many months in the Gauls had been Athanasius,

when his cause of so great a defender deprived,

himself undertaking God, openly declared, how to him hateful

was the heresy Arian; that one's author by such a death taken away,

which every from anyone doubt ought to take away. This

himself Athanasius, in the Epistle to Serapion the brother and

fellow-minister (he was indeed Bishop of Thmuis) set forth, Arius to Constantinople to come permitted by the Emperor,

as he had learned from the relation of Macarius the Presbyter, who present

was. 1 p. 670 Summoned had been by the Emperor Constantine

Arius, by the work and zeal of the Eusebians: whom entering

the Emperor interrogated, whether the faith of the Catholic

Church he kept: he himself swore himself rightly

to believe, and a copy of his faith written delivered;

concealing those things for which he had been by Alexander ejected

from the Church, and the Scriptures' locutions through hypocrisy

imitating. Swearing therefore not to have thought those things for

which had ejected him Alexander, with peace dismissed the Emperor:

If right, saying, is thy faith, well hast thou sworn:

God according to thy oath will judge of thee.

[119] yet not to the church received by the Bishop, Thus going out from the Emperor, wished the Eusebians

to bring into the church, with their wonted violence:

but the Constantinopolitan Bishop Blessed Alexander

opposed himself saying, the inventor of a heresy

not ought into communion to be received. To whom threatening

the Eusebians answered: Just as unwilling thee

we made him to be called by the Emperor, so on the day tomorrow,

however much to thee grievous it be, with us in this church

will communicate Arius: for it was the sabbath, when

these things they said. These heard vehemently grieved the Bishop

Alexander, and entered into the church and his hands

to God extending, wept: and on his face

himself casting in the sacrarium, prone upon the pavement

prayed both he, and who with him was Macarius,

and the voice of him praying he heard. at whose prayer But he asked of two

one or the other, saying; If tomorrow hither to be brought to

communion Arius is, dismiss me, Lord, thy servant,

nor together with the impious the pious destroy: but

if thy church thou sparest (and I know that thou sparest) look

upon the words of the Eusebians, nor give into destruction and reproach

thy heritage: but Arius from the midst

take away, lest, him into the church entering, together with him

to enter seem also a heresy, and impiety thenceforth

for piety be held.

[120] he is burst asunder in a latrine, Such things when had prayed Alexander, he withdrew vehemently

solicitous: and immediately a stupendous thing and wonderful

happened. The Eusebians threatening prayed the Bishop,

and Arius on them relying and much babbling into

the latrines withdrew, as for the belly's necessity: and there

suddenly prone leaning, according to what is written,

he burst in the middle; and collapsed on the earth expired,

at once both of life and of communion frustrated. And this

was Arius' end: but the Eusebians greatly confounded

their comrade buried. extinguished by a divine judgment. But of blessed memory

Alexander, the Church exulting, celebrated the synaxis

with all the brethren, in true piety and right faith

praying, and glorifying greatly God; not as

rejoicing over that death (far be it, for to all proposed

it is once to die) but because beyond human judgments that

happened. For the Lord himself, judging the Eusebians'

threats and Alexander's prayers, had condemned the heresy

Arian, and had shown it to be of ecclesiastical communion

unworthy.

[121] But him thus extinguished, not was quiet the disputation

about those things which he had invented dogmas, says Sozomen book

2 chapter 29, nor did they cease the same with him thinking

against those thinking differently to be adversaries. Nay even, the Alexandrians with St. Antony seeking the return of Athanasius, when the people

Alexandrian continually vociferated, and in

their supplications for Athanasius' return prayed,

and that great monk Antony often for the same

cause wrote, and persuaded not to be believed

the Meletians, and their accusations to be held

for calumnies; by no means persuaded was the Emperor:

but to the Alexandrians indeed he wrote, of madness and petulance

them accusing; but to the Clerics and the holy Virgins he commanded

that they should be quiet; affirming himself by no means to be moved

from his purpose, nor to be revoked by himself Athanasius,

as seditious and by an ecclesiastical judgment condemned,

to Antony finally he answered, the sentence of the Synod by him

not to be able lightly to be esteemed: For although, he said, a few

some to hatred or favor judged; the Emperor desirous of peace repels them; not yet

credible it is, so great a multitude of so illustrious and

notable Bishops to the same part to have been led.

Athanasius certainly contumelious and arrogant,

and of disturbances the cause to be: for those who more alien were

from him in mind about these things most him accused, knowing

how vehemently such men the Emperor abhorred.

[122] For the same also cause John the successor of Meletius,

although by the Council of Tyre to communion received, and John the Meletian into exile he sends; led

he could not be that he should receive, but him also he punished with exile, because

he had understood for his cause divided into factions the Alexandrians'

Church, some him, some Athanasius commending. His

however innocence at length at some time learning, in the last of life's

time him to Alexandria to return he ordered, and that present

Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia, and the contrary to persuade

attempting, as says Theodoret book 1 chapter 32. Died then the great

Constantine, on XXI of May, in the year CCCXXXVII: from whose testament

the Empire partitioned the sons: so that to Constantine by birth

the eldest fell Spain, Britain, Gaul also Belgic,

of Germany the part about the Rhine and Danube and of Africa the part

more Western; to Constans by birth the youngest Italy, Illyricum, and dies, the return of Athanasius first decreed: to the Pontus

Euxine neighboring; Macedonia, Greece, Crete, Sicily, Sardinia,

and Africa the rest; to Constantius Thrace with neighboring Mysia, Asia,

Syria, Egypt, and of the East the Empire from Illyricum to Nisibis.

But because Constantius the second-born had been drawn into the Arian

heresy's defense, through that Presbyter, to whom his testament

dying the Emperor had commended, was deferred St. Athanasius'

return, for a whole and more year: the Eusebians meanwhile

in the Arians' favor moving every stone, that

both himself they might keep off, and whatever to their counsels opposing

orthodox Bishops, with heretical men into their place

substituted: who under Constantius retarded, as prolixly sets forth himself Athanasius

in the epistle to the Solitaries, asserting the Eusebians, because through women

to all themselves to have shown terrible. 1 p. 813 To the women further, among whom

was the wife herself of Constantius, to be numbered also the Eunuchs

of the palace ought: who as themselves to the Eusebians' wishes altogether had fitted,

so also obnoxious to themselves immoderately the Emperor drew

whithersoever they would.

[123] Nonetheless, when in the year CCCXXXVIII somewhere had come together

the three brothers, and among the rest about peace to the Churches to be restored had treated,

as from Athanasius himself is gathered, at length it is granted, they ordered each to

his fatherland and his Church to return, about others indeed

writing to each one's proper Church; but about Athanasius

these, Constantine Caesar to the people of the Catholic

Church of the city Alexandrian. 1 p. 814 I think not to your

holy mind to be unknown, that Athanasius the of the adorable

law interpreter, therefore for a time sent into the Gauls

was, since the ferocity of the bloodthirsty enemies

of him perilously threatened his sacred head, lest perchance

through the wicked, those machinations something incurable

he should suffer. writing about that matter to the Alexandrians Constantine the Younger. But that to elude

snatched from the jaws of men plotting against him,

he was ordered with me so to live, that in whatever he stayed city

with all necessaries he should abound; although the venerable

man's virtue, on divine help relying, of a harsher fortune

the weights lightly esteemed. Therefore since the Lord and

Father mine Constantine Augustus, as much as

he wished, on account of your distinguished piety, the same

Bishop to his place to restore; but by human

chance forestalled, before this his vow he fulfilled,

fell asleep; congruous I judged, that I the purpose

of the Emperor of pious memory should undertake and fulfill.

When he to your sight shall have come,

you will know in how great honor with me he was.

Nor less, if anything graciously toward him I have done; for

to this my mind moved and induced of desire

your representation, and the very of so great a man appearance. Divine

providence you preserve, beloved Brethren. Given

XV Kalends of July. At Trier.

[124] Returning he twice treats with Constantius, To Athanasius' to Alexandria returning journey to look

seems what in the Apology to Constantius he writes, that

him the Emperor that deigned to see, first

at Viminacium, which place is at the Danube in Moesia first, and

again at Caesarea, which is in Cappadocia: of which

two meetings and the later third at Antioch, as witness

the Emperor himself's memory he appeals, whether either then

about the Eusebians him afflicting with him he made

mention; or accused any of them by

whom he was affected with injury. 1 p. 676 he sees Paul Bishop at Constantinople, But if, he says, neither

for those things about which me to speak it behoved I accused them,

whence to me this madness, by which before the Emperor I should have traduced

the Emperor, and brother with brother committed?

of which namely falsely he was charged by his rivals. 1 p. 813

In the same journey at Constantinople passing Athanasius, present

was at the accusation aimed at Paul the Constantinopolitan

Bishop, as he indicates in the Epistle to the Solitaries, Paul's orthodox

faith even by this proving, that who this made guilty

Macedonius, even then with his guilty one, of whom a Presbyter

he was, communicated.

[125] But since Alexandria not yet had entered

the Saint, and through Syria on the journey from exile returned, 1 p. 725

by the Prefect of Egypt were condemned some, he passes through Syria, for whose

cause it shamed not the adversaries, savagery to Athanasius to impute:

which deservedly are indignant the Alexandrian Fathers, since,

if even in Alexandria itself he had been, nothing to him would have pertained

of the Judges or Prefect the acts, from a matter no ecclesiastical

an occasion having. 1 p. 748 Note also the same Fathers, that returning

from exile Athanasius, his church, by which he was received,

even then vacant found: and thence they infer,

him, when he was relegated into Gaul, not to have been

held for truly condemned; and his Throne still vacant he receives. in whose place another constituted

could have been and ought. How great then was of that Church the gladness

nowhere is expressed: the comparison however which institutes

Nazianzen, a later other of Athanasius reception

describing, seems this most time to regard, in which,

from a similar flight and for the same causes undertaken, to Alexandria

he returned. 3 p. 18 For if that later one, with no other

whatever meeting's festivity comparable, with this however

could be conferred; it behoves it altogether the greatest and almost

inexplicable to have been.

CHAPTER XII.

New machinations of the Eusebians, both with the Emp. Constantius, and at Rome with Pope Julius; whom Athanasius himself goes to.

[126] Scarcely had returned to Alexandria Athanasius, when his adversaries,

fearing, From returned Athanasius fearing for themselves the adversaries, as Rufinus says book 11

chapter 15, lest if perchance of approaching the King Constantius a free at some time

opportunity should be made for Athanasius, through him the truth's

faith, which they perverted, according to the Scriptures

he should be taught; in all ways him to charge before the Prince

they undertake, and against him very many criminous

at once and flagitious things compose. 1 p. 724 But especially,

from that which above we touched occasion, on account of the Prefect's acts nothing

to him then still absent pertaining; they object

slaughters and homicides to have been perpetrated after Athanasius' entrance.

Which the Alexandrian Synod refuting Slaughters,

it says, altogether none, neither by Athanasius nor

through Athanasius committed was … Slaughters and chains

alien are from our Church: they calumniate that slaughters for his cause were done, to an executioner no one ever

Athanasius delivered: nor a prison, as much

as in him was, on account of him ever was wearied. Our sacraries,

as ever, so also now clean are, and

by Christ's blood alone and true into him piety sanctified.

Not a Presbyter, not a Deacon slain

by Athanasius was, nor death to anyone or exile

he inflicted. Would that those, who truly persecution stir up,

nothing such against him had done! for no one

for his cause hence went into exile, except the very Bishop

of Alexandria, Athanasius, by those driven: whom

dismissed, again with the same and worse evils they study

to involve, and altogether to false and deadly words their tongues

they sharpen.

[127] Another then crime they devise, which the aforesaid

Synod thus sets forth and refutes. Grain was given by

the father of the Emperors for the sustenance of widows, partly

Libyan partly Egyptian, which even now

they receive, Athanasius nothing thence taking except labor. 1 p. 737 that the grain to be given to widows he turned to himself,

Now however receiving they, nor complaining

anything, but to be furnished to themselves confessing, is traduced

Athanasius, that the whole grain

he bought and into his own uses laid up: and this wrote

the Emperor, by their criminations to complaints to be put down

induced … while they themselves study the grain

to turn away from the Church through such a calumny,

and to the Arians to transfer.

[128] But especially accused Athanasius the adversaries,

witness Socrates book 2 chapter 5, that by the Council of Tyre deposed,

without the counsel and consent of a common Council

of Bishops, that without the Council's assent he returned. the grade of the Priesthood again he had ascended;

and from exile returning, by his own arbitration into

the church he had rushed … nay even, what at Tyre against

him had been done, they brought forth into the midst: not

only with Constantius, to such to be undertaken prone,

(as appears from his querulous about grain epistle, of which

already we made mention) but also to Rome and to the Emperors

Constantine and Constans writing. 1 p. 815 but in vain with Constantine and Constans. But

because the legates sent by Athanasius, as he himself says in the epistle

to the Solitaries, their lies refuted, were rejected

with shame by the Emperors aforenamed. 1 p. 675 Elsewhere

also confesses Athanasius, that at Alexandria being,

necessary he had to excuse himself by letters with Constans,

on account of those things which the Eusebians calumniously to him

had written. Finally collected and everywhere sent

were by the Synod Alexandrian testimonies of the Priests

Libyan, Pentapolitan, and Egyptian,

that even thence it might be established about the calumny to Athanasius

inflicted.

[129] Meanwhile Eusebius, who long before his eyes had cast

to the Episcopate of the city of Constantinople, which into

the primary of the Empire seat erected had been by Constantine (for

in the same manner from Berytus to Nicomedia he had leaped across)

just as by accusing he had effected that by Constantine relegated

into Pontus Paul the Constantinopolitan Bishop was; 1 p 813

so also with Constantius he acted, Paul of Constantinople being driven out his See occupies Eusebius, that a convened upon that business

Synod, he should be deposed again from that See, and himself substituted,

persuaded, as the Alexandrians about him complain, in the greatness

of cities his religion to be, and the lot

of God, according to which constituted and ordained he had been,

for nothing reckoning. 1 p. 727 St. Paul is venerated on the day VII of July,

when about his exiles and death more fully to be treated will be by us;

now of him here to make mention suffices, for the Alexandrian Arians he takes care a Bishop to be ordained, insofar as his history involved

is with the Acts of St. Athanasius: to whom that the same bean

they might pound the Eusebians, Antioch they choose, for holding against

him and the orthodox faith conventicles; but meanwhile

for the Arians who at Alexandria were, by Secundus the Arian Bishop

to be ordained they take care a Bishop, Pistus.

[130] Of those who at Antioch had come together the chief were

Dianius of Caesarea in Cappadocia, Flacillus of Antioch,

Narcissus of Neronias, Eusebius now of Constantinople,

Maris of Chalcedon, Macedonius of Mopsuestia,

Theodorus of Heraclea the Bishops: who to Julius the Roman

Pope letters sent: and judging themselves Athanasius about to terrify,

asked a Synod to be indicted, and himself if

he would Julius to be made judge. 1 p. 739 These letters, together with the Acts

of the Tyrian Conventicle, and to Rome to be cited Athanasius he asks. before so sedulously concealed, brought

to Rome the Eusebians' legates, Macarius the Presbyter

and Martyrius and Hesychius the Deacons: who seem

also in their mandates to have had to insist with Julius, that to Pistus

he should write, so that thus to seem the Pontiff with that one, whom

an Arian to be they dissembled, he hither thither his Presbyters sends, to communicate. These being known not

was wanting to himself and his cause Athanasius: but also himself Presbyters

of his some to Rome dispatched; to whom the Eusebians,

as in his epistle testifies himself Julius, in no way equal,

and ever by them convicted and refuted, a Council

to be indicted asked, and letters both to the Eusebians and

to Alexandria to Athanasius to be sent, by which they should be convoked,

that before all by a just judgment about the cause

it might be learned: for then themselves about Athanasius about to prove

to be, what now they could not… Athanasius'

Presbyters with good confidence before Julius resisting.

[131] The same Presbyters also taught, that Pistus (for

whom had begun to solicit the Pontiff the Eusebians, before

those to judgment themselves presented) an Arian to be, who before Julius the adversaries confound. and on that name

both by Alexander and by the Nicene Synod ejected:

and the grade of his order from a certain Secundus, whom likewise

the great Synod as an Arian had rejected, to have received. 1 p. 743

To these indeed neither Macarius' comrades

contradicted, nor Pistus to have been by Secundus constituted

denied … But Macarius himself the Presbyter

when he had heard superior to be Athanasius' Presbyters,

the Pontiff his and Martyrius and Hesychius' presence

awaiting, although by bodily sickness he was held,

by night however withdrew, confounded on account of the refutation

of Pistus, as much as it was allowed by conjecturing to attain. These himself

Julius.

[132] Meanwhile congregated was at Alexandria already often

cited the holy Synod from Egypt, [to the same and other everywhere Bishops writes for Athanasius the Alexandrian Synod,] the Thebaid, Libya,

the Pentapolis; 1 p. 722 which to all everywhere of the Catholic Church

Bishops, to Julius especially, wrote for Athanasius that long

Epistle, which all of it he reports in the Syllogus, and from

which very many things in the preceding we have received, the history of the things

about the Saint done and of the calumnies to him aimed

containing.

The exordium of that Epistle is this. We could

indeed, most beloved Brethren, immediately from the beginning of the forged

against Athanasius our fellow-minister calumny;

then after his to Alexandria return, respond

upon the feigned crimes of the Eusebians, and at the same time

show how nothing except mere impostures

they had objected. But because times those did not permit it,

as you yourselves know, but afterward we judged for

the restitution of the Bishop Athanasius they would lower their face

and with shame to be suffused for so manifest injustice; on account of the old calumnies by the Eusebians impudently renewed,

we thought the matter to be passed over with silence.

But since after so great of that man's calamities,

after the gone-to Gaul and life abroad spent, after

the all-but endured death, on account of their

accusations, unless a more humane Emperor he had used,

after these finally all things, with which any enemy

satiated however much fierce could have been; since, I say,

they blush not, but again impudently are carried

against the Church and Athanasius; and his dismissal

grievously bearing and worse than the former machinating,

they fear not what in the sacred Letters written

is, A false witness unpunished shall not be, and, A mouth

which lies kills the soul; we cannot be silent

longer. Prov. 19 Sap. 1

[133] Hence entering into the matter proposed, each

of the accusations against Athanasius aimed heads they set forth

and refute, most efficaciously demonstrating their vanity, the same severally refuting,

equally as of the judgment at Tyre exercised the injustice: finally

in the conclusion of the Epistle about the Eusebians they complain, that

now not secretly, but openly, the Arian men, and

on that name by the whole Church condemned, against

the Churches they incite, and a Bishop for them constitute,

the Churches torn asunder from one another through fear, complaining that by them are fostered the Arians, that to them

everywhere may abound cooperators of their impiety: and therefore

both Deacons to be sent to the Arians, who with them

communicating, and letters receiving and sending,

the Church into a schism cast: those things also to be written everywhere

which a heresy commend and the Church

defame, as can be seen from the letters to the Roman

Bishop, and perhaps to others severally written. And so

all they pray, that this contestation undertaken, and under the false of the Egyptians name against the Saint to be written. with Athanasius

they should condole, and a zeal and indignation should put on

against the Eusebians … nor to them attend if again

against Athanasius they write (for whatever from them

proceeds, false is) not even if the Egyptians'

Bishops' names they subscribe to the Epistles. 1 p. 738 Certain

it is, they say, us not to subscribe, but the Meletians,

men ever schismatic, who even now disturb

the Churches, and seditions move, and decrees altogether

absurd and almost heathen make; and those things perpetrate

which a shame it is to commit to letters, but from their bearers

they can be learned.

[134] for the same also others from elsewhere write. In the year CCCXXXIX these done and written seem

(before in the following year a Council at Rome was indicted, of

which below) but about the same time and zeal also from other

provinces Bishops for Athanasius wrote, as Julius

the Pope asserts in his to the Antiochene Synod Epistle, and,

as in the Syllogus notes Athanasius, others both from Asia, both from

Phrygia, both from Isauria, of which each one's names

with their epistles are carried about nearly sixty-

three. 1 p. 750, 1 p. 768 To which Julius the Pope opportunely adverting, the Eusebians

admonishes, that if to their letters faith to be given they ask;

fair equally it to be that to the letters of those who for Athanasius

write faith be not denied; especially since, wherefore Julius a Council at Rome indicts;

they from his fatherland far being distant, those who in the same

places with Athanasius dwell, as about a man known

and the things there done more certain, a good testimony

about his life's innocence afford, affirming him

not but with feigned crimes to be oppressed. 1 p. 746 Further Julius to the Eusebians

and to Athanasius wrote, a Council to be made it behoves,

where safely mutually they might object crimes, and the objected refute. 1 p. 815

[135] That of the Pontiff's mind being understood himself to himself to be approached

determined Athanasius. whither when had come Athanasius, But when he to Rome

had come, in the month about September of the year CCCXXXIX

immediately Julius to the Eusebians letters wrote, and sent

through two of his Presbyters Elpidius and Philoxenus;

they should present, or should know themselves in all ways suspect

to be held. 1 p. 739, 1 p. 816 But they when Athanasius at Rome to be present

they heard, contrary to what they had hoped he would dare, and understanding

an ecclesiastical assembly to be about to be, where neither a Count

would be present, nor satellites before the doors keep watch,

nor according to the prescript of Caesar would be done all things,

by which reasons and not others the Bishops they had conquered; they dared not appear the Eusebians.

who without that garrison not even to speak dared, so

bristled and with fear were contracted, that the Presbyters

they retained beyond the appointed day, an excuse-making

meanwhile base feigning, themselves on account of the wars of the Persians to come

not to be able. But in that matter nothing of truth; but the fear

of conscience them urged. For what business of Bishops

with war? or what of obstacle to them from the Persians

arose, that the less to Rome they should come, a city indeed

far-off and transmarine. Of the East meanwhile

the places and their provinces going about, in the manner of lions

they sought if anyone to them was adverse, that him through calumny

they might cast into exile.

CHAPTER XIII.

The Antiochene conventicle's acts against Athanasius: Gregory the Arian's violent into his church entrance.

[136] A whole year and entire six months, says

in his Epistle Julius, with us stuck Athanasius,

the Eusebians' presence awaiting or

however many to appear dared; and by his presence

he shamed all: as one who to judgment himself had not presented,

unless of himself confidence he had had. 1 p. 748 Nor indeed, says Julius,

of his own accord he appeared, but by our letters called to judgment;

just as also you we cited. Meanwhile

Constantine the Younger forces against Constans moving, by a sedition

military near Aquileia caught, Constantine the Younger being extinguished, to new hopes raised the Eusebians, and into the river

Alsa precipitated perished, on the day VI of April in the year CCCXL.

That death in Asia announced, that the Eusebians' minds vehemently

it raised, doubt to be none can. And so the sent

by Julius Presbyters variously to mock they began, many complaining

about Julius himself, and namely, that the epistle which they had brought

by Julius alone written alone addressed the Eusebians, and

not also others at Antioch at the same time present, and together with

the Eusebians constituting a Synod, which not universally rejected

the Church; but the established in it Canons several approving

confirmed, while them after the death of St. John Chrysostom

it received into that celebrated compilation of CLXV Canons, in the Antiochene Council prevailing,

as in the Councils of Nicaea, Ancyra, Neocaesarea, Gangra,

Antioch, Laodicea and Constantinople legitimately

decreed: of which also two, which among the Antiochene

are the fourth and fifth, the Chalcedonian General

Council in Action 4 without scruple produced. A conventicle

however in the title we said, because it in this history

we consider, insofar as the first of authority parts in it having

the Eusebians, and received to communion the Arians, made,

that no by another eye it we ought to consider, than

by which it considered St. Athanasius and St. Innocent Pope

I, its outcome rather than its beginning considering; and more

attending what the Eusebians intended, even in those things which otherwise

rightly they constituted; than what regarded the Bishops several

indeed orthodox, and from sole with the Arians communion reprehensible,

so far however excusable, insofar as persuaded

they were them by the sole of Consubstantiality word to be offended, the matter

to admit.

[137] But Julius neither this excused to them writing back,

but that freely he showed to be sinned in this, that the Arians,

by all condemned, against the sentence of those

who the cause judged, they received: nor however

his communion to them on that account he denied, most beloved

in Christ Brethren still them calling: but to the objected

crimination, about Julius himself complaints they move most vain; as if to the Eusebians alone writing the rest

of the Synod he had dishonored, he excuses himself not from elsewhere than from

the Eusebians letters to have received against Athanasius, and therefore

necessarily to those to have responded who had written. Similarly

also to the other of the complaint's head, that alone to them he had written;

consequent it is, he says, that you be indignant that

they to me alone had written… although however alone

I am who wrote, not my however alone sentence,

but of all the Italians and of all in these regions

Bishops I wrote. And this very thing testifies Athanasius

in his to the orthodox Epistle, in the following year written, where

he says, that, when not yet those crimes had come on (about

which by Philagrius and Gregory perpetrated he complains, as soon

we shall see) the Bishops at Rome, hostile to the former of the same

men deeds, a council to be indicted and celebrated

wished. 1 p. 950 But this dreading the Eusebians,

says Athanasius, that the Church they might disturb and us

from the midst take away, and a new assembly of their own at Antioch convened, and so without fear do what

they would, and a censurer not have, entered

counsel, and again at Antioch indicted an assembly, which

Athanasius in the book on the Synods says to have been held at the time

of the encaenia, namely of that Basilica whose foundations

Constantine to be laid had ordered before ten years, to which came together

in number ninety Bishops, the Consuls Marcellinus

and Probinus, in the Indiction XIV, that is in the year CCCXLI,

present there the most impious Constantius.

[138] Here the chief for the Eusebians care was, to confirm the deposition

of Athanasius at Tyre decreed, they confirm the deposition of Athanasius and into the Alexandrian

See to substitute another: for which Eusebius the faction's

head to Antioch had summoned a certain to himself namesake,

whose birth, instruction, doctrine from Georgius of Laodicea

fully describes Theodoret book 2 chapter 6. But since this one

to Alexandria to set out feared, because

Athanasius by the Alexandrian people very much was loved,

he preferred to the Church of Emesa to be set over; and from thirty-

six mansions of Antioch a stranger Bishop

was named, as says Julius. Gregorius was, by nation

Nicetas and others, where excusing his fatherland Cappadocia,

which him and likewise Georgius bore, the other afterward

invader of the See (since indeed even in a vineyard thorns are born)

immediately he subjoins: Nor indeed are there wanting who not even my

namesake from fault free, who by doctrine's

love and zeal at that time at Alexandria abroad

acting, when by Athanasius himself most humanely, and for him they ordain Gregorius, not otherwise

than of sons the dearest, he had been received; and so great with

him favor he had obtained and authority, that matters of greatest

weight to him were committed; counsel (as men's

talk was) he had taken of rising up against his father

and patron. And although others were actors

of the tragedy, the hand however of Absalom, as it was said, with

them was.

[139] But, who would believe Gregorius the invader, whom

openly to all it was the chief furious erynnys's part

to have sustained in the Alexandrian theater, to be excluded from the actors' number

to be able, as one who behind a curtain hiding, diverse from him who once Athanasius' guest, of those set forth on

the stage persons the modes and acts by a hidden moderates suggestion,

and by the sole common talk to have been brought into the suspicion

of a crime so notorious? What? that of his own whatever

namesake treating Nazianzen, and his as of Absalom

once a hand to have been with the adversaries indicating, to far

earlier times and the first of the persecution against Athanasius

moved beginnings seems to look. For mention being made

about the hand of Absalom, immediately he subjoins: If anyone of you is,

who that hand, from which on the holy man a false crime

was inflicted, and the dead one living, and the unjust

exile knows, what I say he understands: for these all

regard Arsenius, and the Tyrian judgment, and the Trier exile.

Whatever therefore part in this tragedy had

that hitherto hidden namesake of Nazianzen, by whose cause

in the mouth of the common people defamed even Cappadocia was, as new

repeatedly adversaries to Athanasius bringing forth, that one acted in the year

CCCXXXV; accordingly diverse from him he was, who in the year CCCXLI

only into the scene came forth and died in the year CCCXLIX. in the year 335 his adversaries secretly favored. Finally

that of singular modesty and reverence full of his namesake

accusation, does it not seem to indicate Nazianzen to treat

of someone, when these things were said years after the invader Gregorius'

death more than twenty, still living, and of virtue,

doctrine and dignity in esteem with him comparable, and

whom his own he himself namesake by antonomasia called?

