ON ST. HILARY
BISHOP OF ARLES IN GAUL.
A.D. CCCCXLIX
PrefaceHilary, Bishop of Arles, in Gaul (S.)
G. H.
Arelas, or Arelate, is an ancient and illustrious Episcopal city of Gaul, on the eastern channel of the Rhone in Provence, twelve leagues to the east from Aix-en-Provence, and the same number from Marseille to the west. Here among the illustrious Bishops there flourished in the fifth century of Christ S. Honoratus and S. Hilary; both of the same homeland in their nativity, and of the same monastic exercise on the island of Lerins of the Mediterranean Sea. S. Hilary born in the year 403 On S. Honoratus we have treated on day XVI of January, and now we treat of S. Hilary. He was born about the third year after the four-hundredth: and as an adolescent of great learning to the island of Lerins led by S. Honoratus, persisted there, when S. Honoratus was made Bishop of Arles, in the year CCCCXXVI with Theodosius the Younger XII, and Valentinian II as Consuls, as Prosper noted in his Chronicle. He, with two years measured out in his Episcopate (as is set forth below in number 6 of the Life), died in the year CCCCXXIX on day XVI of January. created Bishop in the year 429 To him in the said year was substituted S. Hilary, who presided at the Council of Riez, held on the III Kalends of December with Theodosius Augustus XVII and Festus V. C. as Consuls, in the year of Christ CCCCXXXIX, when the cause of Armentarius Bishop of Embrun was discussed, because he had been ordained Bishop by two against the Canons. He was then present in the year CCCCXLI at the first Council of Orange, where thirty Canons were issued, to which first subscribed S. Hilary. Of another Council also, but of uncertain place, treatment is made below in the Acts. S. Hilary then survived up to this fifth day of May of the year CCCCXLIX, in which he died, when scarcely had he completed by living the circle of the forty-eighth year, died in the year 449. with Asterius and Protogenes as Consuls, when on the VII Kalends next following of September S. Pope Leo wrote to the Bishops of the Province on the elected successor: of whose epistle take a part: There is for us a just and reasonable cause for rejoicing, when from the Sacerdotes of the Lord we learn those things being done, which both with the rules of the paternal Canons and with the Apostolic institutions agree… That therefore in the city of Arles with Hilary of holy memory deceased, by S. Leo called Of holy memory, you have unanimously consecrated a man also approved by us, brother Ravennius, according to the desire of the Clergy, the honored ones and the people, the good work of your fraternity by our judgment we strengthen. Thus there. Ravennius had been sent from S. Hilary to Rome to S. Leo and thence was known. With him moreover consecrated,
with letters immediately sent to Rome, indicated to S. Leo, by the Bishops of the Province of blessed remembrance. that after the transit of Hilary the Bishop of blessed remembrance, with the votes of all concording, Ravennius had been promoted to the supreme Pontificate, as the Bishops of the Province write in the Little Book offered to Pope Leo on renewing the Privilege of the Arles Church. Lo how soon after his death Hilary is honored by the Bishops of the Province as of blessed remembrance, and by the title of holy memory by Pope Leo.
[2] His Life, from the ancient MS. parchments of the Lerins monastery, his Life is edited Vincentius Barralis Salernus, monk of Lerins, edited in the Chronology of the Saints of the sacred island of Lerins page 103 from which it is inserted into the last edition of the work of Surius. We found the same in a most ancient MS. codex of the Queen of Sweden in parchments number 1327 from which we have restored the beginning of the Preface, omitted elsewhere: the rest of the context however, in many places, unintelligibly corrupted, we give emended, by the labor and care of R. P. Petrus Possinus, who diligently collated word by word, and indicated more than one hundred and fifty errors to be expurgated. The author is not Ravennius, the successor in the Episcopate (because below in number 32 mention is made of successors who were already several at the time when the Life was written) but is verisimilarly Honoratus Bishop of Marseilles: for Gennadius the Marseillesian Presbyter, who flourished toward the end of the fifth century, at the end of his book on Ecclesiastical writers, written by Honoratus Bishop of Marseilles. of Honoratus then Bishop has these things: He himself adapts for edification the Lives of the holy Fathers to be read, especially of his foster-father Hilary, Bishop of Arles. He himself moreover in the Life number 30 asserts that he was present at his obsequies: I remember, he says, having heard the Hebrew tongue of those singing together at the obsequies being honored: at the end indeed of the same he implores his intercession.