But if free thoughts freely to bring forth it be allowed, no one is into

whom suspicion of favor against Athanasius shown and of work

to his adversaries secretly given, with a notable of ingratitude mark,

more easily can fall it seems, than into St. Basil's younger

brother St. Gregory of Nyssa; who at that time, in

the flower of adolescence and of studies, an age of years perhaps thirty

had attained, worthy whom Athanasius should receive so lovingly,

and so confidently employ in business, hopes from everywhere

greatest about himself making. But that suspicion if vain

is not; to the same, to the better afterward joined and a professed of the Arians

enemy, a just retribution repaid God, when he permitted

that even himself in the year CCCLXXII a not unlike should suffer

persecution from those with whom once he had colluded, and whole

eight years an exile from his Church should act: which and his other

praises abundantly ought to have washed out the stain, if any once was by

[140] I return to the of the Alexandrian See invader Gregorius,

by the Eusebians ordained at Antioch: which matter by what reason

it was done altogether I am ignorant, says Julius, for not

it was fitting, when we to celebrate a Synod letters

sent, some to preoccupy the judgment of the Synod:

then not it was fitting new those modes against the Church

to be introduced. 1 p. 784 Julius is indignant at the novelty of the crime: For where is such an ecclesiastical canon

or Apostolic tradition, according to which, the Church

peace having, and the Bishops Provincial with

the Alexandrian Bishop Athanasius consenting,

should be sent in Gregorius, an external man, neither at Alexandria

baptized, nor to the people known, nor asked

by the Presbyters; and he at Antioch, should be created

Bishop, thence to be conducted to Alexandria, not with

the Presbyters or Deacons of the city, not with the Bishops

of Egypt, the Eusebians, the Consubstantial being repudiated but with soldiers? as below we shall see.

This matter accomplished, says Theodoret book 2 chapter 7, the faith

to change they labored: who indeed to seem wished

nothing of those things which in the Council of Nicaea were done

to reprehend: but truly however they strove the faith of the Consubstantial

with the Father Son to weaken, that gradually

men to Arius' opinion they might impel. Therefore when

formerly in the Hierosolymitan, as we saw, encaenia Arius' madness

they had praised, and the Arians into communion

to be received had decreed; understanding themselves therefore by

all ill to be heard of for heresy, in various ways they wrote

by which they deny themselves Arius' followers to be, or, since

they are of Episcopal order, a new of faith formula they establish, a Presbyter to follow: nay rather

they say, themselves of his faith, that is the Arian, examiners and approvers

made, rather him to admit than to follow:

but expressly to believe … in one son of God

only-begotten, before all ages existing, and coexisting

with the Father from whom he was begotten. 1 p. 892

[141] But since the former they had repented and new ones had devised,

another in the same encaenia they issued epistle,

professing themselves to believe in the son of God only-begotten, through

whom all things; and him to have been born before the ages from

the Father, and again another, God from God, Whole from Whole, Sole from

Sole, Perfect from Perfect, King from King, Lord

from Lord, the Word living, Wisdom living,

Light true, the Way, the Truth, the Resurrection,

the Shepherd, the Door; immutable and inalterable

as to Divinity, and essence and will,

power and glory; the Father's image

of dissimilitude devoid, the First-born of all

creation, and the same in the beginning with God

the Word. 1 p. 894 Theophronius further Bishop of Tyana

to which all, the man's religion approved, subscribed.

In this however is said the Only-begotten, through

whom all things, to be begotten from the Father before the ages,

God perfect from God perfect, and with the Father

to exist in his own person. Which all, in words diverse,

in sense the same and Catholic, to this looked, that it might be persuaded the Consubstantiality

confession, since the word was unwonted to the Scriptures,

not to be extorted from men, the matter itself as it seemed

holding; and that excluded the Church could be pacified, received

into it the Arians; and for disturbers to be held, who

them under the pretext of the Nicene faith excluded wished.

[142] Such things at Antioch to be done and further to be done understanding

Athanasius, thought not with so great of his Church danger, Returns meanwhile to Alexandria Athanasius, into

which to be sent by force Gregorius daily to be feared could,

longer for himself at Rome to be waited in vain to be the adversaries,

whom judgment to escape sufficiently it appeared. To Alexandria

therefore he hastened to return, where him in the Pascha that deadly

storm caught, of which full is all the ecclesiastical history.

The matter as it was done it helps from Athanasius himself to learn, who in the epistle

to the Orthodox prolixly this argument treating, of this kind

[143] The matters at Rome and Antioch begun, when

ill to themselves everywhere conscious the Eusebians, and the Eusebians with Constantius treating, of their cause in

an Ecclesiastical assembly despaired; Constantius,

as of the heresy a champion, they go to with laments:

and Thou seest, they say, all from us to fall away, few

remaining we are: begin to persecute, since even by

these few we are deserted and forsaken left: whom

indeed by force to our communion through the exiles of Bishops

we drove, they by the Bishops to their Sees returning,

that against us they think, are persuaded. 1 p. 815

Write therefore to all, and send again Philagrius

the Prefect of Egypt: for he, as in fact already it has been plain,

fit is for things to be done: send likewise Gregorius

to stabilize. So Athanasius to the Solitaries, but to

the Orthodox before he had written what follows. And so

we according to custom living in peace, is set forth an edict about receiving Gregorius. and the peoples rejoicing

over the frequentation of the synaxes; and in a good

according to God conversation profiting the sacred fellow-ministers

through Egypt, the Thebaid, and Africa,

and by a mutual both among themselves, both toward us peace

connected; behold there immediately the Prefect letters

sets forth, in the form of an edict, as if a Gregorius certain

Cappadocian, a successor to me came from the Court. 1 p. 944

[144] The people more frequent within the church gathered, The fame of that business then, as in a new matter, and

now also after the matter performed, perturbed all.

Greater therefore for that cause into the temples of the people the concourse,

especially because they knew neither themselves, nor a Presbyter,

nor a Bishop any to have complained of me; alone

however the Arians with him they saw, and himself an Arian

to be they knew, for the Arians sent by the Eusebians

… The peoples therefore grievously it bearing and

on account of such a novelty to the churches coming together,

lest of the Arians the impiety to the ecclesiastical faith

be mixed; Philagrius, who once the church and

its holy Virgins with contumely had affected, breaks into it with armed men the Prefect Philagrius, and now

of Egypt Prefect was, of our religion an Apostate

and Gregorius' fellow-countryman, nothing holy in his morals

having, but by the Eusebians' patronage supported, and so much the more

zealously against the churches acting; of the gentiles troops

and of the Jews and whatever dissolute men

he hires with promises, which afterward he pays; and them

suddenly sends into the churches against the people with

swords and clubs … 1 p. 945

[145] And the church indeed and the baptistery were burned

with fire; but howlings and lamentations were heard

through the city, the citizens being indignant on account of

those things which were done, and crying out and about the force done

protesting. the Virgins and monks are dragged, For the holy Virgins and undefiled

were stripped, and suffered nefarious things, or if

they resisted, were in peril of life: the monks trodden

with feet to public servitudes were delivered * or with swords

and clubs beaten were taken from life; others were wounded

or beaten. But upon the table sacrosanct

what impiety was not committed! They offered

birds and pine-nuts, idols they praised; our Saviour

Jesus Christ, of the living God the son, they blasphemed

within the very churches of the Lord; the church is defiled, the sacred books,

there found, they delivered to the flames: but into the holy

baptistery, alas the audacity! Christ-slaying

Jews and profane gentiles, rashly entering and themselves

stripping, said and did, such things as even to narrate

would be a shame. Nor were there wanting men impious, who,

imitating the persecutions of old their bitterness, the Virgins

and continent women with injected hands they dragged,

and dragging compelled to blaspheme and to abnegate

Christ, but refusing they cut down and trampled.

[146] By such crimes that admirable and splendid

of Gregorius the Arian entrance adorned, the ornaments and utensils are plundered, as a wage

and prize of a wicked victory affording, to the Heathen

and Jews and others such things against us daring to be plundered

he gave the church. But by that insolence and

wickedness once permitted, were committed things more terrible

than in war, more atrocious than in robbery; while

these plundered what was at hand, those in cells laid up divided,

and a great of wine abundance either drank up or poured out

or carried off, and oil laid up they plundered;

the doors likewise and lattices as refuse they carried off,

and candelabra to the wall they placed, and the church's

wax-tapers to idols they kindled. Finally in the church another

thing to see there was not than rapines and slaughters: nor at

these did they blush the Arians impious, but worse besides

and crueler they added. For Presbyters and laymen

were exposed to contumely, lifted onto shoulders

the Virgins were brought to the Prelate's tribunal and were cast

into custody: others to the public were assigned

and were beaten with scourges; bread also to the sacred Ministers

and Virgins to be given was prohibited.

[147] These things were done in Lent about the Pascha;

and when fasted the Brethren, and these about the Pascha: that admirable Gregorius,

Caiaphas emulating, with the Prelate Pilate against the pious

worshippers of Christ raged drunk. Certainly on the day

of Parasceve, more atrocious things even done at Pentecost, with the Prelate and a multitude of gentiles,

one of the churches having entered, because he saw the people his violent

irruption to shun, made that the most cruel

Prelate at the same hour thirty-four Virgins,

matrons and freeborn men, should scourge publicly and into

prison should send: among whom of the Virgins one, of reading

studious and still the Psalter holding in her hands,

when similarly the Prelate had ordered publicly to be beaten with scourges;

the book itself indeed was torn apart by the executioners,

but the Virgin into custody delivered. These things thus done not

were they quiet not even into the following day: but counsel

they entered that also into another church, two other churches being invaded. in which

most I was conversant in those days, the same as before they should do.

But therefore to this also they wished to extend

their fury, that me there sought out they might kill:

which also it would have been done, unless Christ's grace had helped

me, that by flight escaped these few to you to narrate

I might be able.

[148] So far in the epistle to the Orthodox Athanasius, which

as now edited it stands perpetually for Gregorius Georgius exhibits, which all are wrongly ascribed to Georgius, afterward similarly raging.

with an error so much the more prone, the more easily these two names are altered;

and the more both of this Gregorius, who by Philagrius the Prefect

by force was led in; and of Georgius, who after years

fifteen by the Duke Syrianus introduced the same occupied See,

more similar beginnings, perhaps also the outcomes were. But

sufficiently each distinguish the names of the Magistrates, under whom

and with whom the things done are narrated; nor one place manifestly

corrupt, of which soon below num. 152 it can effect, that the epistle

that to later times we transfer; which begins

the Saint from the history of the Levite, who injury suffered in his wife,

the dead one's body cut, and the parts into all the tribes sent;

that to all to pertain might be believed a crime, such as in Israel

never had happened; just as there Athanasius shows

the Church Alexandrian never so dire things to have suffered,

as under Gregorius the Arian it endured. But the Pascha of the year CCCXLI,

in which these things were done, was celebrated on the day IX of April.

* ἐδημεύοντο

CHAPTER XIV.

Other crimes of Gregorius the intruder against the Orthodox.

[149] I, says Athanasius, his epistle to the Orthodox

pursuing, Athanasius flees, when I saw them to the extreme

to have come madness, and with myself reckoned by what

reason to beware I could lest further harm should suffer

the Church, the Virgins be defiled, and slaughters again

be done, and with new injuries be vexed the people; secretly

I withdrew myself from the multitude, the Saviour saying, If you in

one city they shall have persecuted, foreseeing an onslaught also against himself to be about to be made: flee into another. 1 p. 947 For from those

evils which they had perpetrated in the other church, I knew

no crime against this one in which I was staying they would omit.

Certainly not even the Lord's of the sacred Festivity

day there did they revere, that the less then also into custody

they thrust men, when the Lord

from the chains of death all absolved; and Gregorius with

his herd-mates, in attacking Christ on the Prefect's power

relying, the liberating day of Christ to his servants turned

into mourning (the Gentiles rejoicing at these things, and

the feast itself deriding) and the Christians bound

with the woes of chains, the mandates perhaps of the Eusebians

fulfilling.

[150] By such therefore violence the churches the Prefect

snatched, the snatched to Gregorius and the Arians delivered: So were the churches delivered to the Arians: and

who by us on account of impiety excommunicated had been,

about the churches' rapine congratulate themselves: but the people

of God and of the Catholic Church the Clerics are compelled

either to communicate with the heretics' perfidy, or from

the churches to abstain from entering. Nay even to shipmasters

and other sailing the sea no slight violence

inflicted Gregorius, others through the Prefect subjecting

to torments, others binding and into prison thrusting,

that his injustice they should not contradict, but

should receive from him letters, such namely as abroad setting out

faithful, that by others also they might be received, and the Prefect to the Emperor writing against the Saint, to be given

were wont. And not even with these content was he, but

with our blood also to be satiated desiring, he persuaded

the most cruel and his accomplice the Prefect, that, as

from the will of the people a suffragation against me to the most pious

Emperor Constans he should write, in most odious

conceived words, by which not to be fled merely,

but a thousand punishments worthy I might be esteemed. And the writer

indeed of the suffragation, before this of the religion Christian

either heathen are and of the idols sacristans, or

Arians.

[151] Finally, lest more prolix in writing I seem,

against the Church was made. For in another before this persecution,

if flight chose anyone, even lying hid he could

be baptized; now however a greater cruelty is exercised,

and to the Babylonians' impiety most like. For as

then the adversaries of Daniel, so now this admirable

Gregorius, those privately in his house praying to the Prefect

delivers, and the sacred ministers most injuriously watches;

so that on account of that violence many not baptized

are in peril, many without visitors are sick

and lament, the very disease bitterer esteeming

such a calamity. For the ministers of the Church

the impiety of the heretic Arians: and they prefer

rather so to be sick and to be in peril, than that upon

their heads come the hands of those. For an Arian

Gregorius is, and for the Arians sent; and therefore besides these

indeed no one him asks; he himself indeed, as

an alien and a mercenary, whatever bitter and grave things through

the consenting to himself Prefect inflicts on the Catholic Church's

people, as by no means his own.

[152] For since… him, whom for the Arians

before the Eusebians had constituted, after I about him

wrote, his communion shunning, you the Catholic Church's Bishops, his impiety

learned, to anathema subjected and excommunicated

declared; therefore Gregorius to the same Arians

they sent. But lest also this one, me similarly about

him writing, the same should suffer ignominy; an external

force against us they used, that while the churches they possessed,

of Arianism the suspicion they might seem to escape.

But in this also frustrated of their hope they were: [for no

one of the Ecclesiastics himself joined to Gregorius] unless

either heretics, or for a cause ejected, or on account of the Prefect's

violence to dissemble persuaded. Whom before to the Arians

the Eusebians sent, Pistus was called, as above we saw:

whose name and memory since it lay hid, just as before of Pistus. and the whole this about

Gregorius narration, to be about Georgius believed the scribe, to

some perhaps in the beginning of his manuscript error, the rest

fitting the context, doubted not, but in that place, which by points

we have marked; should be understood he who Georgius immediately had preceded,

namely Gregorius.

[153] So far the related things briefly touching the same Athanasius,

in the epistle to the Solitaries other certain things about Gregorius

adds here by no means to be passed over, although after Athanasius' flight

done, namely that thereafter even Bishops were scourged and

with bitter chains bound: when namely, the Alexandrian Churches occupied,

through the rest of Egypt force carried about

the Duke Balacius and Gregorius himself, Vexed in like manner others through Egypt Bishops, that himself the Province

whole the Primate to be acknowledged he might make. 1 p. 816 Then therefore Serapammon

but Potamon, who a Confessor also himself

an eye in the persecution had lost, cutting

with blows on his neck inflicted, not before were quiet than

cast away by them, and scarcely after some hours cured

and revived, he resumed his spirit; God to him life

granting, but very brief. After a little

time, for from the blows' pain, he died, having

in Christ the glory of a second Martyrdom: of whom see more to be

said May XVIII, when his name in the Roman Martyrology

is had.

[154] and variously rages Gregorius, How many other monks were scourged, sitting

at the tribunal Gregorius, with Balacius who Duke is called!

how many Bishops cut down! These however all

afterward that miserable Gregorius invited that with him

they should communicate… Nay even the Bishop's aunt thus

he persecuted, that not even dead he allowed to be buried;

and so unburied cast away she would have been, unless these who

her received, as their own dead had carried out;

so far was he impious. Besides when pilgrims various

an alms received, he ordered to this given to be plundered,

and the vessels in which oil and wine were brought

to be broken … Finally many also other things he did, which

of speech surpass the faculty, and one hearing them

incredible would esteem. The Latin interpreter of Athanasius Philagrius

writes, where in the Greek of either edition is said for

fitting to be for a Bishop: but it was fitting for a tyrant, and consonant are

the rest which are noted of Gregorius' crimes: wherefore I judge,

Philagrius immediately from expelled Athanasius to have returned to

the Emperor; or to the to be reduced under the yoke of the Arians city intent,

things abroad to be done to the soldiers' Duke Balacius to have committed.

[155] For the rest these things therefore thus he perpetrated, because neither according to

an ecclesiastical canon ordained he was, as an illegitimate invader, nor

according to the Apostolic tradition to the Episcopate

called; but from the Palace with a military hand and magnificent

pomp sent, as a Magistrate secular about to enter.

For the same also cause of Princes more,

than of Bishops or monks, he desired to be a friend. If at any time therefore even

Father Antony himself to him from the mountain wrote, he abominated his writings

(for piety to impiety an abomination is) but if the Emperor,

just as those of whom in the Proverbs as if with

ye who in depraved things delight and rejoice in the perversion

of the wicked. Him certainly who of this kind brought epistles

he remunerated with moneys; but of Antony at some time

writing the letters to Balacius the Duke to be spat upon he gave.

But the divine vengeance that by no means neglected: a little

after, namely turned the horse, on which the aforesaid Duke was carried

to the first mansion, him bit in the

thigh, and on the ground prostrated death within three

days took away. So far in the epistle to the Solitaries Athanasius:

who afterward in the Life of St. Antony, number with us

109, that Balacius' deed and punishment, no made of Gregorius

mention, more distinctly narrated: so that not by him on which

sat himself Balacius, but by the equally riding Nestorius'

horse most gentle, thrown down and lacerated the wretch is said: but is premised

indeed that a Duke he was under Nestorius the Prefect,

who although quickly after the intrusion of Gregorius had succeeded Philagrius,

of which to us it is not established, can however Balacius' death

after several years to have happened, since indeed Nestorius still

held the Prefecture in the year CCCXLIX, as in the return

of Athanasius will appear.

[156] Which since so were, deservedly wonders Julius, how

dared the Eusebians to write, that through the institution of Gregorius

and Athanasius' expulsion, whom lest they receive other Bishops, peace great at Alexandria

and in Egypt was made. But prudently

Athanasius, to the Orthodox Bishops concluding his Epistle,

thus admonishes. 1 p. 747 If therefore Gregorius to you should write, or

another about him; not, I pray, Brethren, receive the epistles

of him; but tear them, and with indignation repel: but

if also a pacificatory formula he dare to note,

neither this admit: for those who it received, by fear

of the Prefect manifoldly were compelled to it to carry through.

But since likely it is even the Eusebians

to you about to write about the same, I have studied you by admonishing

to anticipate, that God, or his epistles or his fautors the Eusebians, with whom

is not the acceptance of persons, imitating, you may expel

them; because in this time persecutions, debaucheries,

slaughters, rapines, burnings, and blasphemies, through heathen

and Jews, in favor of the Arians, into the churches they introduced.

What? that not even Gregorius himself can deny

himself to be an Arian: for will convict him who

to all the letters subscribes Ammon, already long

by B. Alexander my predecessor, for many causes and

on account of impiety ejected from the Church. Deign

however to write back to us, and the impious to condemn;

that the here is Clergy and people, your orthodox

doctrine and a mind to wickedness contrary

understanding, may rejoice in Christ of its with you

in faith concord; but those who such things against

the Church perpetrated, by your letters admonished,

even late may be able to come to their senses.

[157] So far Athanasius, the next after the Roman Council's

indiction year, namely the same CCCXLI, writes to all the Orthodox Athanasius: in which these things

happened: that hence also doubted it cannot be, but to

Gregorius, not to Georgius, the epistle regards. In which since

no is made mention of Arsacius the Eunuch, whom to Philagrius joined

to have been indicates the Epistle to the Solitaries, we suspect

of him no so proper a crime to have been extant, on account of which he ought

to be named. But it seems written not long after

the Pascha, which in that year celebrated was on XIX of April;

before certainly than from Alexandria having gone out Gregorius with

Balacius the Duke, of whom here no mention, those things perpetrated against

the Bishops and Monks (for these in the Paschal time

so many as is supposed to have been at Alexandria not

is credible) which we have reported from the aforesaid epistle to

the Solitaries, after years from now sixteen written. [whose epistle's defects, from another after written to the Solitaries are supplied.] From

this however we learn besides, that of Quirinus to have been named

was the church, which the first and chief of Philagrius

and Gregorius onslaught received. The same whether burned

also with the baptistery was, or another of St. Dionysius called, not

I divine: one thing I believe, to have erred those who wrote, the very

indignant Catholics fire to the church of St. Dionysius to have cast.

Objected that indeed was to Athanasius I know: but in the same as

the other calumnies manner I receive, namely that devised the adversaries

to of their own crime the infamy onto the orthodox to roll.

From each also diverse to be it behoves that one, to which

the greater to St. Theonas dedicated.

[158] for the Nicene Council's Capitula to be recovered, I will not here, to the exaggeration of the evils, to the Alexandrian

Church inflicted, and sufficiently from Athanasius described,

add, that the Arians the books all, even to the least

going, nor one iota leaving,

for the truth's faith, the Nicene Synod, by which

the Clergy and people was imbued and most now imbued

were, burned; 2 p. 623 so that therefore necessary they had

Athanasius and the Bishops Egyptian to Mark Pope

Roman to write, and to ask, that to them he should transmit

of the same Council the capitula seventy, such as through blessed

men * Victor and Vincent the Presbyters, of the Apostolic

See Apocrisiaries, were sent to Pope Sylvester,

under the of Athanasius himself with his Bishop present testimony.

For all that epistle, as to St. Athanasius' works

is inserted, a pure and sheer figment is; equally as

the answer of Mark himself, a transcript of those seventy

capitula sending, it is feigned he wrote to Mark Pope, as it is borne; and Athanasius himself

and his fellow Bishops animating amid so many adversities, and exhorting

to the heretics with all by which they could severity to be extirpated,

VIII Kal. of November Nepotian and * Secundus

most renowned men Consuls. In that indeed year,

which was the year of Christ CCCXXXVI, lived St. Mark, nine

not entire months Pontiff; but he died the day before the Nones

of October, by all even most ancient catalogues'

consent: but then St. Athanasius an exile was acting in

Gaul: but the invasion which there is described, and through which

would have been done that loss, of which no in the certain Saint's writings

is mention, not but the fifth after St. Mark's death year

happened. an altogether abnormal figment. Then escaped from the enemies' hands Athanasius,

what convenience could he have of assembling immediately a Synod

of Bishops, with whom he should strive for that loss to be repaired?

But what need was there through an epistle to be sent, what

soon at Rome present he could have received? By what then reason

can it be credible, of those Canons, which through all severally

Churches to be promulgated the Synod wished, as we saw, either

or all to have been able to be abolished so quickly, that from Rome to be sought

openly dared to contradict? Who further of the ancients, who about

the Council of Nicaea sufficiently accurately wrote, anything said

similar to those things which about the seventy Capitula are said in each

Epistle?

[159] Omitting therefore so portentous figments, to the Eusebians,

Athanasius' enemies, and of all that tragedy the authors,

let the speech return. They were at Antioch, meanwhile while these things

were done at Alexandria, Meanwhile the Eusebians again a new of faith formula establish, by no means idle; but to their matter

intent, scattered everywhere calumnious Epistles, the abdication

of Athanasius probable they attempted to effect. Nor less

about their esteem solicitous, since everywhere themselves they understood to be noted

as of Arianism fautors; not content with those

faith formulas, which through the times of the encaenia they had formed;

and judging, not enough perfectly to have written themselves, as

fluctuating in mind; another again they compose writing

about the faith, by which they could have seemed Catholic, after months not many; and they send

into the Gauls Narcissus, Maris, Theodorus

and Marcus; who, as by a Synod sent, to Constans

Augustus, and to others there all, that delivered. 1 p. 894

In the same that, in words, as to the faith about the Son, conceived

it is in which the former; but with this at the end a clause increased,

But those who say, the Son from non-being or from

another subsistence, and not from God to be; and, There was

the Catholic Church. Rightly: but the same Church those errors

had condemned in Arius: and yet went on they

to communicate with the Arians, and their faith to excuse

as true, and in all ways to be received to contend.

* read Vito

* read Facundus

CHAPTER XV.

Pope Julius and the Emperor Constans striving, is assembled the Synod of Sardica: from which themselves withdraw the Eusebians.

[160] From Alexandria a fugitive Athanasius How Philagrius' and Gregorius' hands escaped

Athanasius, where he lay hid, how long in Egypt

he stayed, nowhere expressed I find. Credible it is, that,

things so disturbed, as quickly and secretly as he could, a journey

into Italy he retraced, without any digression. For thus he writes

in the Apology to Constantius: I set out from Alexandria,

not to the camp of thy brother, or to another anyone,

but to Rome only, myself and my things to the Church

about to commend. 1 p. 675 This one to me a care was. To Rome he betakes himself, Nor

indeed vain. For soon as the time was at hand, for celebrating

the Council indicted in the year preceding, about the beginning of the month of June;

the Presbyter Vito, he who at the Nicene Synod for Sylvester

the Pope Legate had been present, more Bishops than fifty

into the Council brought, and he is absolved by the Council, who Athanasius' defense

undertook, and decreed with him to be held

communion and charity. 1 p. 739

[161] Further not only Athanasius, of the inflicted to himself

injuries complaining, was present; but also very many other Bishops,

says Julius, from Thrace, Coele-Syria, Phoenicia, to which from everywhere many had come similar complaints about to lay down: Palestine

came together: but Presbyters not few,

partly from Alexandria partly from elsewhere to the same Council

ran together; and before all the Bishops

there congregated, among the rest of their sayings complained

they, force and injury to the Churches to have been inflicted, and their

Churches the same to have suffered which the Alexandrian, and in them

similar things to have been designated. 1 p. 751 But from Egypt and Alexandria

since again had come upon Presbyters, letters with them

they brought, by which of very many Bishops and

Presbyters the complaint was contained, themselves, when

hither to the Council they proceeded, to have been detained and still

to be detained. and at length returned those who at Antioch were detained legates, There came upon finally the Council already begun

the Presbyters Elpidius and Philoxenus, the year before to

the Eusebians legates, and beyond the day of the Roman Council's beginning

indicted detained and mocked at Antioch: but where

in a place about their return treats Julius, and even to January

detained the Presbyters seems to say, for January to be read

to be June, evident it is to one comparing the times. 1 p. 744

[162] They brought back from Antioch epistles, excusing

their absence by that cold Persian war's pretext; and accusing

Julius, as if rashly into communion he had received

Athanasius, and the Council of Tyre's decrees had rescinded; while themselves

deposition they had accomplished, and the Nicene Council's decrees they overturned.