[3] The ancient Ecclesiastical veneration is confirmed by the most ancient apographs of the Hieronymian Martyrology; memory in Ecclesiastical calendars on May 5, in which these things almost a thousand years ago were appended: At Arles the deposition of S. Hilary the Bishop. Which same things are read in the ancient MS. Martyrologies, the Vatican of the Church of S. Peter, the Barberino, the Richenoviense, and others. Rabanus adorned him with this encomium: At Arles the deposition of S. Hilary the Bishop, who detected the Pelagian heresy in the Collators, and strove to correct it. In Usuard these things are read: In the Gauls in the city of Arles of B. Hilary the Bishop and Confessor, a most illustrious and most noble man: indeed, as in the present-day Roman Martyrology, conspicuous for doctrine and sanctity. Ado collecting more: In the Gauls, he says, in the city of Arles of S. Hilary the Bishop, a great, learned and most illustrious man. Who a lover of poverty, and toward the provision of the needy was solicitous not only with the piety of mind, but also with the labor of his body. For for refreshing the poor, even rustic work against his strength, a man clear in race, and far otherwise educated, he exercised. But neither did he neglect in spiritual things: for in teaching he had grace, and without acceptance of persons inflicted chastisement on all. Among his works indeed with immortal genius, for the utility of many, by necessary work, he composed the Life of S. Honoratus his predecessor. Ado at the same time and Rabanus Notker described. The more recent generally follow, Bellinus, Maurolycus, Felicius, Galesinius, Canisius, and others. On day VII May, and on May 7. the memory of the deposition of S. Hilary Bishop of Arles is celebrated in the ancient MS. Martyrologies of the Atrebatensis Cathedral church, the Tornacensis of the monastery of S. Martin, and the Lætiensis of S. Lambert, and in Grevenus in the Auctarium of Usuard.
[4] The body of S. Hilary in the beginning was deposited in the church of S. Stephen, then buried in the church of S. Genesius, is established from the Life number 23. But that afterwards it was translated, and handed over to burial in the Elysian fields, in the temple, Body translated to the church of S. Honoratus. which now is called of S. Honoratus, Vincentius Baralis transmits from the MS. of Lerins. Honoratus Buchaeus book 4 of the Chorography of Provence chapter 4 §1, says that the Elysian Fields took their name from the Gentiles, and there was made a Christian cemetery, where various marble sepulchers stood, under the roof of the apse and the major altar, and among them that of this Saint of ours Hilary with this inscription engraved: The Antistes of the most sacred law here rests, as Barralis asserts from the said MS. of Lerins: to whom however thus far I do not assent, that I should believe at the time of that Translation or even afterwards, the place of the new burial was called by the Christians the Elysian fields; but that the author of that MS., from a certain affectation of Latin elegance, used that appellation, to designate that which was commonly called Paradise, namely the courtyard before the church, surrounded by porticos: as still in many places one can see in Germany, where with the very thing also persists the ancient appellation of Paradise, the cause of which we have given elsewhere.
[5] Epitaph. Finally on a tablet fixed in the wall there this Epitaph is read.
The Antistes of the Lord, who putting the love of poverty
Before gold, snatched the heavenly kingdoms
Hilary; for whom dying was a palm, and to live was Christ;
Despising the fragile use of the earthly body,
Here he left the spoil of the flesh flying to the stars.
He spurns wealth, while he seeks wealth; avoiding mortal things
By perpetual ones, with earthly gifts he buys heaven.
A gem of the Sacerdotes, and Master of the people and of the world:
Indeed even taking up rustic functions for Christ,
Not disdaining to undertake servile obedience.