These letters read, great indignation arose

against the Eusebians; and they asked Julius, and the Eusebians' epistle bringing, that

to those from whom letters he had received he himself should write back. 1 p. 739

Did this Julius diligently, and sent letters through Gabianus

the Count, especially complaining, that his Presbyters,

whom with joy sent back it behoved, they sent back with

mourning, on account of those things which there done they had beheld; he confesses also

that when the letters of them he had unrolled, after various back and

forth thoughts, them to be suppressed he thought, in that

hope because he believed at least some of them about to come,

nor need to be of such epistles: but when

no one appeared, necessary it was that them he should produce. 1 p. 740

[163] And believe me, says Julius, all of admiration

full scarcely persuaded could be, to the same writes back Julius. that such letters

from you had set out, which of contention rather

than of charity were. Then of the deeds and counsels by

themselves entered the insolence, of Athanasius on the contrary the innocence

most clearly sets forth the Pontiff; and finally concluding,

I beseech, he says, that these things no further be done, that henceforth these

injuries should not suffer the Churches, that a Bishop or Presbyter

should not be affected with contumely … for each one of us

of those things which here he has disturbed an account will render in

the day of judgment: and I desire that all according to God the same

think, that the Churches with their Bishops received perpetually

may rejoice. With these admonitions nothing with the Eusebians availing,

discerning Athanasius nowhere himself in the East safe to be

about to be from their snares and violence, he stayed in the West under

the quieter of Constans rule.

[164] Again the Eusebians a new formula write. But the Eusebians, after so many confessions of faith divulged,

again as if the former they repented, after three years from

the sent into Gaul legates of whom above, again into an assembly

they come, perhaps at Antioch; and they send away Eudoxius,

Martyrius, and Macedonius, with some others,

into the parts of Italy, about to bring a faith prolixly written,

and many appendices new having. 1 p. 895, 1 p. 899 Of which

the most inept last thus has: These things compelled we are, after

the faith in compendium issued more widely to explain, not of ambition's

cause, but that ourselves from all suspicion we might purge

to those who our things are ignorant; and that all in the West

may understand, both the impudence of the heterodox

us calumniating, both the Easterners' ecclesiastical

in Christ mind, to which among the incorrupt

all a testimony by no means violent by the sacred Scriptures

is borne. To which Athanasius Orat. I against the Arians,

well notes, the Eusebians, while perpetually they write,

their own selves changing, their uncertain faith, or

rather their certain infidelity and madness to show. 1 p. 289

But that in fact was plain at Milan, whither coming

those three whom above from Athanasius I named, Constans the Emperor writes to his brother about calling a Council, since

Arius' heretical opinion they would not condemn, from

the Council with angry minds they went out, as says Liberius Pope

in the Epistle to Constantius in the year CCCLIV written; in which

that done saying before years eight, the time of that Council

of Milan he shows to have been the year CCCXLV. 1 p. 818, 1 p. 676

[165] On this occasion Constans the Emperor, who at the Council

was present, more certain was made about the Roman Synod,

and about those things which both at Alexandria and in the East whole

against the Churches were done. And so to his brother Constantius

he wrote … and that as from the Apology is established, the fourth

after the Synod Roman year, immediately after the Milan,

which I said, Council. Then also to Athanasius

he wrote that to him he should come to Milan, where then he was:

… certain indeed Bishops … from him had asked,

that to his brother he should write about a Synod to be made. When therefore

I had come to Milan, says to Constantius himself Athanasius,

I experienced much his humanity. He deigned

indeed to me into his sight admitted to say, and about the same matter treats at Milan with Athanasius, how letters

he had written and sent to Thee, asking that a Synod should be made:

in which, as is said in the Epistle to the Solitaries, should be recognized what done

were: lest further should be afflicted those who had suffered injury;

and who it had done, lest such things further to dare

they could. 1 p. 818

[166] The aforesaid Athanasius' with Constans meeting

calumniated afterward his adversaries did, as if

the mind of the Emperor against his brother he had moved by delations

criminous. Of which he himself in the Apology purging himself, denies

it to be credible, that before the Emperor, with standing by

so many, ill he had about Constantius spoken. 1 p. 675

Never indeed, but neither then nor otherwise without witnesses. he says, without companions thy Brother

I saw, nor he ever alone with me alone

words mixed: but always with the Bishop of that place

in which he was acting and others who were present, to converse

I entered; together with them him I saw, together with them

from the conversation I withdrew. Of this can testify Fortunatianus

of Aquileia Bishop, can also Father Hosius,

and Crispinus of Padua, and Lucillus of Verona, and Dionysius

of Lydda, and Vincent in Campania Bishop:

but since dead are Maximinus of Trier

and Protasius of Milan, testify for them

will be able Eugenius, who Master was: for he before

the veil stood, and heard, both what I the Emperor

asked, both what this one with me deigned

to communicate.

[167] Ordered further Constantius and Constans the Bishops,

both of the East and of the West, it itself at Sardica in the confine of either Empire he convenes, to come together

at Sardica, a city of Thrace, in the confines of Upper Mysia toward

Mount Haemus, between Naissus and Philippopolis, so that under

Constantius it might be a place, lest anything could decline the Eusebians;

but neighboring to the jurisdiction of Constans, lest the Westerners

remoteness should excuse. 1 p. 754 Meanwhile Eusebius

from the Nicomedian made of Constantinople, of the adverse faction

the head, his day fulfilled; nay already he had died before four years,

before than his and his companions' epistle Julius

the Pope at Rome received, at the time of the Roman Council (if we believe

Socrates, that asserting book 2 chapter 13) or at least (as book 3

chapter 6 Sozomen) the Council of Antioch finished, before

the sentence of Julius from Rome he received. There remained

however other zealots of dissent, in favor of the Arians to be continued,

Theognis, Maris, Theodorus, and the rest, especially

Ursacius and Valens, of whom thenceforth frequent to be made

mention. These while themselves to the Council gird, after the death of Eusebius, and the rest from

the Empire whole Bishops, the year of Christ CCCXLVI flowed by: to

which we refer what says in the Apology Athanasius, himself in the city

being (of Milan whether of which a little before he made mention, or

the Roman? I judge that of Milan) transmitted into

the Gauls, whither Father Hosius himself had betaken, that thence

to Sardica they should set out. 1 p. 676

[168] But celebrated was the Council, as write Socrates

and Sozomen, Rufinus and Eusebius the Consuls, in the year 347.

which is the year of Christ CCCXLVII, after the death of the Great Constantine

the tenth: which of time space notwithstanding about the Council,

thus speaks Severus Sulpicius book 2 of the Sacred History as if he himself

had ordered, by the impulse of eighty Bishops in Egypt,

Athanasius unjustly condemned to have been pronouncing,

at Sardica to be congregated; and every judgment

by which Athanasius condemned had been to be retracted; but that,

since meanwhile himself had died, that Synod at length was congregated,

Constantius (for whom in the editions wrongly is read

Constantine) now Emperor. But there came together

(as to the Solitaries writes Athanasius) Bishops more or less

mere came Bishops, with themselves having Father

Hosius; but the Easterners led with themselves, pedagogues

shall I say? or advocates, Musanius the Count

and Hesychius the Castrensian; on account of which confidently

they had come, hoping by their power supported

themselves again whatever to effect: for through such

men terrible themselves they showed, to whom

it seemed; and to whom it was pleasing, they laid snares.

But when they came, they found, an ecclesiastical custom

only to be observed, and from each

Church and city accusers to be at hand,

and documents and of the matters proofs in readiness;

and they saw Arius and Asterius venerable Bishops,

who with themselves indeed had come, but from them had withdrawn, but a judgment purely ecclesiastical about to be seeing,

and joining themselves to us narrated their solicitude,

as for their matters fearing, and lest a judgment

should be made dreading, nor convicted should be

calumniators, and by those whom they had used accusers

it should be proved themselves to have suggested all and instructed.

[169] These things therefore having beheld, although eager they had come,

reckoning us by fear terrified by no means about to dare to approach;

when they saw the promptitude of us, within

the Palace they shut themselves (for there they lodged)

and to each other thus spoke: To other things we came,

than what we behold. We came with Counts, they deliberate about flight to be entered.

and without Counts a judgment will be made: it is done: we shall be condemned.

You see what mandates set forth are. Those who with

Athanasius make, in their hands have the commentaries

of the things in the Mareotis done, from which this one indeed

will be justified, but we shall be confounded. Why then

do we delay? why do we hesitate? Let us feign a cause and

withdraw, lest if we stay we be condemned: better

it is for fleeing us to blush, than that staying

we be convicted to be calumniators: so perhaps in whatever

manner we can the heresy we shall defend: but if

us fugitives they condemn, we have a patron the Emperor,

who will not permit that by the people from the churches

we be expelled.

[170] So indeed they disputed: but Hosius and

the rest all the Bishops frequently to them announced

the confidence of those who were with Athanasius, in vain them inviting to appear Hosius, and

how prepared for the cause to be pleaded, promising that

their sycophancies were about to be uncovered. To these they said,

If a judgment you fear, why hither came you? for it would have been better

not to have come, than after you have come

to flee. Such things hearing, and more and more dismayed,

and saying themselves laureates about the Persians conquered from the Emperor

to have received; they snatched flight, and this cause,

nothing ashamed, sent through Eustathius of the Church

of Sardica Presbyter. But neither so to them their flight

according to their wish succeeded. Immediately the holy Synod, of which

president was the great Hosius, and the Synod threatening judgment, plainly to them wrote. Either

come about to answer to the accusations to you objected, and

the calumnies which you have machinated; or know yourselves indeed

for guilty to be condemned by the Synod, but those who with

Athanasius are of all fault devoid and free to be judged.

But them their own more urged conscience,

than that by such letters to be persuaded to themselves return

they should allow: for seeing those whom they had affected with injury,

not even to look at those speaking daring, more quickly even

they fled.

[171] Such therefore and so indecorous and base

their flight was. 1 p. 839 and Athanasius himself even unjust conditions accepting, And yet even Hosius, as afterward in the epistle

to Constantius he wrote, of his own accord Athanasius' enemies

had provoked, when to the church, in which he was staying,

they had come; that if anything against him they had,

they should produce: and he had promised them security, nor anything

else they should expect than a right in all things

judgment. And that not once, but twice I did, he says; that

if they would not the matter by the whole Synod to be discussed, at least

me as judge they should use; and I promised even us Athanasius,

if in fault he should be found, about to eject: but if innocent

he be detected and you he shall have shown calumniators,

and nonetheless him you refuse to admit; I

him will persuade that with me into the Spains he come. Which

all conditions received obediently Athanasius,

nothing against gainsaying: but they, to all distrusting,

withdrew. So Hosius: whose words Spaniards

certain in Tamayo in the Martyrology interpreting more freely,

even thither drew attempted, that he might be believed in fact into

the Spains to have led away Athanasius, whose restitution into

his own See Alexandrian he had not been able to obtain. Nor

this only, but to such even they proceed of madness, that in a monastery

of the Calahorra diocese, yet not into the Spains gone as feign some. today Valvanera, under a humble

name and office of a cook to have lain hid him they say, and when of the wood

to the hearth applied the remaining ashes more were accumulated,

than for him convenient it was to carry out daily; to have obtained by prayers

from God, that those thenceforth by an insensible decrement being taken away,

he should not have need about them to be wearied; which to this very day

there to be done perseveres. But that if a miracle is, Tamayo

after Marieta to another far later Athanasius attributes;

who by profession a layman, by office a cook, by life a saint, in that place under

the rule of St. Benedict served; but by posterity unskillfully was

with Athanasius the Great confused. About him whatever it be; we judge,

us, departed from Sardica Athanasius advanced beyond

Aquileia not to have been; nor any we find a fit argument

for affirming either now or afterward a staying

Spanish. For what are alleged instruments, of his

mention making, of a later age are all, than

that to a matter to ancient writers unheard faith they can establish:

and perhaps another not they suppose than the presence of the Head which

thither with the tongue, as below we shall see, translated to be had is believed.

But the very Hosius' epistle, while a secession so far-off

it conceals, which most opportunely could have been alleged for

proving how he was from contention alien Athanasius,

sufficiently proves it falsely to be established: that of Athanasius' own

writings nothing I say, no anywhere of Spain by him

gone-to mention making.

CHAPTER XVI.

The Sardican Fathers' rescripts for Athanasius: the Eusebians' violent counsels, to Constantius given: to whom at length their calumnies are disclosed.

[172] But the Synod (as writes Athanasius to the Solitaries,

the begun narration pursuing) collected from

provinces more than twenty-five, From 25 Provinces collected the Fathers (for so

I correct, and where now in the Greek is had λε᾽, to be put it ought κε᾽

I am convinced from the same Provinces' enumeration, prefixed

to the Synodic epistle to the Alexandrians) namely from Rome, the Spains,

the Gauls, Italy, Campania, Calabria, Apulia,

Africa, Sardinia, the Pannonias, the Mysias, the Dacias, Noricum,

Siscia, Dardania, and second Dacia, Macedonia, Thessaly,

Achaia, Epirus, Thrace, Rhodope, Palestine,

Arabia, Crete, Egypt; the Arians' malice known,

they received Athanasius' followers for the defense of those things

which they had suffered, Athanasius with his men innocent they declare, and about which they themselves them had

calumniated. 1 p. 819, 1 p. 756, 1 p. 820 And when they had given an account of all,

which before we have explained; undertook the defense

the Synod, and above measure wondered; and their

communion having embraced, wrote letters to each one's

diocese, especially to Alexandria and into

Egypt and Libya; by which it was signified, Athanasius

indeed and his companions pure and of all fault

devoid to be; but their accusers, sycophants

and criminals, and anything rather than Christians

ought to be called.

[173] The letters to the Alexandrian diocese's Presbyters and

Deacons, and others more prolix to the Egyptians and Africans, and about that matter everywhere they write,

Athanasius entire inserted in the Syllogus, which enough it is there to be read

to be able; since to the history as to what pertains, and what already

before more fully said not is, scarcely they contain anything. In the former

however this singular is, that Aphthonius and Athanasius

the son of Capito Fellow-presbyters, the same fraud

from the Eusebians having endured, some of them into exile

driven, others by fear of death threatened fugitives, similarly

received and innocent declared are reported.

But to the latter are subjoined the names of those, who

since to be present they could not, the after Hosius subscribing each one, received however the Synodic

already said, by Hosius and the rest of the Fathers at Sardica subscribed,

themselves also with their suffrages the decrees of the Synod approved.

But those names so are subjoined, that of those who in

the Synod subscribed with the names mixed, and into seven

classes according to the chief of the Christian orb regions distributed,

are read. 1 p. 768 Adds further Athanasius, that there were very many

likewise others, who before that Synod for himself wrote,

both from Asia, both from Phrygia, both from Isauria, to whom acceded also the absents' suffrage

of whom each one's names with their epistles were carried about,

nearly sixty-three; but in all

three hundred forty-four to be numbered,

who to the Synod's decrees subscribed. 1 p. 768 Notable it is

also that after Hosius from Spain, as the Council's President, and the Synodic letters to Julius

is named Julius Bishop of Rome, as present

through Archidamus and Philoxenus Presbyters

his; and to these next Protogenes of Sardica.

[174] But those subscriptions, and especially of the Bishops

of Cyprus, are not collected except after to Alexandria

Athanasius returned. 1 p. 820 There is extant also, Of the adversaries are condemned some. among the fragments from the work

historical of St. Hilary of Poitiers Bishop, a third certain epistle

to Julius the Pope, briefly insinuating the acts of the Synod with

the subscription of Bishops one and sixty; in which epistle's

end is admonished the Pontiff, that his excellent prudence

dispose ought, that through his writings those who in Sicily, in

Sardinia, and in Italy are Brethren, what done are and

what defined may know, and lest ignorant they should receive

their communicatory Epistles whom a just sentence

degraded; but should persevere Marcellus, Athanasius,

Asclepius in communion, because to be a hindrance to them

could not the unjust judgment and the flight and tergiversation

of those, who to the judgment of all the Bishops

to come would not. And these indeed Athanasius and others

with injury accused dismissed with peace: but Stephanus

and Menophantus, Acacius and Georgius

who at Laodicea for Bishop was, Ursacius likewise and

Valens, and Theodorus and Narcissus they deposed;

but of Gregorius, to Alexandria sent, the name

so in his condemnation they recited, that never

him a Bishop, nor worthy who with the Christian name

should be called, they reckoned: for they rescinded all

the ordinations which to make he presumed, prescribing

lest those even should be named in the Church, on account of the matter's

new indignity.

[175] But what to these the Sardican fugitives? They had betaken

themselves to Philippopolis of Thrace, a city very near; and there

retaining the Sardican Council's title, these indeed to Philippopolis having set out, that more easily the world they might delude,

their matters they on the contrary acted. And first, having protested

themselves not to be able to come together as long as in the Synod sat Athanasius,

at Tyre condemned and deposed, and others whom for duly convicted

and condemned they wished to be held; when in vain themselves to protest

they saw, contrary all things they defined than were at Sardica

constituted: and, as has Sozomen book 3 chapter 10, established

those things which about Athanasius and others they had decreed, first Julius

Bishop Roman, under the name of the Sardican Synod contrary things they sanction, because with them he had communicated,…

then Hosius the Confessor … and

Maximinus of Trier Bishop they abdicated,

and besides those also Protogenes of Sardica, and Gaudentius

of Naissus. These same as pursues there Sozomen,

to all Bishops by letters they signified,

lest either into communion they should admit, or write

to them, nor letters by them written should receive.

[176] as if Athanasius they had convicted of crimes, before But it is worth the trouble to hear the very of the calumnious

epistle words, as it, in Hilary in the fragments,

Latin we have under the name of the Council of Sardica. Of Athanasius,

they say, once of the Alexandrian Church

Bishop, receive what done are. Accused and grievously

before God a sacrilegious, and according to the mysteries of the Church

holy a profane, with his own hands he shattered

venerable he broke, and the seat sacerdotal he overturned

himself, and the very basilica, God's house, the church

of Christ, demolished even to the ground was. But a Presbyter,

he delivered to a custody military. Accused besides

he was of injuries, violence, slaughter and the very of a Bishop

destruction: and who also in those very days most sacred

of the Pascha in a tyrannical manner raged, to Dukes and Counts

joined: who on account of him some into custody

shut, others indeed with blows and scourges

vexed, the rest with diverse torments to his communion

sacrilegious drove. How false these

are all sufficiently from the preceding it is plain, yet they to be

well known and legitimately judged by several attempt to show;

then to further lies they proceed, and their own crimes

upon Athanasius retort, as if those he had done himself

which Philagrius by Gregorius being introduced perpetrated. For thus

they speak.

[177] But while Athanasius after his condemnation a return

for himself from exile had procured, and after exile perpetrated. from Gaul to Alexandria

after very much time came; and the past things

into nothing reckoning, more keenly in wickedness prevailed:

for in comparison of the following light are, what

by him first committed were. For through all

the way of his return the Church he overturned, condemned

Bishops some he restored, to some hope to

Episcopates of returning he promised, some of the unfaithful

he constituted Bishops through fights and slaughters,

nothing regarding the laws, to desperation attributing all.

Thence by force, by slaughter, by war the Alexandrians'

basilicas he plunders. Constituted already into his

place, by the judgment of the Council, a holy and entire Priest,

as a sacrilegious pest, the gentiles' peoples being brought,

God's temple he burned, the altar he shattered, and secretly

he goes out of the city and stealthily flees. To these similar they had premised

about Marcellus of Ancyra, nor more true they subjoin

about the cause of Paul of Constantinople; but about Julius the Pope, Hosius,

Maximinus and the rest they add calumnies, which here to report nothing

it concerns: and finally concluding, about God, says Sozomen, a faith formula they write;

in that manner to think they bid, in which a formula of faith to the epistles

subjoined prescribed: which as no of the Consubstantial

made mention, so to those communion of the

Church it interdicted, who should say three to be Gods, or

Christ not, or the Father and Son and Spirit

holy the same to be, or unbegotten the Son, or

through this could they effect that the less they be rejected as

Arians, whose obstinacy they imitated, and whose faith

they wished to be and ever to have been orthodox.

[178] But these things omitted, the true of themselves crimes let us hear

from Athanasius. But those who were unauthorized at Sardica, together

with those who by so foul a flight had withdrawn, they rage against those not consenting with slaughters such things designated

in their retreat, that the former crimes with these compared

thou mayest least esteem. 1 p. 820 For since their communion,

as of those fleeing from the Synod and noxious,

the Adrianopolitan Presbyters shunned, the matter they brought

to the Emperor Constantius, and effected

that by the magistrate who there of the Fabric is named,

* as laymen they were beheaded, subserving to them

even to this Philagrius, who again a Count made

had been. Of this matter the monuments before the city stand:

which we, says Athanasius in the aforecited to the Solitaries epistle,

among passing by saw: and so they confirmed

therefore only to have fled themselves, lest as calumniators

they should be convicted. But these things as persuaded they themselves, and with exiles: so

the Emperor to be done ordered. Therefore also they effected, that from

Alexandria into Armenia two Presbyters and three

Deacons should be relegated. Arius also and Asterius,

each a Bishop of Petra, the one of Arabia, the other

of Palestine, who from them had defected, not only

to be sent into Libya, but also with contumelies to be affected

they took care.

[179] Further Lucius Bishop of Adrianople,

whom they saw much against themselves confidence to use,

and their to argue impiety; again, as before,

they made with iron chains by the neck and hands to be bound, Bishops various to be relegated they make;

and into exile to be cast, where also he died, just as

those know. Diodorus also a Bishop (him likely

who with the title of Tenedos subscribed to the council of Sardica)

they removed from his place, and Olympius from Aenus, and

Theodulus from Trajanopolis, both in Thrace Bishops,

good and orthodox men, because the heresy

they hated, they accused; first indeed the Eusebians, to whom

the Emperor Constantius subscribed; now indeed

by a new suggestion these, who from Sardica had fled. To Alexandria they write that from access be prohibited Athanasius; Written

but was that not only they should be ejected from the cities

and churches, but also that of the head the punishment they should undergo,

wherever they should be found. Which indeed although

wonderful, not however alien was from their minds; as

those who such things from the Eusebians had learned, of impiety and

of their intention the left heirs. But when, as

their fathers, at Alexandria equally and in Thrace

they wished themselves formidable to show; they make to be written, that

the ports and of the cities the entrances be guarded, lest perchance

on account of the faculty by the Synod made to the Churches they return;

and likewise to the Judges Alexandrian about

Athanasius and Presbyters certain by name, that

whether the Bishop or any of them be found to have approached

to the city or its confines, it may be allowed to the Judge the heads

of those apprehended to cut off. So the Judaic heresy,

not only to deny Christ, but also to kill

learned.

[180] Nor however here were they quiet, but just as

of their heresy the father as a lion goes about

seeking whom he may devour; everywhere terrible themselves they render. so they, the convenience

using of the public post, and everywhere going around,

whomever they found, either flight to them reproaching,

or of the Arian heresy a hatred bearing,

they scourged, bound, from his fatherland an exile to be made

they took care; so that many to feign preferred, many

to deserted places to flee, than with them to be conversant.

Such were the mad of them, even after the flight, daring deeds.

Nay even something new they machinated, to their indeed

heresy consonant, not yet however before heard,

and perhaps not even done ever by more insolent

heathen, so far is it that by Christians.

[181] The sent by the Synod to Constantius legates a prepared calumny The holy Synod had sent as legates Bishops,

Vincent of Capua, which is of Campania the Metropolis,

and Euphrates of Cologne, which is the Metropolis

of Gaul, that the Emperor, as had judged itself to be done,

should permit the Bishops exiles to return to their churches,

since indeed himself them ejected. Had written

also the most pious Constans to his brother, and the Bishops

commended. These when at Antioch they saw

those admirable and anything to dare prepared; they consult

in common, but alone Stephanus (was this of Antioch

Bishop an Arian) the tragedy to be adorned undertakes,

as to similar things by far most apt. They hire

therefore a public harlot, in the very most holy of the Pascha

days; and her stripping, by night they send in to Euphrates

the Bishop. And she indeed, a young man to be

by whom she was called reckoning, promptly followed; but when

sent in by them, it is detected through a harlot to them sent in: she saw lying a man and of those

things which were done ignorant; then more diligently looking,

she considered a senile face and an appearance Episcopal;

crying out immediately, she protested force to herself to be made,

although asked they that she should be silent, and a false crime

on the Bishop she should impinge.

[182] its author Stephanus of the Episcopate is deprived: The day therefore made was divulged the crime, and the whole

ran together the city: but those who in the palace were, by the matter's

indignity moved, persuaded lest it should be pressed with silence.

Came therefore to judgment, and the bawd indeed accused

those who to her had come, but they himself Stephanus

whose Clerics they were: who soon was deposed,

and substituted for him a castrated Leontius, only lest

should be wanting of the Arian heresy a champion. The matter the same

at more length narrates Theodoret, and many smaller circumstances

adds; Salian the Count urging that the Emperor the matter should learn, as that to the legates, by the Synod destined indeed,

as says Athanasius, but either Constans' commands awaiting for a while,

or after entered the first attempts returned, and again about to go away,

as companion added Constans Salian the Praetor,

whose crimes summarily he enumerates, a fifteen men troop,

Onager a certain as leader, to the Bishops' lodging hid:

who the harlot having entered a tumult should raise. That Euphrates,

of the Legates the elder, in the outer chamber sleeping, and

by the feet's noise roused, having heard and seen the woman, as at

the sight of a demon was afraid, and to the cross's and prayer's

arms fled. That from the number of the plotters seven,

the doors being closed by Vincent were apprehended; and with insisting especially

and being indignant Salian, was obtained from the Emperor

and the Magistrates, that a question in the royal palace should be had.

[183] These and other things narrates Theodoret book 2 chapter 9: who

the same chapter 8 had set forth a certain sum of the epistles, who moved by the threatening of his brother letters, by

Constans to Constantius written, which not exhortation

only and counsel contained, but also

threats of a pious Emperor worthy … For unless he obeyed,

himself to Alexandria about to set out, and

Athanasius about to restore to the desiring him sheep.

Adds Socrates book 2 chapter 18 Constantius, not moderately by these

dismayed, to have summoned of the Eastern Bishops not

few; and they to have answered, that better it would be Athanasius

to restore, than an intestine war to undertake.

[184] and the Eusebians' frauds ascertained, the exiles he recalls, By whom persuaded the Emperor, somewhat compunct

to himself returned; and from those things which to Euphrates they had done,

conjecturing of this kind also to be the rest which

against others they had machinated; the relegated from Alexandria

into Armenia Presbyters and Deacons orders forthwith

to be dismissed; and to Alexandria openly he writes, lest

further a persecution should be made against the Clerics or Laymen

to Athanasius adhering. Then after months ten

Gregorius being dead, he summons also Athanasius. Who after

the Council at Naissus having stayed, having received new from Constans

letters to him betook: and the journey completed

through the rest of the time at Aquileia stuck. 1 p. 676 Where me the letters

of thy piety found, and with these Athanasius himself. says himself in the Apology

to Constantius. Thence again by the of blessed memory

man, namely Constans, summoned, into the Gauls I set out,

and so I came to thy Majesty. These things briefly

there; which as more amply are had elsewhere explained, so here

more diffusely to be treated they are.

* Gr. δίκην λαικῶν.

CHAPTER XVII.

By many of Constantius' letters to a return animated Athanasius,

[185] Of the year CCCXLVIII the Pascha, about which from the Antiochene

Episcopate was removed the most impious Stephanus, Gregorius the Arian being dead,

celebrated was on the day III of April; accordingly the death of Gregorius,

the tenth after that abdication month understood, happened in

January of the year CCCXLIX. The kind and cause of the death no one distinctly

explained: alone Theodoret book 2 chapter 12, by the very

Alexandrians slain says, by his too great barbarity and cruelty

likely irritated. 1 p. 823 Athanasius, as we saw, is summoned by Constantius Athanasius, simply

says him being dead summoned himself. But that done he says

with all honor: because the Emperor, not once, or again,

but a third time most friendly letters wrote, by which

him he animated and to coming exhorted: he sent

also to him a Presbyter and a Deacon, that with greater

confidence to him he should return. For he thought, says

Athanasius, on account of the former dangers me more delayingly to act

about the return. He wrote likewise to his brother Constans,

that he himself also me to the return should exhort: he affirmed

indeed, that me for a whole year he had awaited (namely

after the arrival of the Legates aforesaid at Antioch) nor

had permitted any novelty or ordination to be made,

from which to me he had promised the return, but the Churches to Athanasius

the Bishop by himself to have been reserved.