In obedience he lived the least, but in summit the highest.
Nor wonderful if afterwards he merited Your thresholds, Christ,
And entered Angelic dwellings and golden kingdoms.
Your riches, Paradise, ever fragrant
Plants, and gardens breathing with divine flowers,
And he sees the clouds and stars of heaven below him.
[6] These things on S. Hilary Bishop of Arles, before whom two other Hilaries were Bishops in Gaul, of whom the first was Bishop of Poitiers, various other Hilaries to be distinguished, whose Acts we have illustrated on day XIII of January, and to this illustrious writer some things are attributed, which are to be referred to S. Hilary of Arles: and again to the Arles one some things are assigned, looking to Hilary Bishop of Narbonne somewhat older, as one who lived with Patroclus Bishop of Arles; between whom and the present S. Hilary the above-mentioned Honoratus presided over that Church. Theophilus Raynaudus, in his Apology for S. Valerianus of Cimiez chapter 4 number 2 and 3, adds another Hilary a layman: who about the questions agitated at Marseille and elsewhere in Gaul against S. Augustine admonished him, by an epistle prefixed to the books on the Predestination of the Saints and the gift of perseverance. The epistle indeed to the same number 88 in the Louvain editors, that it is of the said Hilary the layman with others learnedly noted Bellarmine on Ecclesiastical Writers and with him Philippus Labbe, whom let the Reader consult, and let him remember it was written by Rabanus and Notker, that S. Hilary of Arles strove to detect the Pelagian heresy in the Collator and to correct it.
[7] Constantinus the Presbyter, in the Life of S. Germanus Bishop of Auxerre, zeal and defense of the faith praised. to be illustrated on day XXXI of July, writes these things: S. Germanus sought Arles… And so the city of Arles received the most blessed man coming with religious congratulation, looking up to the Sacerdos of his time as Apostolic. The city was illustrated at that time by Hilary the Sacerdos, precious in manifold virtue. For he was a fiery torrent of faith, an indefatigable workman of heavenly speech and of divine teaching: who exalted the venerable holy Pontiff, in address as a father, in reverence as an Apostle. Let those read these things who now favoring Augustine, not the Hipponensian, but the Yprensian, that they may enervate the authority of most holy and most learned men, by whom, having followed the most certain pronouncements of the Roman See, the Jansenian heresy is rightly cut down and driven away; and them more freely and securely they draw into suspicion of Semipelagianism, even S. Hilary of Arles and the whole Lerinsian monastic life with him they teach to have lapsed into the same errors. Against these we shall give Vindiciae after the Life, with the name of him against whom they were written kept silent: because we abominate not the man, but the faction, by whose spirit driven and zeal helped that one, whom may God make to expend his erudition hereafter on writing more useful books, compiled the tripartite work of Pelagian History, also stuffed with calumnies against the Saints in heaven.
LIFE
By the Author Honoratus Bishop of Marseilles.
From a MS. of the Queen of Sweden and the edition of Vincentius Barralis.
Hilary, Bishop of Arles, in Gaul (S.)
BHL Number: 3882
Author Honoratus Bp. of Marseilles.
PROLOGUE.