[186] Those letters all, because to the Syllogus inserted the Saint,

also here to be inserted I believed. The tenor of the first such is. Constantius,

Victor Augustus, to Athanasius. 1 p. 769 Long thee to be tossed

and vexed by monstrous of the waves storms our

Clemency's humanity did not permit; by most humane letters, once, and of the paternal stripped

household gods, despoiled of goods, and in places trackless and deadly

wandering, did not desert our untiring

piety. For although long very much I deferred to

thee to write the of my mind purpose, hoping thee of thy own accord

about to come to us, and of thy labors a remedy

about to ask; yet, because perhaps the intention

of thy mind impeded a fear, therefore of munificence most full

letters to thy constancy we have transmitted,

that secure to our sight as soon as possible thy

presence thou mayest offer, so that of thy vow made partaker,

and our humanity having experienced, thou be restored

to thine. But for this cause also to our brother

Constans, Victor Augustus, for thee I asked,

that of coming the faculty to thee he give; and so, us

on both sides assenting, to thy fatherland thou be restored, and have

this of our grace a pledge.

[187] The second epistle of this kind was. Although by former

letters we signified, that securely to our Court

thou shouldst come; that, what thou thyself desirest most,

thou be sent back to thine own; again, yet even now these letters

to thy constancy we have sent, by which we exhort, that

without all distrust or fear the public vehicles thou mount,

and hasten to us; that thou mayest be able to attain, what

thou desirest.

[188] Some finally interposed time, and perhaps about

autumn, and a third time written, sent Constantius even a third epistle of this

sense. When at Edessa we were staying with present

thy Presbyters (likely to the first letters'

invitation dispatched by Athanasius, that more closely the mind

of the Emperor they might explore) it pleased that with sent to thee a Presbyter

one, while the other namely in the Palace remaining of his Bishop

the affairs usefully should watch over, again I should admonish, that to our

Court thou shouldst hasten; so that, when our

thou hadst seen sight, immediately to Alexandria thou mightest set out.

But because, very much time intervening from

which our letters thou hadst received, not yet thou hast come; therefore

thee now anew to admonish we have studied, that even now

at least as quickly as possible to us thou come, and so thou be restored

to thy fatherland, and of thy desire be master. For a fuller

instruction Achitas the Deacon to thee

we have sent, from whom thou mayest learn the of our mind sentence,

and that of thy vow altogether to be made partaker thou mayest.

Nor with these content the Emperor, also his Counts Polemius,

Datianus, Bardio, Taurus, Florentius,

to whom most he could trust, ordered to write. 1 p. 823

[189] At Aquileia at that time was Athanasius, when

these letters he received: by which him persuaded and to Rome having set out, who the whole matter to God acceptable

referring, Constantius thus far to him inclining, to Rome

went up, the Church and Bishop about to go to. 1 p. 770 Great

therefore joy in the Church was; the Bishop Julius,

at his restitution congratulating, letters to the Church

of him sent: but further him passing other thereafter

Bishops with peace conducted. But the letters

of this kind were. Julius to the Presbyters and people

placed under the diocese of Alexandria. Julius congratulated the Alexandrians I congratulate you also

I, beloved Brethren, that the fruit of your faith at length

before your eyes placed you see, in our Brother and Co-bishop

Athanasius, whom on account of his life's purity

and on account of your prayers God to you has restored.

For mindful of the heavenly promises and thither tending

the way, which from the discipline of the aforesaid our Brother

you learned; you have known truly, and according to that which in you is

severed to have been from you, whom in your most pious

minds always as present you had.

[190] Not therefore for me to you writing of many is need

of words; the kept toward their Bishop faith. whatever to you could be said by me, this your

faith preconceived, and fulfilled through God's grace

the common of us all vows. I congratulate therefore

you (for again the same to repeat helps) that your souls

in faith you have kept unconquerable: nor

less I congratulate our Brother Athanasius, that among

many things which he suffered harsh, no however hour into

oblivion has come of your love and your desire.

and him returning For although in body he seemed from you separated

for a time, always however he lived as in

spirit to you present. He returns therefore to you more illustrious

now than when he departed from you: for if materials

precious, gold and silver, to purity proves

fire; what worthily can be said about such a man, who so many

and so great dangers overcome is restored to you, not

only by us, but also by the whole Synod received

as innocent?

[191] Receive therefore, beloved Brethren, with all

according to God gladness and glory, to be received he bids with all gladness: your Bishop

Athanasius, and with him the rest of the same labors

consorts: and of your vows made partakers

made, rejoice, because your Pastor, of your piety

by hunger, so to speak, and thirst laboring, with salutary

writings you nourished and gave drink: for of him abroad staying

the solace made you were, and in persecution

placed you cherished with your most faithful mind and soul.

I delight indeed certainly, already now in thought presuming

and foreseeing each one of you in

his return the gladness, and the most religious meetings

of the multitude, and the glorious of those flocking together festivity.

For who or what kind to you will be that day, when

our Brother returning and all before done ceasing,

his return most honored and most longed-for

all will unite in the joy of the most liquid delight?

Further of such joy a part indeed great to us

also reaches, to whom divinely it has fallen that into of such

[192] and for them well he prays. Now in a prayer to end the epistle it is fitting.

God therefore omnipotent and his son the Lord

and Saviour our Jesus Christ, remunerate

your admirable faith, of which toward your Bishop

glorious you have given testimony: and to you

and your posterity, now and in the future those goods

grant, which neither eye saw, nor ear heard, nor

into the heart of man ascended such as them prepared the Lord

for those loving him, through our Lord Jesus

Christ, through whom to omnipotent God glory for ever and

ever.

[193] When with these from Rome dismissed Athanasius, and at Antioch

arrived, and into his camp, as says Hosius, Constantius him kindly receives,

coming, with a sincere and serene countenance beholds him Constantius

the Emperor, and to him power makes of returning into his fatherland

to his churches. 1 p. 839, 1 p. 823 But Athanasius, sorrowfully

having complained of those things which either he had suffered or against himself

written were, asked that should be cited all enemies

his, who at Antioch at hand were; so that either they should be refuted,

or should refute before Caesar himself;

and either him present should demonstrate those things to have done which

they had objected, or absent thenceforth not should calumniate.

Which when to them had indicated the Emperor, to be excused they asked, and he swears thenceforth himself not to be about to believe his accusers:

just as Hosius indicates. Wherefore to urge further Caesar not willing,

this indeed which asked Athanasius he did not; all

however things which before through accusation written against

him were to be removed and abolished he ordered, affirming no himself

further accusations about to receive, and this fixed to himself

and certain to be a purpose. Nor simply said,

but also an oath with words added, God upon these

a witness calling.

[194] he asks for the Arians a church at Alexandria to be granted: Afterward, just as narrates Rufinus book 11 chapter 19, admonished

the Emperor by impious counsellors, It is not,

he says, great, Athanasius, what the Bishops ask of

thee, that one of the many, which at Alexandria are,

churches thou grant to the peoples of those who with thee to communicate

will not. Then he, God suggesting to him a ready

in the time counsel: And what is, he says, Emperor,

what to thee asking it is allowed to deny, who power

hast of all things ordering? But one is what

I ask, that my also little petition willingly thou admit. but Athanasius in turn for the Catholics one asking at Antioch,

And when himself all things which he would, although they were

difficult, he promised about to furnish; This is, he says

what I ask; that because also here (for at Antioch

the matter was acted) are our peoples who with these to communicate

will not, one to them to hold thou grant a church.

Most fair that to himself to seem and very much to be furnished, answered

the Emperor: but when the matter he had brought to those

whose counsels he used, neither there themselves to wish to receive

[195] For indeed as observes Sozomen book 3 chapter 19. They esteemed

their opinion among the Alexandrians

no altogether progress about to make, and the Arians refusing the condition, on account of

Athanasius, who not only for confirming to himself

those consenting would suffice, but also for converting others.

But if this were done among the Antiochenes, first

indeed to be congregated the followers of Eustathius who

many were; then, what consequent is, about to machinate

things new: since not even now indeed, when they themselves

the Arians held the churches, not altogether to their opinion

assented the people and the Clergy all; but

through choirs disposed, as the custom is, for God's praises to be sung together,

at finishing the canticles his each subjoined

opinion; some the Father and Son, as equally

to be honored, glorifying; some the Father in the Son, and

by this preposition's variety the Son lesser signifying.

[196] The prudence further of Athanasius having admired the Emperor…;

since by many other ways him he had animated, and

good confidence to have ordered, he is dismissed, with letters of Constantius to the Bishops of Egypt of this kind letters

gave to the Bishops and Presbyters of the Catholic Church. 1 p. 772

Not is forsaken by God's grace the Most Reverend

Athanasius. For although for a brief time subjected

he was to human probation, a congruous however from

the of all the inspectress providence sentence he carried back,

receiving by God the best's will and our judgment

his fatherland and his Church, of which by divine nod a President

he had been constituted. Consequent further it is that of our

mildness by the precept all things which before this decreed

were against those holding his communion to oblivion

be delivered, and all suspicion against him for the rest

cease, and him following Clerics in that which formerly

they had immunity conveniently be stabilized.

Nay even of our toward him grace by the right to be added

we think, that all to the sacred Order enrolled may understand,

that to all to him adhering full be given

security, whether Bishops or Clerics they be. Whoever

indeed the better lot and choice having embraced

his communion receive, them we wish, furnished

to themselves divinely the grace, all to enjoy.

[197] In a like manner writing to the Catholic Church's people

at Alexandria, and the Alexandrian people: he says himself to them to send back a man, of life

rectitude and of morals probity among all most known;

he exhorts to concord among themselves and with the Bishop to be held;

and indicates, that, to every of disturbance and

of sedition occasion to be rescinded, to his Judges

by letters he enjoined, that however many seditious they shall find

with penalties and punishments of the laws they restrain. 1 p. 773 He wrote also

to Nestorius the Prefect of Egypt, and in the same form

to of Augustamnica, and contrary all decrees are abrogated. of the Thebaid and of Libya the Presidents about

the restitution of Athanasius, and the immunity of those adhering to his

communion; and besides, when he had ordered all things, which before

against Athanasius decreed were through the calumnies of Eusebius,

to be abrogated and removed from the tablets of the Prefect and Duke of Egypt; and

perhaps had answered Nestorius, those by himself not to be found; another

to the same epistle he wrote, in the Epistle to the Solitaries related in these

words: Certain it is that from our decree before divulged

there survive diplomas, against the esteem of the most reverend

Bishop Athanasius, and those to exist in the Province

of thy holiness. 1 p. 774, 1 p. 824 We wish therefore that thy most approved

discretion all the epistles, under the name aforesaid

in thy province made, according to our command

transmit to our Court … And sent

for that cause Eusebius the Decurion, took away all from

the tablets.

CHAPTER XVIII.

The glorious return of Athanasius to his Church, and the having followed it manifold fruits.

[198] To returning Athanasius come along the way friends: Things in this manner done and constituted,

and Athanasius with his men the journey pursuing;

friends certain a friend seeing, rejoiced; of others

indeed some were ashamed him beheld, some

indeed not daring to approach hid themselves; some

even did penance on account of those things which against him

they had written. Certainly all the Palestinian Bishops, except

two or three and those suspect, so received Athanasius

and his communion sought, that even

they wrote and excused, that what before they had written,

not of their own accord, but compelled they had done. These Athanasius

in the Epistle to the Solitaries; in the Apology indeed he adjoins to the Palestinians

the Syrians, whom indeed the journey's reason requires before gone to

to have been.

[199] Apollinaris to the same is joined, But hither looks, what book 6 chapter 25 narrates Sozomen

about Apollinaris the younger, a Poet, as there is described,

exceedingly gracious, from of Epiphanius the Sophist and Poet gentile

discipline, at Laodicea in Syria, and of the same Church once a Lector,

then perhaps even a Presbyter, and afterward Bishop of the same

or another Laodicea in Phoenicia: namely that to passing

there Athanasius a familiar and friend especially he became.

But since to the contrary faction, from which was

Georgius, of that then city the Bishop, execrable

very much was the communion of Athanasius, contumeliously from

the Church is expelled Apollinaris, as if against

the Canons and the Bishops' statutes he had transgressed, and by his Bishop is excommunicated. through that

intercourse with the Saint: but crimes were objected

ancient, and through penitence by the same deleted,

namely that he a Lector still being under Theodorus Georgius'

predecessor had gone out to hear a hymn, in Bacchus'

praise by his master Epiphanius composed. Happy if

about recovering the heretic Bishop's communion; and with Athanasius'

love also he had held firmness of doctrine.

[200] But here, among the rest of his through Syria and Palestine

journey's fruits, in the aforecited also he reports an Epistle, The Hierosolymitan Synod writes letters which the holy Synod, at Jerusalem assembled,

President St. Maximus, as shall be said V of May, wrote to the fellow-ministers

in Egypt and Libya, and also to the Presbyters,

Deacons and people of Alexandria in these words. Not

can we, most beloved, thanks for the merit sufficient

render to of all the God, for those things which always he has done

wonderful, but now indeed even with your Church,

restoring to you the Pastor and Lord your, and our

fellow-minister Athanasius. For who

hoped ever these things himself to be about to see with his eyes, which now in fact

we experience? Certainly your prayers heard were

by the Omnipotent, his Church caring for, and your

tears and laments regarding, and therefore also

prayers receiving. You were as sheep cast away and

scattered not having a pastor, therefore from heaven

visited you that true Pastor, of his solicitous sheep,

restoring to you him whom you desired.

[201] to the Alexandrians congratulatory. We also striving for ecclesiastical peace

and to your conspiring charity, him anticipating

we have embraced; and through him communicating with you,

this salutation we send, and these our

to you congratulating vows; that you may know, us also

united to you to be through the bond of communion with

him. But yours it is to pray for the piety of the most religious

Emperors, who him even with all

honor have deigned to restore, knowing your

toward him love and innocence. They lived therefore, when

these were written, still both Emperors, that wonderful it is the contrary

to be maintained by Baronius; especially since Valens' and Ursacius'

penitence, of which soon, as of an effect of the Hierosolymitan

Synod, even anticipated the death of Constans: and these afterward

relapsed, by his fear impelled themselves to have been alleged.

[202] About the Egyptian and Libyan Bishops, in what

manner with this so longed-for felicity they rejoiced, and about those

provinces' and of the Alexandrian diocese the people, all Egypt into a meeting pours forth:

superfluous it is to speak; since all came to meet, and with ineffable joy were suffused, not only

because beyond hope their own each one alive received,

but also because they were freed from heretics,

as from tyrants or rabid dogs. 1 p. 825

Most elegantly, as is wont, Nazianzen the poured-out of all

gladness described: but with great, what deservedly

thou mayest wonder, of things and times confusion: first when after

Georgius' death, reigning now namely Julian; done he writes,

which necessarily ought done to be understood after the death of Gregorius;

then when according to Philagrius' Prefecture, which he

entered in that very time, in which his unhappy Episcopate, not

I say Georgius, but Gregorius, that which he describes meeting

makes later: third finally when his gentile Philagrius,

him to be he thinks, of whom to the repeated administration

an entrance with so great of the coming to meet and exulting people frequency

was honored. Namely that encomium wrote and said

Nazianzen at Constantinople, far from Alexandria, as

to himself either suggested his senile memory (for he was an octogenarian

then more) or of Athanasius himself writings certain, perhaps

not enough entire and corrected, the tenth only after the Saint's

death year. Let it please nonetheless, him with his wonted facundity

about this matter speaking to hear.

[203] After that of impiety storm (Georgius

Nazianzen understands, just as describes Nazianzen, I Gregorius substitute) that corrupter

of piety and forerunner of Antichrist, of the public wrath

and vehemence became a victim (for also this about Gregorius

say some) or at least by his death empty for Athanasius

the See made; returned from his illustrious peregrination

the Athlete: for so I call his exile, for the Trinity

and with the Trinity endured. But his return

most pleasant happened to the city, almost I would say to Egypt

universal, from everywhere into one running together that even

by the sole voice of Athanasius, or by sight it might be satiated; or even,

just as about the Apostles we have heard, from the bare his

shadow and empty of the body image sanctification

it might receive. And since of many often from that time

made were honorable receptions whether of Prefects

or of Prelates, nay even of those who to the Emperors themselves

were familiar and domestic; no one

however remembers any to have been more splendid and more frequent

unless he himself with himself be compared Athanasius,

and with this pomp be conferred the prior other, by which

he was received in the prior entrance, when he returned from a similar

and from like causes endured exile. There is carried about

but about that honor of this kind talk; let it be said,

although superfluous, as a condiment

of speech, and to its introduction a fit floweret.

[204] as in a similar afterward meeting someone may have said, Of those who twice to the Prefecture came

someone, after that entrance was carried into the city

(ours this was, as a Cappadocian, and indeed illustrious

very much; Philagrius, I know, you know me to say) toward

whom of the citizens the affection was, such as no other, nor

toward another, and equal honor; he finally, to whom (that in a brief

word the matter whole I may comprehend) again was delegated

the Prefecture, the people supplicating and the Emperor suffraging.

Then therefore from the common people someone, to whom an infinite

multitude and as it were a sea certain seemed, since

it with eyes to measure he could not, greater to be than to the Emperor would be done, is said to of friends familiar

some, as to be done is wont, thus to have spoken: Tell,

I pray, hast thou at any time seen a multitude so great,

and so affectionately to of one man the honor

poured out? But the young man to have answered, By no means:

to me however it seems neither to Constantius himself so much

to fall: as through him is exhibited to the Emperor,

the supreme of honor summit to express wishing.

The other further to do and sweetly laughing

to have subjoined, nay than was made to Athanasius. as something great and admirable

But I indeed scarcely esteem the very great

Athanasius so to be brought in; and soon to have added

an oath certain to the natives usual, to his saying

confirmation.

[205] Which indeed speech to this looked, what to you

manifest is, that he whom just now to be praised

we took to the Emperor himself preferred may seem: so great

was the man's veneration with all, and so great the admiration

of him who now is commemorated entrance.

For through sex, and ages, and arts divided were

all, in what manner that city is wont to be marshalled, when

by speech shall I set forth of that spectacle the magnitude?

A river one all were (of the Poets

someone the Nile would say, that indeed gold-flowing and fertile)

upward from the city to Chaereum itself rolling,

of one day's journey and more. Give pardon

that even here a little may wanton the speech, since

in these things we are, nor easy it is the speech from that solemnity

to recall.

[206] A foal him carried, in the same almost manner

(far be, I pray, envy from the word) by which my Jesus once

him, while on an ass carried the Saint whether the people of the gentiles whom from the chains

of ignorance loosed by doing good he mounted, or

whatever else that symbol signify. But this one received

branches and various and florid garments cast

on the beast and spread under, when thus far himself had lowered

that supreme and most worthy and equal not having;

but here Christ's entrance represented

of those crying out and dances leading the crowds, except

that not only of boys a multitude was which

praises should sing together, but every altogether tongue, a certain of entering Jerusalem Christ might afford appearance. concordantly

and without contradiction of anyone, mutually

themselves to surpass contending. I omit now to say

popular plaudits, of unguents profusions, and night-watches,

and the whole city with light flashing.

I am silent about banquets public and private and the rest

by which gladness are wont cities to testify, and which

to him then most amply and beyond measure were exhibited.

[207] So far Nazianzen, by the of the names Gregorius and

Georgius affinity likely led away from the right of times

reason, nay nor enough constantly them among themselves distinguishing; But here Nazianzen confounded of Gregorius and Georgius the names and times,

so that since equal was of each in his entrance the savagery,

nothing almost against Gregorius he says, but dire all against

Georgius: after whose most cruel slaughter by the raging

heathen common people perpetrated, again indeed Athanasius

at Alexandria appeared, either from his there hiding-places coming forth,

or from abroad returned into the city; by no means however

believed ought to be, that under the new of Julian dominion, and the things of the Orthodox

so far doubtful, so solemn a reception could

be adorned. Wherefore confidently these things all I refer to this time,

with respect to the first from the Gallic exile return,

which Constantine the Younger's death preceded, and most splendid

to have been even ought. For whatever now done

was, because by the supreme of the two Emperors Constantius and Constans

will it relied, just as outside danger it was, so

it could and ought to have been most splendid, after such and so great about

calumny and impiety victories, by public of the Synods judgments

and the Emperors themselves' suffrages reported.

[208] and Philagrius' entrance to the second Prefecture As to the Prefect pertains, of whom the prior Magistracy

so much was to the people gracious, that to a second to be asked

he merited; I deny him to have been Philagrius, a man,

as above we saw, from the religion Christian an apostate, and

in vexing the orthodox most cruel: of whom deservedly Athanasius

complains in the epistle to the Solitaries, that him Constantius,

against the mind of the father Constantine, under whom

the former he had perpetrated crimes, on account of the same perhaps unauthorized,

for a second time Prefect sent, worse even

about to perpetrate. 1 p. 844 Besides not agree the times, just as

beginning I insinuated; and the reception of Philagrius the magistracy

of Arians by zeal it had been celebrated, that the supreme to be compared

could with that, which to Athanasius befell before eight years.

To have been ignorant ought the man Nazianzen, who him, because

his gentile and a Cappadocian he was, so honorably here named.

But what done and said he narrates, to have happened

could in some of the afterward sent Prefects entering,

say St. Artemius, by whose, with a double title to himself

odious, slaughter, because both a Christian he was and to the Gentiles

very much had been adverse; began Julian the persecution

of those, who the chief under Constantius Magistracies

had borne.

[209] But let us return to Nazianzen, eloquently pursuing

of Athanasius into his Chair restored the praises: But was Athanasius after his return most humane

All things, he says, as in a lyre one, agreed among themselves

in the holy man; life, speech, contests, dangers, and what

in the return and what after the return he did. For soon as

his Church he obtained, not did he suffer what are wont

immoderately by anger moved, whatever should occur

repelling, although otherwise venerable, on account of

the predominating fury; but he esteemed this

to be a time of conciliating to himself minds. For since

mostly it happens, that he who suffers more moderate

is, but he who in power is placed more impotently

acts; he so meekly and gently them treated

by whom he had been affected with injury, that not to them themselves

even troublesome, also toward the Arians: so to speak, was his return.

For although he purged the sacred place from those, who God

and Christ as for gain and traffic abuse,

that in this also he might imitate Christ; that however

not with a woven from cords scourge, but by persuasible speech

he effected.

[210] He conciliated also those tumultuating, no mediator

needing for them with himself and among themselves

to be composed; and the magistery of true faith by word and writing resuming, he loosed the oppressions of those suffering unjustly,

no difference making between those who of his part

or the adverse had been: he resuscitated the collapsed Word,

and courage so to speak added to the Trinity, again above

the candelabrum placed, and with the clear of the one Divinity

light all minds illuminating. Again he

laws to the world to dictate, and of all minds to himself to draw;

these by writing, those by voice instructing, some

even of their own accord coming teaching, to all himself

alone suffices for the magistery of virtue. But that

in compendium I may say, of two laudable stones

he imitated the nature, becoming an adamant to those striking,

and to those dissenting a magnet, by an ineffable of nature virtue iron

drawing, and of metals the hardest to himself by familiarity

binding.

[211] Great therefore, says himself to the Solitaries Athanasius,

of his otherwise praises a most sparing proclaimer, great from every of men kind fruits he gathers. alacrity of the peoples

was in the sacred assemblies, mutually themselves exhorting

to virtue. 1 p. 825 How many unmarried indeed

still, but to nuptials inclined, to Christ themselves

virgins kept! How many young men, others having beheld,

their sons, how many sons obtested their parents, lest their

in Christ exercitation they should impede! How many wives

persuaded their husbands, how many by husbands persuaded wives

were, to be free for prayer, just as says the Apostle! How many widows,

how many orphans, who before were famished and naked,

from the immense of the peoples to alms alacrity, not

only not hungered further, but also clothed went forth

into public! Finally so great was to virtue

emulation, that single families and houses just as many

churches to be thou wouldst esteem, on account of the inhabitants' probity

and prayer to God.

[212] But how great to the very Athanasius to be heard

was the concourse of the Alexandrian multitude, and were to him the churches so narrow from this it is plain,

that of the subsequent years in some to have happened he himself in

the Apology confesses, in the Lenten synaxes,

on account of the places' narrowness and the frequency of the people,

very many boys and young girls and old women and young men

not few home brought were almost crushed;

so however that of them no one, which God's clemency was,

thereupon died. 1 p. 682 But if, he says, on common days

so great was the compression, what to be feared on the feast itself?

Since therefore both the churches few and small were, and

the people's number so great was, as in a Christian

city to desire one could; not small a tumult

was of those asking that in the great church (which then still

was being built, or at least dedicated not yet was) assemblies

should be celebrated, and there prayers should be made for

the safety of the Emperor. Which also was done; so that of misfortune by fear he had to use the greater not yet dedicated. resisting

although much Athanasius, and persuading that for a while they should wait, and although with pressure in other yet

churches they should come together. But in this not was he heard:

for they were prepared from the city to go out, and any

journey labor rather to sustain, than the feast of the Pascha

to keep with mourning. Which then matter of calumniating a handle

to the adversaries afforded, as below we shall see.

CHAPTER XIX.

The penitence of Ursacius and Valens. New motions on account of Marcellus of Ancyra. The Syllogus by Anastasius compiled.

[213] There was in the Churches, as says in the epistle to the Solitaries

Athanasius, a profound quiet and plainly wonderful,

since the Bishops from everywhere wrote, Ursacius and Valens to Rome coming, and in turn

received from Athanasius the wonted of peace letters. 1 p. 626

Nay even Ursacius and Valens, the letters

of the Hierosolymitan Synod beheld (as in the Syllogus is indicated)

as if by their own conscience scourged, penitence

professed; and to the Bishop indeed a friendly and pacific

they wrote epistle; but themselves to Rome

went, and their confession in writing comprised delivered

to Julius, of which a copy by Paulinus Bishop

of Trier in Latin transmitted to Athanasius, and by

Athanasius himself into Greek rendered, is found to each work apologetic

to Constantius and to the Solitaries inserted, together with an epistle

to Athanasius: but both epistles in Latin are extant in

Hilary in the fragments of the Historical work from the Pithou library

received: where however in inverted are reported order, since

witness Hosius, before than to Rome they came, a friendly and pacific

Epistle they wrote to Athanasius, in these words conceived. 1. p. 839 after to Athanasius peaceably they had written,

Gave itself the occasion of the Brother and Fellow-presbyter

our Moses, coming to thy Dilection, through

whom to thee a greeting most ample we say from the Aquileians'

city, and we wish that unharmed these letters

our thou read over. But thou wouldst give confidence, if thou

also in writing back a return to us repay. Indeed

to have us a place with thee and communion ecclesiastical

by these letters know. Divine piety thee guard,

Brother.

[214] But a copy of the Epistle, which after the renunciation

of the Easterners, Athanasius guilty not to be, in writing also there the fault they acknowledge

in the city Rome, with autograph hand, Valens wrote,

and Ursacius subscribed, such is. Since it is established, us

before this many grave things, about the name of Athanasius the Bishop,

by our letters to have insinuated; and by letters of thy Holiness

convened, of that matter about which we signified not

to have furnished a reason; we profess before thy Holiness,

with all present Presbyters Brethren our,

all things which before this to our ears came

about the name of the aforesaid, falsely to have been to us insinuated,

and of all force to be devoid: and to the Arians anathema they say. and therefore us most willingly

to embrace the communion of the aforesaid Athanasius:

especially since thy Holiness, for the implanted in itself benevolence,

to our error pardon has deigned to give. They condemn then the heresy

Arian, but in that sense in which to seem they wish

always it to have condemned, dissembled of the Consubstantiality

mention: and this epistle, says Hilary, after two years

was sent, than the heresy of Photinus by the Romans

was condemned. They err therefore, who the Roman about the cause of Photinus

Council, defer to the end of the year CCCLI or the following

beginning.

[215] Of their own accord then the same Valens and Ursacius subscribed

to pacific letters, which Athanasius' Presbyters

Peter and Irenaeus and Ammonius a layman carried about,

although through them nothing to them he had written. 1 p. 826 Who

so great a Church's peace seeing, would not wonder? who

would not glorify God, of the peoples in the assemblies

the alacrity beholding? How many of the enemies showed

penitence? other more of the adversaries to him return. how many retracted their former

calumnies? how many who before him had hated

to his love were converted? how many who against

him had written sang a palinode? But very many

who not from a deliberate of mind purpose, but

by a certain necessity to the Arians adhered, by night coming

and themselves excusing the heresy abjured; and pardon

to themselves to be given asked of the snares and calumnies,

by them through these made; professing that although in bodily

indeed presence among those they appeared, in mind

however they agreed with Athanasius, and ever

with him remained.

[216] Thus prosperously acting Athanasius, not were to the Catholics

quiet all things, Absolved at Sardica Marcellus of Ancyra Bishop. on account of Marcellus Bishop of Ancyra in Galatia.

This one in voice and writings more vehement having experienced the Arians,

most ill hated; and of Sabellianism accused, in the Conventicle

of Constantinople they had abdicated in the year CCCXXXVI: who

an almost equal with Athanasius having suffered, the same which he a refuge

had, the Roman namely Pontiff Julius; until

his also cause at Sardica was judged, about which in the epistle

Synodic these we read. p. 764 Recited also were the writings

of our fellow-minister Marcellus, and was detected of the Eusebians

the deceitful craftiness: for what Marcellus

by the manner of a question had treated, that, as so

to be he professed, they calumniated: recited also

were in these questions what intervened and followed,

and was found a good and right faith of that

man. For not from St. Mary, as they themselves asseverated,

to the Word of God a beginning he attributed, nor an end of his kingdom

he constituted; but his kingdom of beginning and end to lack he wrote.

Thus absolved and sent back to Ancyra, to harass not

did cease the faction of those who to the intruded there Basil adhered: and on account of the writings later, and he himself

at length so far slipped by the ardor of disputing; that to the Catholics

also he seemed seriously to maintain, what of a question only for

the sake to have set forth excusing, he had been in his excuse received.

And so, as says Severus Sulpicius book 2 of the History

sacred, before innocent, afterward depraved, to seem he could

already then guilty to have been, when about him it had been judged.

[217] The matter more clearly explaining Basil Epistle 52 to Athanasius himself

thus writes: It is sought also by some (and that

as to us ourselves it seems necessarily) that they, judged a heretic by St. Basil, namely the Legates

from the Roman Pontiff into the East sent, the heresy of Marcellus,

as bad and noxious and from the sane faith alien,

exterminate: since to this very day, in

all which they write letters, Arius indeed, most ill

heard of, up and down turning, to anathematize

and from the Churches to eliminate they cease not;

but Marcellus, who from the diameter answering

to Arius an impiety brought, and against the same

of the Only-begotten the Divinity's essence impiously acted, and

the Word's appellation ill usurped, not once even

to accuse they seem, that the Word indeed Only-begotten

to be called he hands down, by reason of ministry and dispensation,

and insofar as in time born he came forth, but for the rest

to him whence he had gone out reverted, nor before

the going-out to have been, nor after the return to subsist

(and of this a proof and demonstration the laid up

with me of that iniquitous writing books contain)

nevertheless that one by no means to reprobate they seem

to have, and through these to be blamed they come, as those who from the beginning

him, through ignorance of the truth, into ecclesiastical

also communion received. Therefore also of him, as

is fitting, to be made mention the present affairs demand,

lest an occasion they have who an occasion from this seek,

that to thy Holiness be joined those who in faith

sane are. whence excommunicated by Athanasius,

[218] From this so irrefragable suggestion: since little

of sane faith to be Marcellus thoroughly had known Athanasius,

witness Severus where above, him from communion he suspended;

and had that one this modesty, that of so great

to me seem a voluntary and sincere retractation and explication

to signify of those writings, in which Basil

Athanasius to be received to a certain extent he merited Marcellus; since

Epiphanius, two only after his death years writing

heresy 72, says, I interrogated at some time myself the Blessed

Pope Athanasius about this Marcellus, to him himself to have purged he seems. how

about him he thought. He indeed neither him defended, nor

grievously against him inveighed; but a gentle only

laugh emitted, showed the crime not great in

him to have been, but to be held him as one who himself had purged.

But afterward the Presbyters of Ancyra, of their own and their master's faith

altogether orthodox, an account rendering through an epistle, which is extant

in the said Epiphanius, also allege the letters, which

the most blessed Pope Athanasius socially and familiarly

wrote, and in it a most sound through all faith distinctly

and severally they confess. yet remained doubtful about him a report. Doubtful nonetheless ever

remained about Marcellus the report, by this also aggravated, that Photinus

that of Sirmium, an auditor of Marcellus in adolescence

to have been seemed, from Sabellius indeed in the union dissenting,

but a beginning of Christ from Mary preaching, and

it was established abdicated from Athanasius' communion to have been Marcellus,

having found the Arians such an occasion, as pursues

Severus, Meanwhile the Arians, they conspire thoroughly the Sardican Synod's

decrees to subvert. For to them a color certain to be at hand

seemed, that as unjustly had been for Athanasius

judged, as Marcellus had been absolved,

who now even by Athanasius' judgment a heretic to be

was proved. Therefore in the Sirmian Conventicle in the year CCCXLIX,

they mix with crafty counsel the innocent with the criminous, the of Marcellus and Athanasius causes mixed, and the condemnation

of Photinus and Marcellus and Athanasius in the same

sentence they comprise: that namely with the of the Emperors

minds prefacing, that they should not be thought

about Athanasius wrongly to have judged, who about Marcellus

and Photinus true had thought.

[219] From such a beginning resumed against Athanasius of detracting

the objected at Tyre crimes, and of that conventicle the sentence

more confidently to inculcate. Against whose maledictious impudence,

as a ready in his hands remedy, the old calumnies they resuscitate: congruous

thought the Saint the chief of his innocence documents, to this

very time issued (to one as it were Apology's context to reduce,

which he himself, as at the beginning we saw) the Syllogus, others an Apology

second named, of which this exordium: and as

their Synopsis, which the produced, as is said, tablets to be demonstrated

to himself takes the Saint. I esteemed I, after so great

demonstrations about me made, to be about to be that themselves should hide

the adversaries, and them should repent that others

they had calumniated. 1 p. 719 But they convicted although, blush not, he the documents of his innocence into the Syllogus collected,

and as to all insensible by contradicting

creep up, hoping all things to be voided; not indeed

that anew they be judged (for that they shudder at) but that us

they may vex and the souls of the simple. And so necessary

I judged before you me to defend, lest ever you receive

their whispers, but of the whole calumny perceived

you have the wickedness. Before you however, as sincere ones,

me I defend; but with others who to contend shall wish,

I trust in convictions against themselves to be produced.

[220] For our cause no longer of a judgment has need,

as not once only and again, according to which thus himself absolved he proves, but also

more often judged: first indeed in our Province,

which under Bishops about a hundred came together;

then at Rome the Eusebians writing, and themselves and

us thither cited, but the Bishops coming together

more than fifty: so that nothing is need of a further judgment. thirdly in the great Synod

which at Sardica sat, according to the mandate of to God

most dear Emperors Constantius and Constans,

in which our adversaries were unauthorized as sycophants,

but to the sentences in our favor borne

subscribed Bishops more than three hundred… to which

finally attested also Ursacius and Valens,

first indeed us having criminated, then indeed repenting:

and that not only by receiving the judged, but

also by confessing themselves and others as many as to us are adverse

calumniators to be. These and other things prefaces

Athanasius, that he may show not to be repeatedly to be moved questions

by so many sentences decided; and the Eusebians therefore only

to controvert, because all things against him composed alone

regard the heresy's defense, from which to depart it would behove,

if the judged for Athanasius they confessed to be received. Then

what about him written are in diverse Synods, and first

in the Synod of the Egyptians, By whom this Syllogus written it seems. he undertakes to exhibit

word for word, the documents and epistles each among themselves connecting

by a brief of the things done narration; and this treatise,

to no certain person or of men kind inscribed, but

to all of the truth to be known desirous directed, I judge

more often transcribed to have been and sent to various, and also

delivered to legates, for of things and causes the exigency to the Apostolic

See, to the Court Imperial, and to any other place

to be destined. But this time composed,

therefore especially I maintain; because nothing it contains beyond the year

CCCXLIX, in which their penitence Ursacius and Valens in writing

marked. For what about Liberius and Hosius are added at the end,

when and how they acceded, in the preface already I said,

and again in its place I shall indicate.

CHAPTER XX.

The death of Constans and Julius: the having followed machinations of the adversaries with Liberius and Constantius.

[221] Under these things, at the beginning of the year CCCL, great happened in the West

at Autun in Gaul had assumed the purple; and his rebels

fleeing Constans, and by the same about the mountains Pyrenean

intercepted, Constans being slain is disturbed the Empire of the West: miserably had perished; and at this slaughter's

news Vetranio or Britannio, by long distinguished and

dear military service, had assumed the Empire in the Pannonias the first day

of March: which to him Constantius to confirm preferred, a diadem being sent;

than to the Persian war, by which enough and over in

the East he was pressed, to undertake another in the West. Nepotian

also, of the Great Constantine from Eutropia his sister, once

Athanasius' hostess, a grandson, as in blood nearest,

attempted to occupy the kingdom: and the purple assumed on the day III

of June, Rome a victor occupied, he himself the eighteenth after

day from Magnentius' Dukes conquered and slain. But Magnentius

legates to Constantius sent, Servatius and Maximus

Bishops, Magnentius the tyrant sends legates to Constantius: and likewise Clementius and Valens: who when

through Alexandria a passage had had, afterward an occasion seized

the Arians of calumniating Athanasius, as if through them to the tyrant

he had written. Which that crime strongly and convincingly

from himself he removes in the Apology.

[222] Inquire, he says, what mention I made of

blessed memory Constans, when first Clementius'

companions I saw; how, just as is written, with tears

my garments I washed, his humanity and mind

of Christ loving recogitating. 1 p. 679 from him to himself fearing Athanasius for this prayers indicts, Thence advanced into the church,

nothing else I said than Let us pray for the safety of the most religious

Constantius Augustus: and immediately the whole

people with a consonant voice acclaimed, Christ help

Constantius: and in this prayer it persevered …

But more certain made about Magnentius' savagery, when

Valens through Libya running about I saw, how

I shuddered inquire, lest even here he should dare

something similar, and as a robber should kill all

of the blessed man's friends, of whom I to none myself second

esteem. These Athanasius to Constantius: who

before than to calumnies against him resuscitated an ear he gave,

thus to him wrote.

[223] That this my ever was the wish, that to my

once brother Constans all things according to mind's purpose

might fall, thy also conscience by no means escapes.

But in how great mourning I was, when I learned him by

some most wicked slain, and letters of security he receives. to conjecture again

easily can thy prudence. 1 p. 688 Since further

now some are, who in this so mournful time thee

attempt to terrify; congruous I judged to thy Constancy

this epistle to send, and thee to exhort, that, as

religion, with them free for prayers wonted;

nor believe vain, whoever they be, rumor-bearers.

For in our mind firmly this sentence

sits, that from our decree, without any impediment,

I wish thee perpetually to remain Bishop in that

place. Divine providence for many years thee preserve, Father

most dear. Such things Constantius, after his brother's death,

not only once and again, but also a third time wrote.

… Besides through Asterius the Count and Palladius,

mandates he sent to Felicissimus the Duke and Nestorius

the Prefect, that neither Philippus the Prefect, confirms several times confirmed. nor

any other, troublesome to be to Athanasius should dare. 1 p. 844

[224] Further when of the Eusebian heresy and impiety

the heirs… saw of the Bishops with Athanasius

concord and peace; but were these more

than four hundred, the Arians the consent of the Bishops with Athanasius not bearing, both from great Rome and all

Italy, Calabria, Apulia, Campania, Bruttium, Sicily, Sardinia,

Corsica, both from all Africa, the Gauls, Britain

and the Spains with that great Confessor

Hosius; besides from the Pannonias, Noricum, Siscia,

Dalmatia, Dardania, Dacia, Mysia, Macedonia,

Thessaly, and all Achaia, Crete, Cyprus, Lycia;

several likewise from Palestine, Isauria, Egypt and the Thebaid,

and all Libya and the Pentapolis: these, I say,

when saw they, by fear and envy were tortured; by envy

indeed, on account of such of minds a conjunction;

by fear indeed, lest their heresy defamed

as in a triumph should be led and rent everywhere. 1 p. 827

[225] First therefore to Ursacius and Valens they persuade,

that the purpose changed as dogs they should return

to their own vomit, returned to the vomit Ursacius and Valens, and as swine in the pristine of impiety

mire anew themselves should roll; alleging, penitence

by themselves to have been simulated, on account of the fear of the most religious

Emperor Constans. But although there had been

the instituted pursuing narration, not it behoved them

(if indeed they trusted to be able to prove what they had done)

betrayers to become of their own acts. Now indeed

since no there was a fear, they allege from fear done things, but of their own accord they lied,

by what at length pardon worthy will they be esteemed? Indeed

neither a soldier standing by, nor Palatines and Notaries

citing, nay nor the Emperor present, and

nor even called by anyone, they wrote; but they themselves

of their own accord came to Rome, what most freely they had done, and within the church (where

no from outside fear, but of God alone the fear is,

and a free each has of bringing forth the mind power)

through themselves penitence they did and marked.

Nonetheless again to Arianism relapsed,

they blushed not so absurd an excuse

to devise; then by deliberation common

they supplicated the Emperor Constantius in this

manner.

[226] Long ago supplicating we found not faith,

when Athanasius thou wast sending back, they complain very many from Arianism to defect, and we said that him

by recalling our heresy thou wouldst exterminate, since

to this from the beginning contrary he was, nor ceases

the same to condemn. Now however he himself fulfills what

we said, everywhere writing against us. Behold

indeed very many his communion hold; whom

however we thought with us to think, of them some now

themselves adhere, others to the same incline. But we

remained alone, and a fear is lest openly become known

the heresy, and we and thou be held heretics. But if

it happen, see lest with the Manichaeans we be reputed. Begin therefore

again to persecute, and Constantius again they pervert. and defend the heresy: for this

thee as King has. He however, when against Magnentius

hastening on the journey saw so great of all the

Bishops a conjunction with Athanasius, as

by fire kindled, changed his sentence; and not

only of the oaths forgot, but also of his writings

his own; and to his own ungrateful brother what to him he owed

would not remember: although both to him writing and with

Athanasius before acting he had sworn another not to be about to do

himself than the people would, and the Bishop to please he should understand…

[227] who Magnentius at length conquered, Meanwhile Magnentius, in the year CCCLI conquered in a huge

battle, in Pannonia on the day XVIII of September, Italy also

the following year, with manifold disaster worn down, had lost and into the Gauls

himself had withdrawn; and at length himself to himself hands brought violent,

about the day X of August in the year CCCLIII. In this same year,

Constantius VI and Constantius II Consuls (the one

namely Augustus, the other Caesar, surnamed Gallus for whose

name everywhere in the Consular fasti the name of Constans

is read both this and the following Consulate) on the very Kalends of December,

was given a law to Taurus the Prefect of the Praetorium, a law he carries about abolishing of the Gentiles rites,

of this tenor: It pleased, in all places and cities all

to be closed forthwith the temples; and access being forbidden to all,

also all from sacrifices to abstain. But if

anyone something perchance of this kind shall have perpetrated, with a sword

avenging let him be laid low. The faculties also of the destroyed to the fisc we decree

to be vindicated, and similarly to be afflicted the Rectors of the Provinces,

if the crimes to vindicate they shall have neglected. to Taurus the Prefect of the Praetorium, The Prefecture

bore Taurus, as from other laws demonstrates Jacobus

Gottofredus on book 10 of the Codex title 10, from the year CCCLIII, to

the year CCCLXI; and so vehemently err, both who this

law to Constantine the Great attributed, for a certain similar

and true his law which perished; and the editions vulgate of the Codex,

which the law this note Constantius IV and Constans

II Coss. which a Consulate nowhere is found in all the prior

years, in which lived Constans the Emperor; so far is it that

it is found Constans being dead under the Prefecture of Taurus: so that

altogether to be admitted is the aforesaid Gottofredus' correction: this

however to be explained was, because this very and not another law verified

the prediction of Athanasius, by Sozomen book 4 chapter 9

related in these words:

[228] A report is, that when at some time he proceeded

through the city Athanasius, which Athanasius' prediction verifies, it happened a flying crow

to have croaked. The approaching therefore of Gentiles a multitude,

as at a juggler to have cast taunts,

by asking that to himself he should say, what the crow had announced.

He indeed sweetly subsmiling to have answered, Cras,

which in the Roman tongue signifies the day next about to come:

Thus however by croaking unpleasant to you to be about to be

the day tomorrow it prenounces, he said: it signifies

indeed by a decree of the Roman Emperor to be prohibited

to you that the next festivity you celebrate. But this

of Athanasius prediction, although to them ridiculous it seemed,

appeared certain: for on the day following of the Roman Emperor

letters were delivered to the Prefects, about impeding through the Emperor the next their feast. prohibiting lest be permitted

the Gentiles to the fanes to approach, or the wonted

superstitions and assemblies to celebrate: and the festivity

imminent, and that to the Gentiles most sacred and most celebrated,

was dissolved. Peter Castellanus, at the end of the Syntagma

on the feasts of the Greeks, treating also of the months and the year

page 177 the old of Hesiod Scholiast alleges, who teaches,

the Egyptians in the month Cheac, which to the Romans December is, the feasts

of Bacchus to celebrate: and the same Bacchus to worship under the name

of Osiris, is plain from Tibullus Elegy 7 book 1, where with each name

indifferently using the Poet, one and the same of the vine cultivator

and of wine inventor sings. If therefore that law, carried on the Kalends

of December, could have come to Alexandria before that month's

end; it could also have impeded a celebrated some of Egyptian

Osiris feast, if not, it would have impeded something similar in

January.

[229] Julius the Pope being dead substituted Liberius. But these things more laboriously let those investigate, to whom Egyptian

sacred things to investigate is a care: to Constantius I return, who, through the death

of his Brothers and Magnentius' destruction, of the whole Empire a free

at length having obtained possession, wholly himself converted to opposing

Athanasius, and with Athanasius the faith Orthodox.

A hope of obtaining his wish made the death of Julius the Pope, to Athanasius

most devoted, in this same year CCCLIII on the day XII of April

deceased: to whom substituted Liberius on XXII of May, with what mind he was

in his Pontificate's progress toward the holy man, not allows

to be doubted the exile therefore endured; whether however such from

the beginning he was, doubtful makes an epistle, by Hilary in the fragments

thus related.

[230] seemed at the beginning to waver in the cause of Athanasius, To the most beloved Brethren and Co-bishops our,

through the East constituted, Liberius of the City Rome

Bishop greeting. Studying peace and concord

of the Churches, after the letters of your Charity, about

the name of Athanasius and the rest, made to the name

of Julius of good memory the Bishop, I received, following the tradition

of our elders, the Presbyters of the city Rome, Lucius,

Paulus and Helianus, from my side to Alexandria

to the aforesaid Athanasius I directed, that to the city

Rome he should come, that in the present, that which the Church's

discipline requires, on him might be constituted. Letters

also to the same through the aforesaid Presbyters I gave,

in which was contained, that if he came not, he should know himself

alien to be from the Church Roman's communion.

Returned therefore the Presbyters announced, him to come

unwilling to have been. Following finally the letters of your Charity,

which about the name of the said Athanasius to us you gave, know

by these letters, which to your unanimity we give,

us with all you and with all the Bishops

of the Church Catholic peace to have: but the aforesaid

Athanasius alien to be from the communion mine

or of the Roman Church, and the consortium of letters ecclesiastical.

[131] But this epistle, whether ever by Liberius was sent,

doubt others; (if true is his which is alleged epistle) nor are wanting who of the Arians to be a figment

esteem, on Hilary unwary obtruded. The matter indeed on both sides

ambiguous is, since neither Athanasius anywhere indicates about Liberius,

that of his innocence at some time he doubted; nor to either

ever objected by the adversaries is found, that even

for a moment they were from mutual communion separated. From the other

indeed part scarcely appears credible, to be deceived to have been able in a matter of so great

moment Hilary. Perhaps not unlike the truth a conjecture be,

written indeed, from a certain of a sentence to be borne precipitancy,

to have been the epistle (so that a copy also delivered was

to those who themselves of the Easterners legates said) suppressed however

to have been by a more mature counsel, because soon from Egypt all and

from Alexandria sent epistles came. For (just as

after that epistle suspect testifies Hilary) such as to

Julius long ago about to be restored to exiled Athanasius the communion

were written, such now to Liberius given

about to be protected.

[232] But this one when afterward was accused, of the Easterners and

of the Egyptians letters to have suppressed, lest the crimes of Athanasius, him defends the received of the Alexandrians for him letters,

whom they were said to have condemned, should lie open; Enough

to all clear it is, he says, nor anyone denies, us

the Easterners' letters to have intimated; to have read to the Church, to have read

to the Council, to these also to the Easterners to have responded:

to whom faith and knowledge not we accommodated

our (or accommodated too easily soon we retracted)

because at the same time of the eighty Bishops

Egyptian about Athanasius the sentence repugned.

These, the faults being corrected, transcribed from Hilary's fragments,

clear make a response to have been to the Easterners: and

why not through the aforenoted epistle? Would further also were extant,

which to have fallen out we grieve from the aforecited Hilary's to which subjoined

they were place, the Egyptians' letters; whose Synod Athanasius had convoked, the matter indeed whole to be about to illustrate

more clearly. Meanwhile to conjecture it is allowed, Athanasius, not

indeed to have refused to Rome to come, as either the Arians feigned, or

by these corrupted the Legates lyingly reported; himself to have dreaded,

lest into the hands of Constantius, by new calumnies not lightly

irritated, and in Italy victories against Magnentius pursuing,

he should fall; against every however of a judgment at Rome again

to be undergone necessity, to have congregated a Synod of Provincial

Bishops, the aforesaid namely eighty, and by these written

letters to have premised to Liberius with an excuse of his

just delay, and a conviction of the Arians, him under

the common of the Easterners title accusing together with the Meletians,

the authority and title of the Egyptian Bishops

lyingly to themselves arrogating.

[233] Under these things to Alexandria came Montanus a Palatine,

with such an epistle, as if I, says in the Apology

Athanasius to Constantius, from thee a right of going into

Italy had asked, after fraudulently invited by the Emperor, for those things to be restored which in the Ecclesiastical

there to fail seemed. 1 p. 686 Thy indeed piety

thanks I give, that to writings of another, because mine thou thoughtest,

thou hast assented; and the care of my journey, that it as

most conveniently might be done, thou hast undertaken. I wonder however so

false to thy ears to have been able to be brought: for nothing such

I wrote… Knows Montanus me not to have declined the setting out:

but that I should go, as if therefore I had written,

unbecoming I believed; lest even in this an occasion should find

the adversaries of a new calumny, as if to thy Piety

I were importunate. Meanwhile I prepared myself, as also

Montanus knows, that if thou shouldst deign to write, I should come

immediately. These the Saint, afterward necessary having to purge himself,

that to Constantius', not a mandate, but a simple permission,

and that fraudulently by the adversaries procured, not

he had left Alexandria, no fit cause why into Italy

he should go inviting, many that he should not go dissuading.

[234] legates to the same he had sent; For a little before than that epistle he received

Athanasius, witness Sozomen book 4 chapter 8, persuaded having

to himself in the Palace of the Emperor prepared snares, to

him then in the West acting Egyptian Bishops

five by himself chosen, and with these three of his Church

Presbyters he had sent, who both him to himself might conciliate,

and to the calumnies of the adversaries, if need, might respond;

then other things might do which to the Church and himself to expedite

they should know. Of their number was Serapion,

of Thmuis Bishop, of whom together with Ammonius abroad acting

because makes mention Athanasius in the Epistle to Dracontius,

an occasion gives of esteeming, of whom he makes mention in the epistle to Dracontius him Dracontius (who with great

consent at Alexandria elected and ordained had been Bishop

of Hermopolis) of the monks over whom he presided by the persuasion flight

to have entered at this time; and from it to be drawn back to have been by that most beautiful

which to him the Saint sent epistle, admonishing by the example

of the aforesaid two and of several others (who monks and

of monks Prefects since they were, the Episcopate however not

had rejected) lest the hoped-for of him fruit to the Church he subtract;

but should hear the sent with the Epistle Hierax the Presbyter

and Maximus the Lector: from whom to know Dracontius

the Saint wished, with what affection these he had written,

and how great to him threatened danger an ecclesiastical

ordination declining.

[235] For the rest by the legation aforesaid nothing at all to have been profited

with Constantius, The Emperor at Arles compels many to subscribe against Athanasius, from the afterward things done appears, which

in the epistle to the Solitaries Athanasius thus begins to narrate:

In single cities he compelled the Bishops, now victor and

alone ruling Constantius, to change in Athanasius'

and religion's cause their sentence. 1 p. 829 But when he was at Arles

and at Milan, all things from the heretics' counsel and

suggestion he did: or rather these themselves did what

they would, power against all having obtained. Was at Arles

Constantius from the day X of October CCCLIII even to the following

year's spring; and meanwhile equal things there he did, which at Milan to have done

soon we shall see. But these to come against wishing Liberius the Pope,

just as to Hosius writes himself, with the Bishops of Italy to himself

collected besought Constantius, that, just as it had pleased

formerly, a Council at Aquileia to be congregated he should order,

sending Vincent of Capua, to which also the legates of the Pontiff with Marcellus

equally from Campania a Bishop. Who not only nothing

obtained, but even himself into the same was led simulation,

that Athanasius' communion he should abdicate. To

whose however excuse himself the Saint in the Apology says, him

and others a force not common and grave contumelies

to have suffered, until they should promise themselves from that communion

about to abstain. 1 p. 693

[236] by force and guile they are drawn. The matter as it was done in the Epistle to Constantius, which

in the fragments of Hilary is extant, thus explains Liberius the Pope. There remain,

he says, the letters of the Legates, who to thy Clemency

had been destined: by which they signify, on account of

the disturbance of all the Churches, they themselves indeed to succumb

to the sentences of the Easterners to have wished, to have proposed

however a condition, that if the same Arius' heresy

they should condemn … their sentences they would obey. The thing agreed,

as they themselves signify, by a writing witness is confirmed:

it goes into council: they receive with deliberation the responses,

Arius' doctrine themselves to condemn not to be able; Athanasius,

which alone they exacted, of communion

to be deprived. But this Epistle, by which he shows

not of Athanasius alone the cause to be acted, and prays that a Council general

to be made might allow the Emperor, through Lucifer of Cagliari

the Bishop sent Liberius: but with an unsuccessful as also the prior

attempt, unless Lucifer himself more constant showed, as

will be shown on the day XX of May on which he is venerated.

[237] Vincent's lapse how greatly Liberius' mind and

Athanasius' cause afflicted, to be said scarcely can: for there followed

of the rest almost all the assent to the abdication of Athanasius, the rest everywhere the example following:

and St. Paulinus Bishop of Trier, whom among the Confessors everywhere

numbers Athanasius, into exile is relegated; about whom at more length

to be treated XXXI of August on which at Trier he is venerated. Perhaps also

to this time looks, that Athanasius, of the Arles and Milan

conventicle the iniquitous effects joining, thus indicates

in the epistle to the Solitaries. Immediately were dispatched letters

with mandates to the Prefect, that the grain, against those refusing the Arian communion a persecution is indicted. hitherto

to be furnished wont, should be taken away from Athanasius, and should be given

to those Arius' opinion holding; and that to the willing

Athanasius made. 1 p. 829 Threats likewise were denounced to the Judges,

unless they should communicate with the heretics. And these

indeed at Alexandria: outside indeed again edicts and notaries

through cities single were sent, with threats to the Bishops

and Judges, that these indeed those should execute,

but those against Athanasius should write communicating

with the Arians, or the exile's punishment should sustain; and

the peoples to them adhering should know, chains, blows, contumelies,

and of goods rapines to themselves to be to be expected.

Nor slothfully was acted the business: for they had

who sent were with them Clerics of Valens and Ursacius,

who the Judges should incite, and more negligently acting

should report to the Emperor.

CHAPTER XXI.

The Council of Milan and the persecution of the orthodox, refusing to subscribe to Athanasius' damnation. Liberius' and Hosius' vexation.