[1] Conscious of my unskillfulness, and not unaware of my sloth, while hesitating I wished to cover the tender forehead of my modesty in the hiding-places of silence, and to hide it under the veil of taciturnity; I resisted the venerable commands very long. The author excuses his own slenderness, But the merit of the Lords and present Pontiffs prevailed, if however the temerity of obedience does not diminish the judgment of such sublime Sacerdotes: because for him to whom the faculty of speaking is not at hand, depressed by uneducated rusticity from the abundance of speaking, he is in vain called to fault, if he cannot cultivate the proposed material with sterile speech. Of which a mind narrow with the magnitude of weight, in the very beginning of the preface suffocated, while it looks around at innumerable palms of virtues hither and thither; can neither begin what it strives to attempt; nor what it has begun, prevail to supply. Of the most blessed Hilary, peculiar Father, singular monk, supreme Antistes, pious instructor, the Life with poor speech, omits to recount the homeland, only as far as sense desiring to demonstrate, I judge worthy by no means in the rhetorical manner to record the homeland and parents b: because he himself by the praises of the venerable kinsman preferred to ennoble c the most lofty pedigree, while he spurns it; to commend, while he passes it by; to enlarge, the nobility, while he despises. I, so to speak, judge that this matter is rightly to be neglected, where the abundance of d sublime proclamations overflows; in the manner of artisans, who about to compose a precious diadem, so choose e true gems, that they know to pass over some by skill: so I also, where the pearls of virtues abound, shall necessarily pass over some; that the most precious necklace of his life, not adorned with human gems, but splendid with supernal virtues, without the artisan's hand may be commended by its own preciousness. Furthermore the rudiments of his infancy, the disposition of his homeland, and boyhood, now then those things which followed, the brightness of his snowy face, the torches of his shining eyes f, the modest pace of him walking g, the fire of his flagrant genius, the inexhausted fountain of facundity, the inner h and true doctrine of philosophical dogmas which the monuments of his eloquence i handed down clear to posterity attest, briefly I hand over by compendium; defining that these are to be sought in those persons in whom such great insignia of virtues cannot bear fruit. I however, who in humility grace, in the contempt of the world wisdom, in the love of the k Author justice, in the mortification of the flesh prudence, in the comparison of perennial rewards fortitude proclaim; those things by altogether necessary dissimulation pass over. And rightly judging that the beginning of the narration, which he himself judged to be the worthy beginning of his conversation; how he entered l the port of true salvation, the shipwreck of this life being overcome, I shall attempt to foretaste.
ANNOTATIONS.
d. Same Praeconium.
e. Likewise Eligit.
f. Facies.
g. Modestis.
h. Same Anteriorem.
i. Eloquio.
CHAPTER I.
Occasion of monastic life on the island of Lerins.
[2] Him therefore while of blessed memory a Honoratus the father, in the immortality of the new life, desired to regenerate by the bowels of piety, By S. Honoratus visiting him he left for a very little while the congregation b acquired through himself for the Lord; and to the homeland, from which heavenly love had expelled him, the affection of so great a son recalled him. Infirm in body, valid and robust in mind, conceiving the new offspring with spiritual exhortation, forming with instruction, procreating with prayers; in the heart of the noble turf the holy seed, to be cultivated by the plow of faith, the skilled farmer c cast, which with the perennial gifts of prayers, and the flowing rivers of tears continually irrigated. But the generous soul, which had conceived the false and deceiving felicity of the world by the innumerable labor of doctrines, when it was being called to the warfare of the heavenly kingdom, did not have a light and easy treatment: since the sweetness of present things subtly insinuated itself, that it might draw away the true fruit and glory of future things. But the pious Father, is invited to the flight of the world, desired to loose with these exhortations the soul, constrained by the prosperity of the world: I, son, inflamed by supernal inspiration, that you may pursue the glory of perennial life, am compelled to return to the same places, whence already long since is to be fled by salutary, as you discern, definition I have constituted: not earthly things to you, but heavenly; not falling things with the world, but eternal things with Christ, the same surety as bestower of the gift, in perpetuity providing. Those which you pursue, and which you have conceived in your soul, death can intercept common to every age; but those which I urge, do not deserting prepare riches, but enduring; nor temporal commodities, but eternal; nor titles of vanishing honors, but they grant the perennial glory of Angels. In the volatile conversation of the world (which the prophetic Scripture believed should be compared to an appearing and immediately vanishing shadow, saying, My days pass like a shadow) rightly whatever is beheld is judged deceptive. Psal. 101. And therefore whether the strengths of bodies, or the resources of patrimonies, or the proofs of felicity, or the insignia of various prosperities, it is almost so, that they pass before the produced gladness by any use begin to delight the author: which yet more torment the lover with the fear of loss, than they gladden the possessor with the ambit of his prosperity; continually undertaken, not however remaining, in the manner of the subtle enemy bringing in a small prey, that he may be able to keep the soul perpetually captive. And therefore inflamed, not by human affection, but by divine nod (because He does not deceive who speaks within) great things and beyond what can be believed of you to me to reap I promise; those things to you both in the present I shall provide which you do not estimate, and in the future which cannot hitherto be thought.