[238] While is prepared at Milan a council. The rest of the year CCCLIV in the apparatus of the Milan

Synod was spent; not that to Liberius' and of others

orthodox the wish should be done enough; but that with greater noise

and by a greater of Bishops everywhere assembled number

should be condemned Athanasius. But it appeared the Easterners, on account of

the journey's remoteness, fewer about to be present; nor indeed was it expedient

that copious should be present, who not but violently were hoped

to be drawn into the sentence; and perhaps the Westerners about the things in

the East done truth instructing, less fit would render

for the prepared to themselves from the feigned of the Easterners consent frauds.

And so, as says Athanasius to the Solitaries, It was written

to the Magistrates, and many pecuniary things to them denounced, are compelled through the East Suffrages against Athanasius,

unless his each one's city's Bishop to subscribing

he had compelled. 1 p. 830 Hence every place and city was filled

with terror and tumult, since the Bishops indeed

were dragged; but the Judges were compelled to behold of the peoples

the laments and sighs.

[239] And these indeed by the Palatines to this sent were acted;

but the heretics by so great patrons supported, nothing not

machinated. And so of the Bishops some they cited

to the Emperor, much with violence: others they circumvented through letters,

devising a cause against them some; that either

the present Emperor they should dread, or the legates

and threats and of calumnies pretexts they should fear, and

so from their right and pious mind be drawn away. In this

manner compelled the Emperor so grand a number

of Bishops, partly by threats partly by promises extorting,

that they should say, whom in a great number thus extorted, No longer we communicate

with Athanasius. For those who to him came, not

before were admitted into sight, and nor to rest

even were allowed, or from their lodging to go out unless

either they subscribed or refusing they went into exile.

But this he did, because he saw all to shun

the heresy. And therefore more he compelled them so many

to accede to the few, and studied to collect of names

thence to the Arian impiety, of which he was the patron,

an appearance some might conciliate; esteeming, that

equally the very truth, and of men the minds he could

pervert.

[240] It is convened, not in the church, With this apparatus and such preludes, to which

congruous the subsequent all acts were, was begun in the year

CCCLV, Arbetio and Lollianus Consuls, that famous of Milan

Synod, of Bishops shall I say into sentences

about to go, or of slaves into words sworn? whom from

the West to have been most and more than three hundred, write Socrates

and Sozomen; and among these many, by of things ignorance

led, and persuaded for one man to be protected the cause not

to be the Churches all to be exposed to peril. but in the Palace. But when it appeared

at the faith's change tumults in the people about to arise, nor

that matter safely to be able in the church publicly to be agitated, to the Emperor's

palace transferred were the Synodal actions, where a liberty less

and a more present fear to assent more quickly to be expressed

would conduce.

[241] But not of all the same weakness was. For

when many they ensnared the heretics, not few they made

Confessors; Here flashes forth the constancy of SS. Lucifer, Eusebius and Dionysius. by which title before the rest more renowned

are, says Athanasius Paulinus Bishop of Trier,

which of the Gauls Metropolis is, but already before into exile

relegated, Lucifer of the Metropolitan in Sardinia See

Bishop, Eusebius from Vercelli a city of Italy, and

Dionysius from Milan, which also itself is of Italy a Metropolis. 1 p. 831

These indeed calling the Emperor, ordered to subscribe

against Athanasius, and with the heretics to communicate.

And when these wondered at his importune

zeal, and said it not to be of an Ecclesiastical

canon, immediately he, But, what I will, a canon be held:

for thus speaking me without contradiction

they hear who in Syria Bishops are called. Obey

therefore, or exiles also you be. Such things when he said,

astounded the Bishops lifted to God their hands, freely arguing the Emperor, and

great of words liberty using, to teach they strove,

not to be his the Empire, but of him who had given

it God, whom that he should fear they exhorted, lest him he soon

should take away: they threatened to him also the judgment's day, and persuaded

lest the discipline ecclesiastical he should corrupt,

or with its disposition he should mix the administration

of the Roman empire, and into God's Church the heresy

Arian he should introduce. But he neither heard,

nor more to say them allowed; but threateningly

he drew a sword against them, and some to be snatched from

his sight ordered. We shall give on XXV of May the Life

of St. Dionysius, and in it described more fully of that Council the history,

to which enough here it will be the reader to dismiss.

[242] At other times when he saw to stick perplexed the criminators,

he himself their turns underwent in accusing, that

the accused nothing could respond; on account of the too great

his violence: which in the cause of Athanasius especially

was plain. 1 p. 831 For seeing Lucifer's, Eusebius', and

Dionysius' of the Bishops the constancy, that himself an accuser he made, from Ursacius' and

Valens' penitence demonstrating not to be heard

in those things which now they said; rising he forthwith

said: I now an accuser am of Athanasius,

on account of me believe those things which they say. But them

answering, how an accuser to be canst thou of an absent

defendant? for if the accuser is present, but is absent the defendant,

the journey's remoteness he could not… But if of

heard things objecting thou speakest, fair it is thee also those things

to believe which says he himself: but if thou believest him not, believest

indeed these, rather seem those in thy favor such things

to say, and on its account Athanasius to accuse.

[243] and an absent to be condemned he ordered, To these similar wrote afterward Lucifer, whose life

we shall give XX of May: from his meanwhile book 2 for Athanasius these few

receive: Urges the defense of truth to be sought from thee, why

an absent to be condemned thou hast ordered. Tell I pray, well, or

ill it to be done thou commandest? If thou shalt say well;

I believe thee to B. Paul's to flee deed, that to the Corinthians he wrote

now himself that sinner to have punished, whom he had ascertained

grievously to have offended. Let us see now if thou, beast,

members and a body only having of a man but a mind

indeed beast-like, if so thou hast acted as acted the Apostle.

… First of all to the blessed Apostle Catholics announced

these, whom he notes faithful, whom to God he had proved

faithful, and a witness he knew to be all of the Corinthians

the holy Church. Thou on the contrary with thy fellow-sacrilegious,

accusing to God hateful heretics, us

deignedst to urge to an absent's damnation. Then,

when the Apostle thou hearest to say, You being congregated and

my spirit,… thou darkness, why to us saying,

To him we at our own expenses will proceed; in the people,

to which divinely he was constituted, the same we will hear, only

give Catholic accusers; why didst thou decline? why

(as if gladiators, not Bishops, we were) only

according to thy wishes, that we could kill him,

of whom thou long thirstedst the gore, didst thou give pains?

[244] Such things when to himself, as afterward written, so then in person

said he had heard and his own reckoned the contumely; and therefore they are condemned to exile. them

indeed he ejected into exile, but moved against

Athanasius he wrote more atrociously, that those things which thereafter

were done he might suffer… But the Saints shaking off

the dust from their feet, and looking up into heaven,

neither the threats of the Emperor feared, nor on account of bared

swords betrayed the truth; but exile,

as of their ministry the office, accepted. 1 p. 832 Passing

indeed through towns and cities, although in chains

placed, they evangelized, the true preaching faith, and

the Arian heresy execrating, and divulging not

without infamy of Ursacius and Valens the penitence. And so

to the adversaries contrary to what they had determined it happened: and the more

longer was the exile's space, the more was increased

the hatred of them; and there was a proclamation public

of the impiety of the same, the very of the Saints relegation…

[245] Further nor to Liberius indeed of Rome the Bishop

at the beginning of the persecution did they spare… For seeing

him rightly thinking and from the heresy Arian most alien, Liberius to consent solicited,

nay even striving that from the same all he might lead back,

said the impious within themselves: If Liberius we shall have persuaded,

all soon we shall have overcome. Therefore they suggest

to the Emperor about him: but the Emperor reckoning with Liberius

all to himself to be able to be drawn, writes and sends a eunuch

that with these he might cajole, with those threaten.

But going away the eunuch to Rome, first persuaded

Liberius that he should subscribe against Athanasius and with

the Arians communicate; for this to will the Emperor

and according to power to order; then displaying the gifts,

he insisted and grasped his hands, saying, Obey

the Emperor, and these receive.

[246] On the contrary the Bishop strove saying; How

that to be done against Athanasius can it? whom

indeed not one only, generously he refuses, but also another Synod from everywhere

collected altogether innocent pronounced,

and the Roman Church with peace dismissed, how

can we condemn? Who further us would receive,

if now altogether we should reject an absent,

whom present we loved and with us communicating

we had? Not is this a canon ecclesiastical,

nor such ever from the Fathers we received,

who their things before had from the blessed and great Apostle

Peter. But if the Emperor, care having of the ecclesiastical

peace, orders to be abolished what by us about Athanasius

written are; and a free council he asks: let be abolished also what by

them against him are done; and so an ecclesiastical Synod

be made far from the Palace, where neither the Emperor be present,

nor threaten a Count, nor a Judge menace,

but the sole of God fear suffices and the Apostolic

constitution. For so namely before all things, safe indeed

will remain the Church's faith, such as the Nicene Council's

Fathers defined; but the Arians ejected, alone

in faith pure would have of speaking liberty…

[247] These things saying Liberius saddened the eunuch,

not so much because he refused to subscribe, as

because himself he showed to the heresy adverse, forgot himself

before the Bishop to stand, and much threatening went out

with the gifts… and the Emperor's wrath against

Liberius sharpening by writing, wherefore to the Emperor dragged, moved also

the eunuchs the rest: for these all things both are and can

with Constantius. 1 p. 834 Writes therefore the Emperor

to Rome: and again Palatines and Notaries and Counts

are sent, with mandates to the City's Prefect,

that either by guile circumvented Liberius should be expelled

from Rome, and should be sent to him into the camp; or

by violent persecution should be pressed… 1 p. 835 Is dragged

therefore to the Emperor Liberius, is relegated also himself. before whom much

even then with liberty prevailing: Cease, he says,

to persecute Christians, nor through me hope an impiety

to introduce into the Church… Before some crime

against us they devise, to come

we hastened, although of exile certain; that both the rest, who

equal with us have suffered, innocent may appear;

and the impacted on them crimes, may be understood mere to be

calumnies…

[248] With so great and such crimes not content,

nothing yet themselves to have done they reckoned, similarly solicited Hosius, as long as that great

Hosius their malice not yet had experienced… 1 p. 837

He a Prince is, they said, of Synods;

and if anything he writes it is heard everywhere: he the formula

of faith in the Nicene conceived, and the Arians everywhere

for heretics traduced… Repeatedly therefore writing

Constantius, and now indeed cajoling and father

calling, now threatening and the relegated

enumerating, nothing at these dreaded Hosius; nay

among the contumelies, through an epistle he chides Constantius: which he suffered, he wrote an epistle;

above sometimes alleged, which in Athanasius this

very place inserted to be read entire can; the beginning here receive. 1 p. 838

I the faith confessed already long ago, when thy grandfather

Maximian a persecution moved: which

if thou resuscitatest, even now anything rather to sustain

prepared I am, than that I should pour out blood innocent

and betray the truth. Know therefore that such

writing thee and threatening I care not. Thou

rather cease these to write, and with Arius to think: nor

hear the Easterners, nor believe Ursacius and Valens:

for what they say, not on account of Athanasius, but

on account of their heresy they say. To me believe Constantius,

who by age thy grandfather to be I could.

[249] To such a beginning agrees the Epistle the rest, manifestly

setting forth, how with not daring at Sardica before Athanasius

to appear the adversaries, absolved he was, and themselves Valens

and Ursacius to have calumniated themselves confessed; and finally not to be

of the Emperor to treat the causes of the Church, just as nor of the Bishops

the affairs of the Empire; wherefore concluding, I neither to the Arians

suffrage, he says, but their heresy I execrate; nor

against Athanasius write, whom we and the Roman

Church and the whole Synod innocent declared: and admonishes that from the begun he desist:

which also thyself considering thou hast sent back the man,

and hast permitted with honor to his fatherland and Church

to return… Not is of a prudent on account of another's

lust himself to cast into a certain of damnation

eternal peril. 1 p. 839 Cease I pray, and to me

hearken, Constantius: for this both me to write becomes,

and thee it is fitting not to vilify.

[250] wherefore for a whole year at Sirmium he is vexed, These the Abrahamic that old man, truly Hosius, both

felt and wrote… Which when had received of impiety

the champion Constantius, and others said not only

himself not to subscribe, but also to others to persuade that

better it would be death to suffer, than betrayers to become

of truth, for which both the beloved brother Athanasius a persecution

sustained, and Liberius of the Romans the Bishop

and the rest all by snares were assailed;

likewise that others through the Spains were of the same with Hosius

opinion; when these also he had solicited to subscription

nor to bend been able; he summoned

Hosius, and for exile detained for a whole year at Sirmium;

neither God revering, nor of his father toward him

love, nor finally of a man already a centenarian and the sixtieth

and more year in the Episcopate

acting the old age.

[251] So far Athanasius, excusing then, and into the Arians'

accusation turning, succumbed however both himself and Liberius, what afterward Liberius

and Hosius by woes conquered did, and which with of History ecclesiastical

treaters to be read more diffusely can: just as also in

our April those things which Felix' substitution into the Roman

Pontificate regard, where we showed his election, whatever

it preceded ordination, Liberius himself to have had

as author; and so a true Pontiff to have been Felix, and

on account of a death for the faith met worthy who among the Martyrs

holy be venerated. But his lapse so repaired Liberius,

Felix being dead in the year CCCLXV again a true Pontiff; but each the lapse repaired.

so that Epiphanius heresy 75 blessed, Basil Epistle

74 most blessed, Ambrose to the Virgins of happy and

blessed memory call him; and the same the Greeks as a Saint

venerate with a notable elogium on the day XXVII of August; and

Wandelbert in the metric Calendar and others in the additions

to Usuard's Martyrology with a similar of Sanctity title him

set forth on XXIII of September: when more fully these will be treated

by us. About Hosius in few words himself Athanasius to

the Solitaries: So great a force inflicted on the old man Constantius, and

so closely him he held, that afflicted and worn by evils,

at length and scarcely with Ursacius and Valens he communicated,

so however that against Athanasius he subscribed not. 1 p. 841

But not even thus that matter for slight

he held; for about to die, as for his testament,

their force he protested, and the Arian heresy

condemned, and forbade by anyone to be approved or

received. These about Hosius Athanasius, far diverse from the relation

of Marcellinus and Faustinus the Luciferians, in their most lying

little book of prayers altogether incredible things narrating, about a violence

by Hosius exercised against those refusing communion

his, and about his impenitent's horrible end, such as

of the Priest Eli to have been the Scripture records.

CHAPTER XXII.

Syrianus' against Athanasius nocturnal irruption: of Heraclius setting forth edicts the impiety and cruelty.

[252] No of Constantius mandate departure commanding. It is time that we return to Alexandria, where Athanasius

we left, nothing moved by the surreptitious letters,

had brought. He therefore when elsewhere had set out,

after six and twenty months came Diogenes a notary,

who neither himself anything of letters brought, says

Athanasius in the Apology, nor under mutual sight

came, or commanded anything as if of him a mandate to himself

had been. 1 p. 688 Nay when Syrianus of the armies the leader to Alexandria

entered, and the Arians boasted, now

at length about to do themselves what they would; I sought whether

such letters, as those boasted, were brought.

These indeed since they themselves to have not said; I demanded

that at least either Syrianus himself or of Egypt the Prefect

Maximus, about it to me should write. But this thus

I demanded, because to me had written Thy humanity (the Emperor

he addresses) that by no one I should be disturbed, nor should receive

if any to terrify us should wish…

[253] Of this epistle when they referred to the judges;

… nor a mandate of thy Piety showed, by right

I inferred, the words of them without thy mandate

to be, Athanasius at Alexandria to remain allows the Duke Syrianus: most Religious Augustus; and to be done by me

I believed, that just as the epistles thine having returned

I had into my fatherland, so also a mandate having

thine I should go out; lest as the Church fleeing or

departure's cause. The same all the people with

the Presbyters and the greater part of the city, that I say not

more, Syrianus going to demanded, before

of Egypt the Prefect Maximus. They demanded but that

to me should be written, and should be sent to me, or that thenceforth

not should be disturbed the Churches, until the peoples

themselves about this should have sent their legates to Thee. To them therefore

long and much supplicating, seeing Syrianus

fair to be asked, by thy safety swearing affirmed so

to be done to be. But there was present also Hilarius and the cohort

of the Duke, and the cohort of the Prefect Egyptian.

[254] These things when had promised Syrianus, came together

all in the churches, with joy and security,

But after days twenty-three, then, against the faith given, (when namely the military

forces, which the Romans Legions call, from Egypt

and Libya, witness Sozomen, summoned had come) it appeared

how nothing to be trusted to heretics is. 1 p. 717 It was night, and certain

of the people were keeping vigil for the next synaxis;

when the Duke Syrianus unexpected was present, with more

than five times a thousand men, with 5000 armed the church he besieges: having arms and drawn

swords, and bows and arrows and clubs; and he girt

the church, the soldiers conjointly placing, so that it was impossible,

from it for those going out to pass through. But I

absurd reckoning in so great confusion to desert the people,

for whom I myself rather ought to undergo the peril; on

the throne sitting I commanded the Deacon, that a Psalm he should recite

and the people should hear, Because for ever

his mercy; and so should withdraw each into houses

their own. Ps. 105

[255] At length when the Duke violently broke in, and

the soldiers to me to be apprehended surrounded

the sacrarium; him violently breaking in, as many as there were Clerics and the rest of

the people cried out, besought, that I also now

should depart. But I refused to go out before

than all severally had gone out. Rising therefore

and to pray commanding, I asked that first should go out all,

better to be saying if I were in peril, than if of them

anyone were hurt. Athanasius in the crowd safe goes out. And so most going out

and following the rest, who with me within were

Monks and Clerics certain, with them me drew going out.

In this manner, witness truth itself, through

the midst of the soldiers, of whom some the sacrarium had girt, others

through the church wandered about, God leading and protecting,

secretly from them I escaped; glorifying God, that

neither the people I had betrayed; and it premising,

to be saved and to escape I had been able the hands of those seeking

me.

[256] done these about dawn 9 February. So far Athanasius in the Apology about his flight: to which

consonant, but with more atrocious crimes increased, wrote in their

public protestation the people Alexandrian, to all setting forth,

what in the church was done as dawned the day V of the Ides

of February, that is the fourteenth of the month Mechir,

the people watching and praying, because was to be celebrated

the third after the matter done day, after the Consulate of Arbetio

and Lollianus the seventeenth day of the month Mechir,

that is the day before the Ides of February. in the year 356 By which accurately

is noted the year CCCLVI bissextile, whose beginning

had the Dominical letter G, so that the day fifth of the Ides

or ninth of that month was Parasceve or Feria VI,

to St. Apollonia Virgin and Martyr of Alexandria sacred. Yet

because Athanasius' interpreter, by I know not what of the pen error,

for Ides wrote Kalends; it came about, that beyond

nothing examining Baronius, the Roman Martyrology

revising and with Saints by which it seemed augmenting, on the day

XXVIII of January wrote, not 28 January. At Alexandria of very many

holy Martyrs, who on this very day, by the faction

of Syrianus Duke the Arian, while in the church a Synaxis

they acted, by a diverse of death kind were slain.

But he could have noted, the day XXVIII of January, in that

which is noted in the protestation year, to have been not Parasceve,

but Sunday.

[257] By the Roman Martyrology's reverence led Bollandus

our, the very Protestation in January, under that of the error

indication, gave and illustrated. Wherefore lest a done thing I do, In that irruption several to have been slain, briefly

here I indicate, slain to have been many both from the people and

of the holy Virgins, of whom the bodies by the soldiers hidden,

to a public showing of the endured savagery,

by the very faithful soon were exposed publicly. So great but

was the indignation of the people, that the arms and weapons found within the church

they suspended, and would not them to be removed, however much insisting

Gorgonius the Prefect. With the first, which on that very likely

day they had written, protestation not content, this

second they wrote and signed everywhere to be distributed, protests the people Alexandrian.

because Syrianus a testimony demanded, that

no tumult was made, nor anyone slain had been.

But for contempt held by Constantius were of the Catholics

the complaints: who of this kind evils approving, through Hilarius

Alexandrian, the youth soliciting, that together

congregated either they should persecute Athanasius, or should know

themselves for enemies to be held… 1 p. 843

[258] Edicts therefore publicly set forth were, which

themselves a great of the one writing them manifested confusion. 1 p. 844

For after, [Constantius in the edicts excuses that of his brother alone the cause to return he allowed Athanasius,] just as the great Hosius to him

wrote, he found not a likely some

of mind toward Athanasius changed pretext; he devised

another, even less to himself and his counsellors

agreeing with his words: My brother's of divine and religious

memory friendship revering, I indulged to him

that to you for a time some he should return. These things

but declare, himself both in promises fallacious,

and toward the dead brother to be ungrateful. Then

of divine and religious memory, as truly it was,

he calls him, whose precept and friendship, just as

himself wrote, although something for his cause he had indulged,

he ought not undutifully to neglect, but rather as of the Empire

so also of the sentence heir to be made. But when Britannion

from the midst he took away, willing it as by right

done to excuse, he said, For of whom will be of the brothers

the inheritance after death? But on account of a wicked

and to Christ adverse heresy, what right is he is ignorant,

and toward his brothers undutiful is made, on account of

which also nor of his father the sentence entirely he studied

to observe: for in that which pleases the impious, who even hence him convicts of impiety,

it to follow himself he professes; in that indeed which to them

displeases, he knows not a reason to have of piety to a parent

due. For he indeed dismissed indeed the Bishop,

by the Eusebians accused, for a time into the Gauls,

on account of the ferocity of his enemies; just as

blessed Constantine, of this Constantius the brother after

the death of the father declared, through his which are extant

letters: never however by the Eusebians to be persuaded

to himself he allowed, that he should send whom they themselves wished a Bishop,

but that desiring he restrained, and the matter attempting with

his begetter's acts, as he writes, he wished to keep inviolate,

first indeed he sent Gregorius, but now

the embezzler Georgius? How the Arians, whom

he called Porphyrians, does he study to introduce into the Church?

[259] as also does St. Lucifer. These Athanasius: but Lucifer of Cagliari, for

his wonted liberty, nor him indeed Constantine sparing,

and to Constantius objecting, that like a dog returned to the vomit,

him he sought to kill, to whom himself thenceforth nothing of evil

about to do to the Alexandrians by letters he had sworn, far more keenly

the same excuses overthrows, book 2 for Athanasius thus writing:

But, thou sayest, my father him had sent into exile, and

me it behoved to my father's to obey statutes. Put, as thou wilt,

into exile, why him didst thou suffer against thy father's statutes

to receive the dignity, which to him himself thy to have borne reckoned

had thy father? But, thou sayest, of my Brother Constans

it was done by the intervention. But thou couldst meet

Constans, saying, Our father whom he proved

mine I cannot. But, thou wilt say, I feared lest between us

wars should have arisen. Therefore, because Saporinus of the Persians

the King now against thee wages battle, if to thee he shall say, Receive

my religions and I will be with thee pacified; thee it behoves

with all in thy empire dwelling to pass

to the religion of demons?… But thou thyself a witness

art of thy conscience … that sent was into exile

Athanasius because he would not be an Arian: therefore

hated held by thy father escapes thee not; since indeed

even in that thou deignest him to persecute cause, in which

also thy father him had persecuted. Worthily and so

compared thou art to a dog who has returned to his vomit.

For already a Christian to be thou wast esteemed, from which Athanasius

with such letters thou hadst represented: but now

thou art proved to be an Arian, and desiring thy heresy

to find a place, a just man thou persecutest, because

he namely is the same with all effort impugning.

[260] Further Athanasius when his to Constantine Apology

wrote and the flight excused, seems still ignorant

to have been of the slaughters in Syrianus' irruption perpetrated; But wrote Athanasius from the desert, them however

to have learned when afterward he wrote the aforecited to the Solitaries Epistle,

to which the very on that account people Alexandrian's letters about

the things done of Syrianus he subjoined. He was ignorant in turn these writing

the people, what done was to Athanasius; and prayed the Prefect

and Magistrates lest they should permit another for him to be substituted, whom

uniquely they desired with them to remain, for him even to die prepared.

But whither had gone Athanasius? I answer that from his own

words other nothing we can elicit, than that immediately to

the desert he betook himself. 1 p. 690 For when in the Apology before he had said,

I, whither himself he had withdrawn. the seen Syrianus' nocturnal into the Church irruption, first

the people I admonished that it should depart; then I myself with

them, as saw who were present, God me concealing and

leading withdrew, and from that time I remained κατ᾽

ἐμαυτὸν, which of whatever even domestic solitude

could be understood. 1 p. 697 More clearly then speaking, I confess, he says, that

the heard and almost seen things which decreed had been and to execution

were committed, the of approaching the Emperor counsel laid down, to the desert

anew I returned, by this very enough indicating there myself to have been

before than that counsel I should undertake.

[261] The edicts being set forth by Heraclius the Count Meanwhile the magistrates being changed, of the military matter the care,

with the title of Duke, to Sebastian; of the political, with the title of Prefect,

to Cataphronius passed, most impious men. Sent

also had been Heraclius a Count, who the edicts should publish,

and from the mandate of the Emperor should denounce, that unless

it were obeyed, would be subtracted the bread, and the idols subverted

(of which the former to the lowest common people, the latter to

the gentiles to be stirred regarded) and to many of the chief

of the citizens and of the people captivity to be prepared.

These however denouncing, says to the Solitaries Athanasius,

he blushed not openly with a great voice to declare, that Athanasius

the Emperor repudiated, and to the Arians ordered the churches

to be delivered, (these namely as says Sozomen book 4 chapter 9

after the flight of Athanasius his Clergy and people for some time

had held) And when about these wondering many to each other

nodded, in favor of the Arians, and sought whether Constantius

made had become a heretic; not only nothing Heraclius

it shamed, but also he compelled the counsellors and tribunes

of the people, men heathen and of the idols sacristans, to subscribe

and to profess, that to receive they were prepared the Bishop

whom should send the Emperor… 1 p. 846

[262] On the next day congregated in the great church the peoples

(for it was the fourth of the Sabbath, there rush the heathen into the church, which manner of speaking

seems to me the Holy week and the day of April III

to note, because in this year CCCLVI the Pascha fell on the day VII)

Heraclius the Count, taking with himself Cataphronius

the Prefect, and Faustinus the Catholic or Procurator

general, a Bithynian by birth and by sect a heretic,

of the gregarious men the younger idolaters incited,

the churches, and the people should stone. But when, the Dismissal

being indicted, most from the churches had gone out, and

as had been commanded, and arises a spectacle miserable.

For still in prayer were those who had remained

women; the Virgins and widows there found with contumely they affect, when naked having entered the young men aforesaid

with stones and clubs, them with stones began

to assail, and of the Virgins the sacred bodies with blows

to cut down, and the veilings of them removed their heads

to denude, and to those resisting kicks to impinge. Grievous

were these to them, and very grievous; graver however followed

others, and than any contumely bitterer. For

since they knew how great was the modesty of the Virgins, and

how undefiled to them their ears, and that more easily swords and

stones than obscene words they would tolerate; these especially

they used, while into them they rushed. But the Arians

these very things to the young men suggested, of this kind sayings and deeds

with their approving laugh, perhaps also imitating…

[263] and all the sacred furniture they burn: Then, as the whole of the Emperor mandate

about to perform (for this most they strove, this the Count

and the Catholic prescribed) the benches they snatch, and the throne

and the table, wooden indeed all; and the church's veils

and other whatever they could carrying out, before

the vestibule in a great square they burned, incense being thrown on …

and their praising idols, they said:

A Gentile is made Constantius, and the Arians with us

think … And they indeed of one or the other from their number

pursues Athanasius, nothing further dared: but the Arians

not even thus were confounded, but hardened their heart

their, the hope all in the Emperor and his eunuchs

placed having… 1 p. 848

[264] On the pretext of seeking Athanasius everywhere all are vexed, These things therefore, just as already I said, through them

they did: but what through themselves they perpetrated, how

not will be said all malice and of the very executioner

the savagery to surpass? What house, on of investigating

what sepulcher did they not open, as Athanasius

seeking? Of many were sealed up the

houses, many things which were in hospitals they bestowed on the soldiers

to themselves subservient. Who of their malice devoid

was? who to them met in the forum did not hide

himself? who on account of them his house left a night did not

spend in solitude? who his own from these to save wishing did not

more lose? who did not prefer to the of the untried sea perils

to commit himself, than them threatening

to await?

[265] These and other things, and the fines indicted on the more opulent,

and of the Virgins the expulsions; and the inflicted on the same, wherever into sight

they came, contumelies, of the Arians the women about

them like bacchants raging, pursuing Athanasius;

of Eutychius the Subdeacon, to the mines deported, the cruel martyrdom;

and freeborn men four, for his cause scourged,

and to prison shut up, lamentably he commemorates:

which see on XXVI of March deduced; Eutychius the Subdeacon is slain. not because on that day done

they were, since rather to April they pertain; but because of them the

memory in the Roman Martyrology Baronius on such a day inserted;

although not without an error about the kind of punishment; which

with a sword to them inflicted he devises, when of those whom we have named

such nothing Athanasius indicates. More certain it is, that

under Georgius the Bishop Arian, to have suffered he says: wherefore

intermitted for a while of the cruelty against the orthodox exercised

narration, to his entrance to be explained we pass,

which of the prior Gregorius the entrance plainly similar or even more violent

was.

CHAPTER XXIII.

Georgius the Cappadocian's cruel beginnings, by Constantius'

letters approved, from hatred of Athanasius.

[266] A Cappadocian certain monster, from the farthest

of our region bounds sprung, Georgius the Cappadocian, a man most vile,

says Gregory Nazianzen, himself a Cappadocian; by birth

bad, in mind worse; not fully freeborn, but

mixed, as mules are; first indeed of a table

another's a slave, and of a morsel the price, nothing not of the belly

for the cause to do and to say knowing, at length to the commonwealth

to be administered himself betook: in which when to him entrusted

had been of ministries the lowest, namely that of swine's

flesh, by which the army is fed, he should be the receiver;

then since all things to the belly's utility referring,

he had begun with bad faith to labor, nor now any more

anything remaining he had besides his body; flight he entered;

and one after another city and region changing:

finally to the common loss of the Church, as

an Egyptian certain plague, by the Arians at Antioch ordained: Alexandria he seized,

where of wandering an end, but of doing ill

to be esteemed he could. Not was he with liberal facundity endowed,

or in conversation facetious, and nor an empty even

of honesty appearance even through hypocrisy bore:

but only to ill acting and things to be disturbed

he seemed apt: and this to him enough was, that witness Sozomen

book 4 chapter 7 a Bishop he should be ordained by Bishops, in number

about thirty at Antioch congregated against

Athanasius, and by Constantius should be sent into of the Throne Alexandrian

the possession: after namely he had received the Emperor

the subscriptions, by Heraclius the Count for this collected,

just as above we heard.

[267] To have come Georgius in the Lent time, indicates

Athanasius in the Apology about his flight: but nowhere signifies,

him to have been present at the occupation violent of the churches: in Lent come to Alexandria,

which since in the very greater week done we have reckoned, and by it

prepared to him about to enter into them Georgius a way, consequent

it will be that milder counsels first to have been attempted we believe for his

reception to be persuaded; which not succeeding, the violence

aforesaid was applied; and then at length in public appeared

Georgius, as a Bishop by the Emperor sent. 1 p. 704

To him however, an assembly in the greater church acting, when

to approach refused the orthodox, on the day of the Pascha, and the following

Sundays prayed the Brethren in a solitary about

Constantius; but in another about his flight more distinctly notes,

that after the week of the Pascha, the Virgins in prison

were shut, after the Pascha to rage he begins. bound by the soldiers were led the Bishops, of orphans

and widows the bread and houses were plundered,

by night were deported elsewhere Christians, and their houses sealed up

were, and finally of the Clerics the brethren for

the brethren into peril were brought. 1 p. 692, 1 p. 704

[268] Which thus in general said and on occasion of St. Eutychius

by us on XXVI of March related, the same Athanasius,

to narrate undertakes what perpetrated were in the Week

after the sacred Pentecost, when fasting the people

had gone out to the cemetery about to pray, because all

abhorred the communion of Georgius; he himself this understanding,

Sebastian the Duke, a man Manichaean,

against them instigated. various Martyrs are made, He on the very Sunday day made an onset

new on the people; of which onset the memory

in the Roman Martyrology is found under these words. At Alexandria

the Presbyter and of others, whom on the sacred days of Pentecost,

under Constantius the Emperor, Georgius the Bishop

Arian most savagely to be slain ordered … More fully

therefore about these we shall treat on the day XXI of May, on which these to be read Baronius

wished; although the Pentecost of that year on the day XXVI of May,

but the Sunday subsequent on the day II of June fell;

but Secundus, not at that time, but in the Lent of the following year was trodden with the heels by Secundus and Stephen Bishops

Arian.

[269] are driven out the Bishops, On the same XXI of May placed Baronius also the memory

of the holy Bishops, who by the Arians into exile

relegated to the holy Confessors to be associated merited: about

whom also we, from the Apology about the flight, shall treat more fully. Now

from another to Constantius I note, that since the aged and true

Bishops, partly into exile deported partly by fear

put to flight had been; men either heathen or catechumens,

and who the first places in the Senate held or excelled in riches,

for the Christians' true faith promised

themselves about to communicate with the Arians … and that a Bishop

might be named someone, not even this was cared for

that a heathen he was, and their Sees are sold to the unworthy, provided gold he offered. 1 p. 691

The same in the epistle to the Solitaries more exaggeratedly even

setting forth Athanasius; Thereupon, he says, a graver to the peoples

and from themselves alien they shunned; were scourged

they, were assigned to public works, and were thrust

into prisons by the Duke of the army. 1 p. 859

[270] Confidence these to do and security gave to them

because assiduously they recited, death to each one denouncing,

doubted not into his Apology to insert Athanasius,

not believing that it by him was dictated. 1 p. 692 Certainly of bitterness

and of maledicence most full it is, and of sole authors the Arians

worthy, which here therefore it helps all to give: thus therefore

it has. Since your city, of paternal custom tenacious, praising that according to his precept,

and of the founders the virtue imitating, even now

obsequious itself, as it is wont, showed; not moderately

to us we would seem to sin, unless Alexander himself

we surpassed by our toward it benevolence. For how

gracious it is for you modestly to act; so

congruous it is to royal, so to speak, virtue, before

others you to embrace, who first God true understanding,

in the first ever place held the interpreters of wisdom;

and in of these the chief to be chosen our

following suffrage, an impostor shunned, you adhered

to men most grave and of all admiration most worthy.

[271] For who any of however remote orb

an inhabitant is ignorant, of your city the disturber, how great in those things which done are

hitherto by you applied has been of mind a generosity: nor

I know what to it added beyond can be. For since most

in the city, by a certain as it were blindness were held, and of things

got the mastery a man from the lowest emerged of the infernal regions;

who of the truth amid darkness to be discerned the desirous to

lies leading away, nothing indeed of fruitful brought

of speech, but by prestiges certain deceived

minds; his flatterers, who even now

to mutter it is likely, cried out, applauded,

admired; but most of the simpler to their

lived prescript, and all rushed into

headlong, all as in a deluge despairing in

mind; and the multitude ruled a man, nothing from the lowest

common people differing, and this only doing that all who

in the city are into the deep into the pit he might drag.

[272] But that renowned and egregious one, nor a judgment

indeed about himself to be made awaited, flight to himself

more preferable esteeming; and now of his own accord a fugitive abdicating, whom it would be expedient even by barbarians

from the midst to be taken away, lest some of them he should teach impiously to act,

while as on a stage to the first met he laments.

To him therefore a long be said farewell: but you it behoves me

to esteem among the few, or rather alone to revere before

all, in whom so much of virtue and of wisdom is,

as proclaim works through almost the whole orb praised.

Blessed be you with that virtue; for messengers we have heard,

even repeatedly narrating and praising what is done among

you, who of your elders the glories having surpassed to posterity will be

an example most beautiful; and alone you have chosen for yourselves

of morals a leader, to Georgius adhering, in words and deeds most excellent; from

whom not even for a moment a time withdrawing, but

manfully to him adhering, from these humble and

earthly to the supercelestial you are raised, thither directing the most reverend

Georgius, a man in such things most exercised,

through whom both in the future you will have a hope best,

and in the present in quiet you will live.

[273] Would that commonly all in the city on

his voice, as on a sacred anchor, may hang; lest of cuttings

and burnings we have need against those, whose

corrupted are the minds: whom most instantly we admonish

that from the zeal of protecting Athanasius they withdraw, and an evil threatening to his fautors. and not even to remember

the garrulity of him they should wish, unless they prefer to extreme

liable to be held perils, from which I know not who could

the seditious snatch. For indeed absurd it would be, the most lost

Athanasius a region to change from a region,

although of most base crimes guilty and of whom

thou shouldst have taken away; but his flatterers and ministers,

men hawking-about and whom even to name would be

it is prescribed to the Judges them to kill. Perhaps

however, unless maturely from the former delicts they come to their senses,

nor simply indeed will perish those, of whom a leader

was the most impure Athanasius, who both in public very much

harmed, and to things most holy impious and execrable

hands moved.

[274] Nothing more moderate than this an epistle is of the same Constantius

another, and ordering that St. Frumentius of Ethiopia Bishop to Aizanas and Sazanas of Auxumis the Tyrants or Petty-kings

written, with whom in old Troglodytis or today's

Abyssinia, the royal city according to Ptolemy, Auxumis, a Bishop

from Athanasius had received St. Frumentius; of whose to the Ethiopians

Apostolate to be treated by us will be XXVII of October, because then

he is reported in today's Roman, although by himself wrongly distinguished,

on account of those who of the Indians' having abused the name, the Indians also the Abyssinians

called. Through this epistle commands the Emperor, that

the said Frumentius immediately be sent into Egypt to Georgius,

in his familiarity in disciplines ecclesiastical to be instructed,

if he wish to be held a Bishop: be sent to be instructed to Georgius: therefore that into that order

raised him Athanasius, of a thousand crimes

guilty: who since nothing of those things which to him were objected

congruously could clear, immediately from his Throne fell,

and equally in life and doctrine sinning wanders, migrating

from region to region, as if so he could escape

the less an evil he should be. 1 p. 696 The whole epistle elsewhere we shall give:

enough it is from that specimen to the former added to have known

the bitterness, with which the cause of Athanasius was acted.

[175] Augmented the bitterness himself Georgius, as Ammianus

Marcellinus book 22 writes, who with common laboring hatred, with the open Constantius' ears

many accusing, as of his recalcitrant commands;

and of his profession forgetful, which nothing but just

persuades and well, to of informers daring deadly degenerated.

And among the rest it was said this also malignly to have taught

Constantius, that in the city Alexandrian the buildings

all to the ground cohering, by the Founder Alexander

with greatness of public expenses built, to the emoluments

of the treasury to profit ought by right. When therefore,

as says Sozomen book 4 chapter 9 to all others himself terrible

to show, and toward Athanasius' fautors cruel especially

himself to show he studied, as a tyrant he was esteemed:

and therefore into hatred common brought

the angry common people having attacked, within the church, where he was staying, and to flee compelled

almost him had finished. Saved however, although scarcely,

from that peril, to the Emperor he fled; and Athanasius'

followers received the churches, but for a little

time. For was present soon of Egypt the Prefect, and

to the Georgians them restored; afterward indeed a Notary Imperial, and restored, comes out more terrible,

sent to take of the seditious punishment,

many of the Alexandrians tortured and scourged:

and a little after returned himself Georgius, more terrible

on account of those things which I said made, and with a greater than before hatred

held; as one who to many evils moved the Emperor,

and on account of infidelity and pride was repudiated

by the Egyptian monks, whose doctrine

and number followed the people, as of truthful

witnesses, because their all life was placed in

the exercise of virtue.

CHAPTER XXIV.

Athanasius' withdrawal to the desert monasteries, and his

hiding-places through six years.

[276] He passed his time, even from the first Syrianus' into the church

irruption, solitary, as above we saw, Athanasius prepared to go to the Emperor,

then with the Emperor. 1 p. 690 With God indeed, that

to extreme he had yielded violence, escaped from the hands of those his death

seeking: but with the Emperor, that thus far he had persisted

at Alexandria, that with his entrance's mandates, if without

the same he had presumed to go away, he could not but be held guilty.

These things therefore before his eyes having, and nothing to myself conscious,

he says in his Apology, I hastened to thy Piety

… But already on the way set out and going out to the desert,

suddenly a report flies (which at first false esteeming,

then too much true I found) that Liberius

of Rome the Bishop, and of the Spains that great

Hosius, equally as Paulinus of the Gauls, he learns the exile of certain Bishops in the west, and Eusebius

and Dionysius from Italy, and also from Sardinia Lucifer, and

certain other Bishops, Presbyters and Deacons relegated

had been, because against me to subscribe they would not: and

these indeed to exile to have been condemned, but Vincent

of Capua, and Fortunatianus of Aquileia, and Eremius

of Thessalonica, and the rest in the West Bishops,

not moderate to have sustained violence, and much

coercion and contumely, until they should promise

with us not to communicate. 1 p. 691, 1 p. 692

[277] These things thus equally announced, and as to Liberius and Hosius

no less new than unexpected, and the dispersion of others through Egypt and Libya: when I wondered

and was anxious in mind; behold a new is brought a messenger

about Egypt and Libya, that Bishops about ninety

had been dispersed, and their churches delivered to the Arian

heresy's professors: and that of those indeed

altogether sixteen had been driven into exile, but others partly

to flight to be entered, partly to be dissembled the mind's

sentence compelled; and at the same time were narrated what had been

after Pentecost done. I however not even then desisted,

but again I pursued the journey to thy Piety,

and that I did the more diligently, the more to me more certainly I persuaded,

unwitting Thee these things to be done, and when thou hadst learned about to prohibit. 1 p. 693

Thus however thinking we, and when nonetheless I went on, a third

messenger came, about the letters to the Auxumite Tyrants

written, that Frumentius the Bishop from themselves they should drive away;

and me indeed among the very barbarians to be sought, into the Prefects'

prisons, Commentaries called, to be thrust back;

but the peoples and Clerics everywhere all to be compelled

to communicate with the Arians, or to be slain if they refused…

[278] Such things hearing I, and all-but seeing,

from those who these lamenting announced; into the desert,

I confess, again I returned, thinking, what also piety Thy

understands, If therefore we are sought that we be delivered to the Prefects,

this very thing will impede the less to Thy humanity

we should come: new messengers received he is compelled to the desert to return. and if these, who against us refuse

to subscribe, so great and such things suffer, that laymen and Clerics

not willing to communicate with the Arians, are ordered

to be slain; doubt none is, but the sycophants

these a thousandfold and unwonted deaths machinate for us,

that after my slaughter a business they may move to whom and

as much as they shall wish… 1 p. 697 These things therefore, to God most dear

Emperor, of my withdrawal the cause was: nor would I refuse

either into the desert to go, or if necessary it be through a basket from

the wall to be let down; for all things I have sustained, and with beasts I have dwelt,

awaiting this oration to thee to be had

are those who me calumniate, and humanity Thy to be manifested. 1 p. 699

[279] From these it appears, what at the beginning I said, this apologetic

oration to this end to have been composed, without a mandate of the Emperor not about to return to Alexandria. that at some time before

the Emperor it might be recited: and indeed in the desert it to have been composed

after the feasts Pentecostal, and the message about the letters against himself

and Frumentius to the Auxumite Princes sent. In this

however, that his toward the Imperial decrees he may show reverence,

not only he protests about to have gone out himself from his city, if

either had ordered Constantius, or had written; and so nothing of need

had been of that nocturnal and insidious, against what had promised

Syrianus, onset: but as he says then I resisted not the decree

thine, which none was exhibited; so neither now

shall I attempt to return to Alexandria, until that piety Thy

shall have ordered: this however already before I prenounce, lest about this

also find the sycophants mine of calumniating an occasion. 1 p. 691

[280] Thou wilt ask, where and among whom, both then and afterward, lived

Athanasius? Answers Nazianzen, that in those sacred

and divine of Egypt and the neighboring to Egypt solitudes

schools, there among the monks living, where were exercised, those who themselves from the world sequestering,

and the deserts loving, lived to God, more

than the rest all who are conversant in the body: of whom

some a life altogether solitary and from of men

society remote led, to themselves only speaking

and to God, nor of the world anything known

having except as much as they cultivated in the desert; others of charity

the law in a community following, hermits at once

and cenobites, to the rest indeed men and affairs

dead … to one another a world they were, and by the very conjunction

virtue they sharpened. With these, says

Nazianzen, conversing the Great Athanasius … Solitary

life so with the social he conciliated… that he united

among themselves quiet operation and operose quiet;

and openly made the monastic profession, of morals

by constancy more, than of the body by secession to be expressed…

[281] So it came about that those who much others surpassed

in virtue, something to himself, much to them he profits, much by him were surpassed: and in that in which they excelled

the rest, a slight something conferring to

the Episcopal perfection; a much ampler from

him utility they received to philosophy; and to them

for a law was, whatever he himself should have judged; whatever indeed

he should have reprobated, interdicted they believed; his decrees

observing, as Mosaic tablets; and to them a greater

they deferred reverence, than men everywhere

to sacred things defer. But when it happened to come upon

of those some, who the holy man everywhere as

all things the same did they find) they such not even with address

indeed deigned; to die even for him prompt but they extended their necks

to the swords, as if for Christ they contended, and

something bitter for him to suffer the greatest of philosophy

part esteemed, and by long fastings and sleepings-on-the-ground

and the rest by which they are nourished exercises

more sublime and more divine.

[282] Hither seems to look an epistle from Greek into Latin

translated, and at the end of the works of Lucifer of Cagliari divulged,

by which Athanasius to the solitary life studious, and in the faith

of God strengthened and most beloved Brethren, to the same then he writes in the Lord

through whom he had understood to be certain, who what are of Arius savor,

going around the monasteries for nothing else,

except that, as if to them coming and from them returning,

the simple they may seduce; I studied, he says, to write to you,

that the pious faith, which in you God's grace works, how to be acted with the Arians or the suspect.

sincerely and without guile keeping, you give not an occasion

of scandal to the Brethren. For when any in Christ

faithful, shall have seen you communicate with such

or with them equally to pray, indeed thinking indiscriminate

* this to be, they fall into the mire of impiety. That therefore

nothing such be done, let be to you a will, most dear, those who savor

what are of the impiety of Arius, to turn away; but those

who are thought indeed not to savor what are of Arius, pray

however with the impious, to avoid: and especially, because of whom

the sense we execrate, of these also the communion

it is fitting to flee. If anyone therefore comes to you, if indeed

he brings according to B. John a true doctrine,

say to him Hail, and as a Brother him such receive.

If anyone however dissembles indeed to confess himself a right faith,

appears however to communicate with them, of this kind

and if indeed he shall have promised have also this one

as a Brother; but if with a contentious mind he shall have persevered,

this one also avoid.

[283] Uncertain it is when and where Athanasius these things wrote:

about the time however a likely to me conjecture seems, When farther he had withdrawn,

that not immediately in the first of his secession years, but corroborated

thoroughly the Arian impiety and as if already peace having got,

these he dictated. Perhaps also no longer he was passing his time in the neighboring

to Alexandria monasteries, and was this time about which in

the epistle to Lucifer of Cagliari about the year CCCLX

given thus he writes. Although I believe to have come even to holiness

thy about the persecution, which even now against

the fraternity to make have attempted the enemies of Christ,

seeking our blood; can however

also our most dear report to religion thy. So much

indeed a rage through soldiers to extend they have dared, that

not only the city's Clerics they put to flight, but also to

the Hermits they went out, and their deadly hands against

the μονάζοντας they sent. Thence it came about, that even

I myself farther should withdraw, lest even who us received

the Arian insanity with external power so itself moved,

that it was not allowed the Brethren, nor, as much as they raged,

freely the air to see; yet according to thy prayers

God favoring, although with labor and peril, to see I could

both of thy holiness and of others, to convey.

[284] Sent namely by Lucifer to Athanasius were Brethren,

about the common of each cares and afflictions about to confer;

whom excuses the Saint to himself not to have been able to be admitted: the sent by St. Lucifer Brethren to see he could not. which

again at the end of the epistle doing, But about Brethren our,

he says, if less I could see the same, thou wouldst pardon

I ask. For is the very truth a witness, to have wished I and to have desired

this to obtain, and so great to have had grief

that I could not: for neither tears ceased from

my eyes, nor groans from my mind, because nor the Brethren are we permitted

to see. A witness is however the Lord, that

nor the parents whom I have I could see, from which they persecute

us. For what do not the Arians? The journeys

they watch, on account of the intent of the Arians watch: cares they take about those setting out and

going out of the city, ships they seek, the deserts they encircle,

houses they perturb, they shake the Brethren, to each

businesses they devise: but to God thanks, while these they do,

so much more and more they are execrated by all, and are known

truly, as says holiness thy, slaves to be

of Antichrist.

[285] To this same time I judge to pertain, what to

far prior years, before to Constans into Europe

went Athanasius, then he seems also to have lain hid in a cistern reports Rufinus book II chapter 18, Through the whole

orb, saying, a fugitive is driven Athanasius, nor any

to him safe for hiding remained a place. Tribunes, Provosts,

Counts, an army also for investigating

him are moved: prizes to informers are set forth,

if anyone alive most; if that less, the head certainly of Athanasius

should have brought: and so with the whole of the kingdom forces in vain, against

him to whom God was present, was contended. Meanwhile…

so to have lain hid he is reported in a pool of a cistern not having water,

that the sun never he saw. But when through a maidservant,

who alone privy to the masters' offices, who to him hiding-places

had afforded, was seen, he had been indicated; as if

by God's spirit admonished, on the very night, in which to him to be apprehended

with judges it was come … he migrated

to another place. So those who had come frustrated, the masters

also into flight turned, of the maidservant, as a false informer,

punishments they take.

[286] This place whole in their Martyrologies described

Ado and Notker, but not in the prior persecution nor through six years. and erring having followed Rufinus

also they themselves erred in time: which they would not have done, if their mind

they had applied to the six continuous years, which the hiding-places

those Rufinus attributes; not indeed truly, but yet from the talk

of the common people; without doubt understanding all that time, in which

after the irruption of Syrianus even to the death of Constantius lay hid

Athanasius, although not in the same always, but changed from time to time

hiding-places. Sozomen book 4 chapter 9 the same transcribing,

the years indeed by number expresses not, says however ἐπὶ

πολλῷ χρόνῳ a long time thus to have lain hid the Saint, and

to the rule of Constans these things refers, of which almost the whole time

he in the West spent, and accordingly the same needs correction.

* that is, indifferent ἀδιάφορον

CHAPTER XXV.

St. Athanasius' lucubrations in the time of the six-year withdrawal issued.

[287] As soon as he departed from Alexandria As elsewhere never, so neither in solitude a slothful

life led the Saint; but when he could not by tongue,

by writing he attempted the truth to defend. First of all

written seems the Apology about his flight, then entered when

by Syrianus the Duke a persecution he was suffering: and indeed

so immediately after it written it seems, that of the slaughters, by Syrianus

the church invading perpetrated while still himself in the sacrarium

was, not yet made he had been more certain when he wrote, thanks giving

to God that to be saved he had been able the people first dismissed, written the Apology about his flight and no

made of another violence mention, than by which himself to intercept

the Duke and the soldiers machinated. 1 p. 701 Nor from this opinion

to move me can, that I see, after the narrated of Hosius vexation,

of the lapse also, into which through weakness senile he was

led in the year CCCLVII, to be made mention. For it appears

manifestly, this to be a parenthesis, afterward added to the margin by

Athanasius himself, and by the scribes unskillfully inserted into the text,

otherwise excellently cohering, which such about Hosius is. Against this one

also, (to which afterward acceded a parenthesis about Hosius' lapse) of so great namely, as he premised, praises a man,

audaciously themselves they brought: because even he himself, knowing what

calumnies to me for the cause of impiety they had constructed, to their

against me snares subscribed not … Thence indeed to Alexandria

again they attack, anew me seeking

to slaughter through Syrianus, as consequently he sets forth before the arrival

of Georgius. 1 p. 704 Where no thou seest to lie open a place of interjecting

anything, which is than the irruption of Syrianus later, with the safety

of that context's integrity.

[288] By what further occasion he wrote he indicates, beginning from

these words: he answers the Arians accusing him: I hear Leontius, who now is of Antioch

(but he was not but even to the year CCCLXVIII, so that

between his death and Hosius' lapse, about which above, a very slight

time intervened) and Narcissus from Neronias,

and Georgius now presiding at Laodicea, and the rest

with them Arians much to snarl and to revile,

and to cowardice to impute, that by them to slaughter

sought of my own accord me I betrayed not. 1 p. 701 And that he shows by examples

from the Scriptures sacred by himself to be done and to have been able, and indeed

even to have ought, and other nothing them to grieve, than that the desired

crime's faculty they lost, and that as their to esteem injury

and on that account to be angry.

[289] Further who from the hands of those seeking his life

escaped, these things in the desert had written; thence a little after gone out

with a good hope and confidence of his cause with Constantius to be defended,

as we saw, on the way himself toward him gave: but

how far he stretched he explains not himself, seems however an occasion

to give of suspecting, that even into Syria or Palestine.

For indeed an Epistle encyclical against the Arians

to the Bishops of Egypt and Libya writing, then he writes an encyclical to the Bishops, which under the name

of the first oration against the Arians to his works is inserted,

before the other four of the same argument (as to the collectors

to call it pleased) orations, about which a conjecture we made

in the Preface, the former to be of another work grander

this I say Epistle writing the Saint, at once indicates

himself then in Egypt not to have been, at once of writing the occasion

thus sets forth. 1 p. 283

[290] I have heard, in these regions staying (for so

indeed announced true Brethren and in doctrine orthodox)

that some according to Arius thinking have come together,

and about faith have written, and wish to you to send, that

you subscribe for their good pleasure, lest the formulas by the Arians to be offered they subscribe. or rather as

to them inspired the devil; but exile let sustain whoever

shall have contradicted… 2 p. 287 In which much indeed they use

craftiness, and that they do as to me indeed it seems

for two especially causes; the first indeed, that you subscribing

might seem to cease of the name Arian

the infamy, and themselves meanwhile lie hid, as the same with Arius

not thinking; the other, that these writing they might obliterate

the memory of the Synod at Nicaea celebrated, and of the faith

in it against the heresy Arian expounded. These and other things

prefacing, because suspect to be it ought, when he had shown how deservedly ought to be suspect

that of formulas of faith to be innovated inconstancy, he complains

that the Arians, few in number though they be, their own to wish before

all to prevail; and what they themselves conspiring described

in corners, they attempt to stabilize by dissolving thus the oecumenical,

and that sincere and pure Synod. 1 p. 289

[291] Then severally naming of that formula the authors,

which thou couldst at Antioch written believe, and lest Georgius the Cappadocian by them to be sent they receive. in number about

eighteen; all he shows by the Eusebians ordained, the Orthodox

Bishops through calumny to be subverted; and on

the same, he says, cause Georgius a certain from

Cappadocia they have hired to be sent to you, of whom

however no to be had is a reckoning: for they say in these

parts, that not even a Christian altogether he is,

but of idols a zealot, and in morals an executioner; and therefore

by them chosen to have been, that he may be able injuries, rapines and slaughters

to make: for to these indeed he is exercised long, and what

of the Christian faith are altogether he is ignorant. 1 p. 290 Not yet therefore

to Alexandria had come Georgius, nay nor by fame indeed yet

to the Egyptians known he was, when these he wrote the Saint, in the month

namely of February ending or beginning March of the year CCCLVI;

meanwhile Cardinal Baronius, this epistle even to the year

CCCLXI deferred.

[292] The cause indeed of so thinking alleges Baronius, because

says the Saint, that epistle not to have been later written that the Meletians for years fifty-

five schismatics made, but the Arians are for years

thirty-six declared heretics, and by the judgment of the oecumenical

Synod ejected from the church. 1 p. 305 But either an error to be of the number,

or this not to regard the time of the Council general, that by this

ejected, before, say in the Alexandrian Synod, they had been heretics

judged; manifoldly could have noted Baronius, if leisure to himself

he had taken of examining the whole epistle. For he would have seen in it to be said,

that of those, in which Athanasius was writing, regions

very many, the of the writers craftiness known, prepared are against

their cunning even to blood themselves

to oppose, on account of the very Egyptians' constancy,

to them for an example set forth; which after the Ariminian council

he would not have written. 1 p. 303

[293] Then after the Synod of Seleucia, of the year CCCLIX,

in which the Nicene faith manifestly was rejected, to those seeing it is shown by indications. he would not provoke

the adversaries as that never about to dare, that they should accuse

the Nicene Synod, that the impiety Arian repudiated

To be noted also it could, that Eustathius of Sebaste, or

Basil of Ancyra the Semiarians, in the year CCCLX into exile

thrust by the Arians, not only are touched sharply, but are named

as still their holding See and authority;

praised also Hosius and Liberius, without any excuse

of weakness and dissimulation into which afterward they lapsed

are; among the living finally to be numbered Cecrops, the Pseudo-bishop

of Nicomedia, whom it is established by that earthquake, which in the year

CCCLVIII in the month of August the city shook, to have been by ruins

involved. 1 p. 301

[294] Let it remain therefore, this also Epistle one to be of

the first of Athanasius after the entered flight works: And thus far indeed with reverence of Constantius written all things, according to

which none I would believe to be preferred to the Apology aforementioned

to Constantius, then namely written when from the undertaken of him

to be approached counsel he had been by a triple message recalled. In this however

the greatest always with honor the Emperor he calls, nor

in the before this mentioned writings, namely the Syllogus and the encyclical

Epistle, anything against him says more bitterly; only at the end of the Apology

for the flight Constantius a heretic is called, which

I fear that of the very author it be, or at least of the first writing.

[295] But in that most prolix, about which in the Preface we treated,

to the Solitaries work, openly into his impiety he inveighs;

and at length even shows, Constantius than Pilate

more bitter: For he indeed, he says, having observed the iniquity,

washed his hands; but that one the Saints into exile driving,

gnashes even his teeth. 1 p. 856 But what wonder if through

heresy seduced so monstrous he is against the Bishops; afterward openly his crimes he refutes

when not even his kinsmen, as a man, he spared.

For indeed he killed his uncles, his cousins he slew and his father-in-law,

when still his daughter he had as wife; nor

of his kinsmen extreme things suffering had he pity: nay

even of the oath which to each he had made a prevaricator made,

with a similar toward his brother impiety he dared to use. He dissembles

indeed for him himself to erect a monument, meanwhile

his betrothed Olympias he delivered to barbarians, to Armenia's

King her joining.

[296] But a little afterward, when the same of fatuity he had accused,

who so himself allowed to be snatched by the impious counsels, in the epistle to the Solitaries, a persecution

by him moved, a proem to be he says and a preparation

of Antichrist. Mostly however in the third person he speaks,

that it might seem, himself the author to dissemble he wished; and beyond

his purpose to the same to have crept, if at some time (which rarely happens)

he speaks in the first. To this work how subjoined was

and how it itself, to which is added the Syllogus long before collected. with a new additament about the lapse

of Liberius, was sent to Serapion the Bishop through an epistle,

explaining besides what he had ascertained about the death of Arius, also

in the Preface we showed.

[297] Uncertain it is at what time these to Serapion were

sent; finally written the Epistle about the Synods credible it is however that done before than was written

the Epistle or book about the Synods, which similarly directed seems

to the Solitaries, and thus begins. Likely to you

also has come the fame of it, which now in all's

mouth is, the Synod: for everywhere were sent letters

of the Emperor and of the Prefects, to the assembly calling. 1 p. 869

Now because of learning desirous you ask what done

was, congruous I judged, those things which either I saw or accurately

I knew to you to declare; lest from others hearing with mind

doubtful you fluctuate; especially since are wont some things

done otherwise than acted they were to announce. At Nicaea therefore,

just as had been determined, no Council

was assembled; but according to the edict it was promulgated,

that the Bishops Western at Ariminum of Italy a city

should come together, but the Eastern at Seleucia by surname

Aspera, a city of Isauria. But did Athanasius, the whole

almost world to his destruction conspiring, at Seleucia be present,

that what there against himself and against the right faith were done

present he could observe? So indeed it seemed to Hermant;

to us faith all seems to exceed a presumption so great, or

rather a temerity; for by what reason could he hope hidden

there himself to be about to be or if he had been, how not more expressly and

in several places himself he would have alleged an eye-witness?

[298] Therefore what to have seen himself says Athanasius, I judge to be

public Acts, to that treatise word for word inserted; of which some

however, from the Bishopric Alexandrian to be sought, to be wanting to himself in one

or another place indicating, he promises them when he shall have got, before the Synod of Ariminum's lapse, about to send:

the rest to be said he is by a faithful relation to have heard, and to have written

in the very in which they were done time, and to have finished, before

to understand he could, how the Synod of Ariminum's Legates to

the Emperor, basely having prevaricated the cause for whose protection

they had been sent, on X of October of the year CCCLIX had subscribed to a confession,

by Ursacius and Valens to the Ariminian Fathers thus far

in vain proposed: wherefore nowhere about these except with honor he speaks. 1 p. 889

But the finished treatise he subjoined the epistles of Constantius

to the Ariminians and of these to him; about which afterward learning,

to have copies he took care; that, he says, you may know

of the Emperor indeed the impious craftiness; except certain things afterward interjected. of the Bishops

indeed the firm and immovable for the truth sentence.

What therefore is inserted, about a faith formula at Constantinople

issued and to Ariminum sent, and then at Antioch changed,

and about of Constantius himself the death, from these words, Ταῦτα

γράψαντες ἐν τῇ Ἰσαυρίᾳ, even to Τέως

μεν ἄχρι τούτων φθάσαντες; that for the cause of finishing the history about various of faith

formulas, afterward by St. Athanasius himself to have been added to judge it is fitting:

and indeed after some of time lapse, when not so

distinct any longer a notice of things the memory suggested. 905 & 907 About

the rest of the Council of Ariminum's success, which in this Epistle

Athanasius touched not, nothing here I place: since in it (avoiding

it of set purpose the Arians) no made was of Athanasius mention; his lapse's excuse.

but only about of faith unity to be constituted. But how under

this pretext was received at length Ursacius' and Valens' confession,

in words Catholic, in sense heretic, excellently describes Jerome

in the dialogue against the Luciferians; and shows how

worthy of pardon were, who the words the sense to answer reckoning, through

mere simplicity had subscribed and had received Valens

with his men, whom before generously they had condemned; but the fraud

acknowledged, to detest they began its authors, prepared both the subscription

pristine and all the Arians' blasphemies

to condemn. There was also among these St. Servatius of Tongres

Bishop, on whose Life on the day XIII of May more fully this

matter to be set forth can.

CHAPTER XXVI.

Other of St. Athanasius in solitude writings.

[299] In the prior Chapter about those books we treated, which historical

since they are, the better to this commentary matter furnished, He writes an epistle to Serapion

and therefore ought more distinctly to be known to be set forth.

Other almost works Theological are: in which first to me to be named

comes to Serapion the Bishop (himself, as

we believe, about whom above) a prolix epistle, or rather a book,

against those saying, that the Spirit holy a creature is,

with this beginning: The letters of thy holy affection given

to me are in the desert: and although a bitter to us is heavy

seek us to death; yet of mercies

the Father and God of all consolation, has consoled us

through thy epistle. 1 p. 174 For indeed of dilection thy and

of all the german Brethren remembering, I seemed

them to myself present to have; and therefore the very

paper long I held in my hands. But when on it I cast

my eyes, I began again to be tormented with mourning, on account of those

to whom altogether it is proposed to impugn the truth.

[300] For thou wast writing, my beloved and truly most longed-for,

grieving even thyself, that some have withdrawn

indeed from the Arians, on account of their blasphemy against

God; think however against the Spirit holy, and say

it merely a creature to be, and one

to be of the administering spirits, about the divinity of the Holy Spirit: and by a sole grade to differ

from the Angels. Is this indeed with the Arians a simulated

battle: but truly a contrary to the right faith assertion.

For just as they by denying the Son, deny the Father; so

also these defaming the Spirit holy, defame

the Son: and both a war against the truth among themselves

partition; that while these against the Word, those against

the Spirit opine, the same they may stabilize blasphemy

against the Trinity … Against these therefore when with many

he had disputed and them with most solid had confuted arguments, I,

he says concluding, although in the desert I act, yet on account of

the impudence of those who others turn away from the truth,

little I made the deriders of our in speaking humility,

and a few writing I sent to thy piety, asking that these received

partly them thou correct, partly thinly said things

thou excuse.

[301] With a similar with a testification of mind, magnificently about Serapion,

about himself modestly thinking, likewise another about the divinity of the Son of God. but with far less prolixity

he wrote against those who say, the Son a creature

to be, with such a beginning: Indeed I thought even thus a few

to have written, and myself I accused of great weakness,

because not so much I could write, as

possible it is a man to say against those impiously acting

against the Holy Spirit. 1 p. 166 [when he had been asked the writings about the Holy Spirit to reduce into a compendium,] But because certain of the Brethren

as thou writest, even those very things ask into a compendium

to be reduced, that in readiness they may have, whereby to those asking

about our faith they may satisfy in few words, and the impious may convict;

this also I furnished, confident that a conscience

having good, if anything in these omitted shall have been, about to fill up

thyself thou be.

[302] Who from such an exordium would not expect a dissertation,

far diverse from that which is set forth in the title? which not to have been by himself done he excuses. And so again

to the same Serapion writing, Thou wilt wonder he says,

how it came about, that bidden into an epitome to contract the epistle

written about the Holy Spirit, and the matter whole to explain

in few words; omitted, as thou seest, the speech about that argument

to be made, I have written against those impiously acting

against the Son and saying him a creature to be. 2 p. 10 But that

indeed when he had shown himself to have done congruently, that from a knowledge

of the Son we may aptly attain a knowledge of the Spirit

holy; but he does afterward, because such as we shall have known to be the property

of the Son to the Father, such we shall find that of the Spirit holy to

the Son: that, I say, when he had shown, he satisfies the prior of Serapion

wish.

[303] From whose then answer understanding of the heretics

the impudence, by sole of contention zeal arguing, If not

is a creature the Spirit holy, therefore the Son he is, and two

brothers will be the Word and he himself; and again, 2 p. 16 If from the Son shall receive

the Spirit and by him is given; and to various of the heretics sophisms he answers. therefore a grandfather is the Father and

the Spirit his grandson; he answers no longer Christians but

pagans to seem to be able, who such things at Caesarea and Scythopolis

mockingly object; refuted however the sophisms aforenoted,

at length he concludes, It suffices you to believe, that not is

the Father's appellation to be attributed is to the Son, nor

lawful it be to say that the Spirit himself the same be with the Son,

nor that the Son the same be with the Spirit holy: but so

it is just as has been said, and one in the Trinity

Deity, and one faith and one baptism in it is given. 2 p. 21

[304] Began Macedonius, of the Constantinopolitan See even

to the year CCCLX Bishop, his about the Holy Spirit errors

openly to make, and that about the beginning of the year 360, after from the Arians divided the Semiarians, by sole

appellation of Consubstantiality rejected, the Catholic about the Son

doctrine seemed to have embraced; and so after the issue of the Seleucian

Synod to the preceding September pertaining. But of him

and of the rest Semiarian Bishops the deposition

decreed was in the Synod of Constantinople in the month of January.

Accordingly to be said altogether, those to Serapion epistles

all, either in the intermediate of three months time, or at least

in the first of the year LX months to have been written. About the same time

it behoves to esteem, sent to have been by Athanasius an Epistle to St.

Lucifer of Cagliari, through Eutyches the Deacon, when also written two epistles to Lucifer.

by which in his and of all the Confessors name he asks, that he deign

to him to destine a copy of the books which he had written to Constantius

the Emperor for Athanasius; and another, by which

he rejoices in those to him brought to have perceived an image Apostolic,

triumphs against the heresy Arian, a tradition

entire of our Fathers, a rule right

of the Ecclesiastical order. This praise to Lucifer given by

Athanasius vehemently weigh Marcellinus and Faustinus

Presbyters in their little book of prayers; and they add, that those of Lucifer

books, as of truth a vindicator, esteeming Athanasius, and his books into Greek rendered by Athanasius. into Greek

speech translated, lest so much of good the Greek

tongue not have. But while they add him this to have done,

when through all things from entirely he acted, a sting of schism

they fix, as if from faith's integrity afterward he had defected, through that by which

then we shall see him used toward wolves indulgence.

[305] An epistle to a friend given, for demonstrating that

the Nicene Synod, having observed the Eusebians' cunning, An epistle to a friend for the Nicene decrees.

its definitions against the Arian heresy congruously

and piously expounded, by writing τὸ ἐκ τῆς οὐσίας, and τὸ

ὁμοούσιον; this, I say, epistle to seem could about this same

time written; if τοὺς τὰ Ἀρείου πρεσβεύοντας, with whom

had turned Legates: for understood could be Legates of a Synod either

of Ariminum or of Seleucia to Constantius, of whom these maintained

those words as by Scripture not used, to be eliminated;

those indeed to themselves had allowed to be persuaded for their cause not

to be contended. But loose too much, some explanation and correction needing, nor enough congruous is

of this kind a version; and the beginning of the epistle, more closely into Latin

turned, thus has: Rightly thou hast done that to me thou hast declared a disputation

by thee held πρὸς τοὺς τὰ Ἀρείου πρεσβεύοντας,

with of the dogma Arian assertors or esteemers:

for also this signifies the word πρεσβεύω, not

only a legation I discharge. But what soon follows, in

which were of the Eusebians' comrades some, and several

of the Brethren with the Church thinking, that indeed needs

correction, and for ἐν οἷς ἦσαν, altogether to be read it seems, ἐν

ᾗ ἦσαν, or ἐν ᾗ παρῆσαν, in which, namely the disputation they had been present.

[306] But meanwhile from these it is gathered, this written to have been then,

when most of the Eusebians the faction was named, written it seems before the Council of Sardica. and before

the Nicene faith by another any Synod was confirmed; since of another

none is made mention, and only is urged, that by the evidence of truth

convicted even Eusebius of Caesarea, to the Arian heresy's

condemnation subscribed, and an exposition of faith at Nicaea issued

to his Caesarian Church commended through an epistle, which at

the end to subjoin himself he says: and in this he calls upon the conscience of Acacius,

who Eusebius this in the Episcopate succeeded in the year CCCXXXVIII;

unless, he says, even this one fearing of the time for the cause should dissemble

and deny the truth. By which words enough is indicated,

then not yet openly known to have been Acacius' impiety, and the matter

acted to have been before the Council of Sardica in which deposed from the Episcopate

although not with the followed effect, more sharply yet he would have merited to be touched.

[307] Further entering into the matter proposed Athanasius,

about to show of the Arians the doctrine, not so long after the Nicene, which neither Eusebius

could defend, and their followers in vain strive to excuse,

not sound to be but demoniac; although, he says,

in the prior to thee Epistle a more prolix confutation I used,

nonetheless now the latter just as

then those former let us rout, by proceeding through each

which by those are said. 1 p. 253 They say therefore, what also

those thought, Not always the Father, not always the Son: before which another against the Arians he had written. nor

indeed the Son was before he became, but from non-beings made

even himself he is. Not extant indeed is the prior that Epistle, seems

however to be understood written before the Council of Nicaea, before than a Bishop

was Athanasius: why not therefore this about which we treat written

be not so long after, when their subscriptions retracting the Eusebians

gave to their followers a confidence the Nicene definition's terms

to cavil at.

[308] But just as this epistle is not of that of which

we treat six-year period, before Constantius' death elapsed, but

of a time far earlier; so also other epistles and little works

various, about which neither before this was an occasion of saying anything,

nor now occurs anything singularly making for

the history. 1 p. 545 And such also is an epistle. About Dionysius of Alexandria

the Bishop, afterward indeed he wrote about Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria. that even he himself against the Arian

heresy thought, equally as the Nicene Synod, and him

in vain calumniate the Ariomanites as with themselves consenting.

He is venerated St. Dionysius, a distinguished under Valerian

Confessor, with the Greeks on the day III of October, with the Latins XVII

of November, where it will be allowed more distinctly these to treat both from this

Epistle of Athanasius, both from one of several of St. Dionysius himself,

which to a namesake to himself St. Dionysius the Pope written and by

Athanasius inserted to the Epistle about the Synods, thus begins: Also

in another epistle I had regard for what against me they bring a crime,

as if not I said, Consubstantial to God to be

Christ: for although this word I said not to be found

nor to be read anywhere in the sacred Scriptures; arguments however

mine, which follow and they themselves keep silent, do not differ

from this opinion. 1 p. 904

[309] Philippus Labbaeus our, in volume I of the Dissertation historical

about the Writers ecclesiastical, enumerates all things which under

the name of Athanasius are contained in that, which we follow, Paris

edition of the year MDCXXVII; [Certain little works of Eutherius the Nestorian not rightly ascribed to Athanasius,] and them accurately notes, which to himself or to others

ascribed seem. Him let the reader consult; here enough I have

to have admonished that long that of treatises small a series against

the Macedonians, and others about various questions, which are contained

in volume 2 from page 261 to 328 with the interpreter Abraham Scultetus,

by men erudite long ago to have been adjudged away from St. Athanasius. There are

who to St. Maximus the Martyr them attribute, Labbe thinks them to be of Theodoret;

nor indeed of enough sound doctrine they are even themselves, at least

not all. But after appeared of Marius Mercator St.

Augustine coeval the works, by our John Garnerius illustrated, and

with these of the same excerpts from the books of Theodore of Mopsuestia,

Theodoret of Cyrus, and Eutherius of Tyana

Bishops, it began manifestly to be established the said sermons either

all or most to be of the aforenamed Eutherius. For that he may show

Marius, the of Nestorius and of Theodore and of Theodoret

blasphemies disclosed, that the same was of Eutherius and of those

the impiety, but more cunningly and so more perniciously

insinuated into the faithful's minds, Let us approve, he says, that from

the sermons which he wrote against some of the Catholics'

sentences and that especially of B. Cyril of Alexandria

the Pontiff, which about Christ produced Epistle 3 to

Nestorius, saying, He suffered impassibly: which sentence

of Catholic truth by the authority fortified this to assert

strives, that one and the same God's son according to

divinity impassible, according to the flesh passible

to be be believed. But soon of his sermon which is had page

305 under that sentence's title a part almost third he produces, that

Eutherius' crafty depravity, and nothing with the faithful further

about to avail, may be brought forth.

[310] To me besides suspect is the treatise about Virginity

or about the exercitation of a Virgin, both by reason of style, very, as

to me indeed it seems, diverse; as also the book about virginity. both because it itself in the conclusion

I see to be called βίβλιον, when Athanasius, in those all

which in Greek are extant, for of mind modesty, preferred the name

ἐπιστολῆς, for his however prolix lucubrations: it is otherwise

an excellent work, and an excellent to a sacred any Virgin

of way and conversation solitary a rule prescribes, and altogether

for those drawn up it seems who outside the maidenly asceteries in their own houses

[311] Such likely also those were, to whom Consolatory

he wrote discourses, his consolatory to Virgins have perished. whence Theodoret book 2 chapter 14

these words excerpted, Wherefore let no one of you become

sad, if even you while you are buried envy the impious

and prohibit to be carried out. For they were of their number, of whom

several under Gregorius or Georgius suffered at Alexandria.

And since adds Theodoret, even to that point to have grown the Arians'

cruelty, that the gates they obstructed, and demons in the manner

sat at the monuments, lest anyone of the deceased there should be laid down:

is given a place of conjecturing, to Georgius' rather than

Gregorius' times, and so to the first of lying hid in the desert Athanasius

years to pertain discourses of this kind, which would that at some time

into light may come, hitherto nowhere found!

CHAPTER XXVII.

The death of Constantius and Georgius: St. Athanasius' return into the Church.

[312] The sixth almost year in his solitude had passed Athanasius,

when it seemed to God by some of a better hope ray

to console the Church Alexandrian, In the year 361 dies Constantius, by the lawful Pastor's absence

and the raging wolf's savagery most afflicted. For in the year

of the Christian Era CCCLXI, descending against Julian the Emperor

Constantius, at Mopsucrenae in the confines of Cappadocia and

Cilicia, on the day III of November, not a bad to a bad rule

end imposed; of those things which unwisely he had done repenting

as they say, under his last breath, when each one

the impending in the other life judgment: conscious indeed to himself

to have been of three evils, that his kinsmen he had slain,

that an apostate he had carried out, that in faith a novelty

he had followed; and in these words to have deceased him they say. 3 p. 18

[313] So Gregory Nazianzen in the praises of Athanasius,

whose words, as now are read in the Greek, κακὸν

ου᾽ κακῇ ἀρχῇ κεφὰλαιον, seemed altogether of the transposition of the negative particle

ου᾽ to need: unless rather to correct and to read thou prefer καλὸν

ου᾽ καλῇ a good not to a good beginning an end imposing.

But whether true was the report which Nazianzen

believed about the penitence of Constantius, vehemently I doubt,

at least as to the third point: for Athanasius in that parenthesis, not it seems believed by Athanasius.

by which interpolated to have been we said the epistle about the Synods,

expressly has, that of the Arian impiety the standard-bearer

Constantius, in the same even to the end persevering,

and at last dying, wished to be baptized not by a man some

pious, but by Euzoius, on account of the Arian heresy

not once but more often excommunicated. 2 p. 907

[313] To him succeeding Julian the apostate However it be willing or unwilling the Empire to Julian he left,

son of Julius Constantius, of him who of the great Constantine the brother, and of Constantius himself

the father-in-law had been. But Julian, just as his encomiast

Ammianus Marcellinus writes book 22, who in mind

ever idolatry had fostered, when to be present to himself a free time

of doing what he would he observed, of his breast disclosed

the secrets, and by plain and absolute decrees, to be opened the temples,

and to the altars victims to be brought, and to be repaired of the Gods determined

the worship. And that of the disposed he might strengthen the effect, the exile Bishops to return permits. the dissenting

of the Christians Prelates with the people torn,

into the Palace introduced he admonished, that the civil discords

being lulled each one no one forbidding to his religion

should serve intrepid: which he did therefore, that the dissensions

by augmenting license, he should not fear the made-unanimous afterward

people.

[314] Georgius to the Alexandrian heathen dreaded, With such a mind therefore when the exiles of whatever sect

Bishops to their own to return permitted Julian; wonder not is,

that Athanasius believed not, by such an edict safely

himself about to return to Alexandria, where so violent a tyranny

exercised Georgius, that to the very even heathen intolerable he came out.

For returned from the Court of the Prince, of Constantius

as I judge, to whom against Julian moving the last himself he had presented,

when he passed through a beautiful of Genius temple (witness

the aforesaid Ammianus) with a multitude thronged from custom, bent

to the building itself his eyes, How long, he said, a sepulchre

this will stand? Which heard, as by a thunderbolt many

struck, and fearing lest that also he should attempt to overthrow,

whatever they could to his destruction by clandestine

snares stirred up.

[315] Meanwhile Artemius from the Duke of Egypt, the Alexandrians

urging of atrocious crimes a mass, by the same St. Artemius' cause aggravating, with a punishment

capital was fined, at Antioch XX of October, when

his most illustrious martyrdom by Greeks and Latins is recalled.

For that a part he had had in the slaughter of Gallus by Constantius commanded,

not but through mere calumny imputed to him was; nor had they

what to him to object the Alexandrians, except that about the overthrow

of fanes and of heathen superstitions the prohibition he had been

of Constantius the decrees executing, or to the same executing Georgius

of his authority and power the strength accommodated. He had set over

him when Constantius of the Roman in Egypt soldiery, in the last

of his life time; and himself for the office's cause to Julian approaching,

and seeing Eugenius and Macarius Antiochene Presbyters

for the faith's cause cut down with scourges, is accused even himself; the Emperor freely had chided,

and by that liberty his into himself anger had stirred: to whom

into chains cast credible it is to have come upon from the heathen accusers

Alexandrian, his and of Georgius the cause with envious delations

about to aggravate.

[316] But while these things at Antioch are done, at Alexandria

precipitated. It Socrates thus narrates book 3 chapter 2. A place

was in the city, from ancient times deserted

and neglected, and with much filled filth, in which

the Gentiles once Mithras' sacred things performing human

immolated victims. and on account of the mysteries of the gentiles to laughter exposed, This Constantius, as long since

useless, to the Church Alexandrian had attributed, and

Georgius there wishing an oratory to construct, to be purged

had ordered. But it purged, was found an adytum

deeply dug down, in which were hidden the Greeks' mysteries,

skulls namely of men very many, of the younger and

older, whom a report was there once slain, when

divinations magic and of entrails inspections

used the Gentiles. Such things therefore when in the adytum had found

the Christians, they hastened to the public of all laughter

to expose the Heathens' mysteries, and as if triumphing

the bare displayed skulls. Which seeing

those who were at Alexandria, by the recent Julian edicts made more confident,

and by a matter to themselves intolerable's indignity to anger

stirred, whatever occurred receiving for arms

rushed upon the Christians, the heathen common rabble raging, and many of them by a various of death

kind slew, some with swords, some with stones

and clubs slaughtering, or with ropes strangling,

some even crucifying, and that in opprobrium

of the Cross; but very many they wounded: for as in such things

to be done is wont, nor from the most familiar even were abstained

the hands, but a friend a friend, a brother a brother,

parents sons, and these in turn those demanded to

death.

[317] is snatched into prison, By the same of the tumultuating common people Heathen onset, Sozomen

book 5 chapter 7 says, an onset made against Georgius:

which however in the present being repressed, him only

they held in chains. But indeed, says Ammianus, the brought

joyful news, indicating extinguished Artemius, the common people

all heathen carried with joy unhoped (and, according to Sozomen,

at high morning running together to the prison) and with voices

horrendous gnashing, and after announced Artemius' death, Georgius they seek; and snatched

with diverse of fining kinds beating down and trampling,

with feet drawn apart they kill. And when with him

Dracontius of the mint the Provost, and Diodorus a certain

as a Count, ropes through their legs being injected together

were killed … With which not content the multitude monstrous,

the torn cadavers of the slain, on camels placed,

carried to the shore; most cruelly is slain, and the same fire being put under burned

the ashes cast into the sea; that fearing, as it cried,

lest the supreme things being collected, buildings for them be built, as for the rest,

who deviate from religion compelled, endured tortuous

punishments, even to a glorious death with unstained

faith advanced, and now Martyrs are called. And could

the pitiable men, to a cruel punishment

led, by the Christians' help be defended, in Georgius' hatred

all indiscriminately had they burned.

[318] with two others, of whom better perhaps the cause was: These Ammianus, a writer Heathen, knowing however that

among the Christians a Martyr makes, not a punishment, but a cause;

and enough showing, whatever was about the cause of Dracontius, therefore

likely into chains given, that an altar in the Mint, which

he ruled, recently placed he overthrew; and of Diodorus, perhaps

he presided; the locks of boys too freely he shore, Clerics

namely or Lectors ordaining; Georgius certainly of all

the Christians, even of the Arians, by hatred burdened, by the same

permitted to have been to the fury of the Gentiles, his not so much by religion as

by insolence offended. Nazianzen, Known to you is, he says,

That Camel, and the unwonted burden, and the new height,

and the first and, unless I am deceived alone, of this form circumduction,

such as even now to injurious men we imprecate.

[319] Adds indeed Nazianzen, the deed disapproving, and

as the very Christians the fault imputing, which because through a sedition done, not so much to be considered

what to suffer him, as what us to do

it became; and Sozomen confesses, the Arians to proclaim,

that Georgius these things suffered from Athanasius' fautors,

which from them spread rumor seems to have snatched Nazianzen:

of the gentiles however the whole to have been the crime, not only

Sozomen maintains, and himself as we saw Ammianus; but the Emperor

also Julian, by a threatening to the Alexandrians written epistle,