[3] But when B. Hilary, with the principal exercise in which he flourished, with the sharpness by which he surpassed the rest, resisting whom, by his prayers he is moved: with the fountain of eloquence which flowed in him more than in his instructors; would destroy these things; not believing it easy to undertake, what he saw to be most holy by the gaze of the mind; B. Honoratus turned himself with all the strength of mind to the Lord. Which being done, not only the assent of the disdaining one, but even humble and subject, with Christ as Author, by tears and groans he merited; whom by bland exhortation he had not bent, by violent supplication he overcame; prostrate in the sight of the Lord, that he might exult more loftily in the same; producing rivers d of tears, that he might exempt him from the tears of future things. At once in his breast the wave of new thought boils, the diverse counsels of alternating wills are aroused among themselves; and to him to whom the rewards of the inviting Lord were brought in, nonetheless the obstacles of the world itself are placed. Excited therefore in undertaking the rudiments of heavenly warfare, he himself deliberates such things with himself: Constituted in the studies of the world, and seriously deliberating sometimes with the deliberation of persuading undertaken, just from unjust, useful from useless, with the examination weighed salubriously we have discerned: sometimes flattering human ears, we have hidden the species of justice with the gracefulness of oratorical art: here what is to be done? Where the cause is turned of eternal salvation, nothing but the state of the soul and the security of the infinite heavens is to be weighed. With great maturity those things are to be treated, in which to the port of repenting there remains neither reason nor recourse: with the scale of equity all things are to be weighed, which by the weight of utility may supply the measure on the balance of justice. All things which are sought by mortals, although they may be desired as if incomparably precious, with the very adoption become vile. Human nature grows insolent with the noxious appetite of vices, not content with what it wished, not satiated with what it coveted, growing in new torches of cupidities in the manner of flames by its own detriments, failing by the consumption of fuel, nor understanding that sometimes in the very efforts, by immature death, it is compelled to undergo perpetual death: and therefore, what justice, prudence, fortitude, temperance are wont to demonstrate, as is worthy, let us think.
[4] he weighs what Justice dictates, Justice persuades, that nothing is to be preferred to the Author and Redeemer, because therefore Divinity humbled descended to us, that He might make us arrive at the heavenly kingdoms. Rightly is life imputed to the same one, who gave it; obedience is owed to the Redeemer: devotion is to be embraced, which produces the glory of Angelic dignity. Prudence, Prudence likewise teaches, that the examples of those ought to be followed, who pleased the Lord: let us choose therefore who of us shall settle the doubtful. Abraham first runs in, who compelled to go out from his homeland, converted the precept into reward; seeming to behold the stars, he believed that against nature eternity was promising; he turned the promise into debt. It befits to imitate this one, fruitful in the innumerable comparison of the stars, who stood as the glorious banqueter of the perennial kingdom, whose bosom is rightly called the paradise of souls. Fortitude, the soul of a generous heart, Fortitude, permits nothing humble, nothing abject to begin: lofty things to follow, arduous things to ascend it makes, adverse things to overcome; in no way permitting desperation to exhibit any test to the strong. Temperance: Temperance provokes that a temple is to be prepared for the King of heaven, with the darkness of vices put to flight, to fill with the most splendid light of purity; with the stenches of pleasures cast off, to be fragrant with the thymiama of chastity. Furthermore, because justice persuaded that we are to hand ourselves to the Founder, prudence to follow the examples of the elders, fortitude to overthrow contrary powers, temperance to prepare a temple for the Author by the deliberation of just definition; let us amend the pristine contempt by spontaneous meeting; because not Him, but Him by whom He was sent we shall offend, if we believe the cause of salvation is to be lightened by some dissimulation or worldly occupation. And because the supernal power has invited his labor, that he as victor may take the spoils of the devil himself, B. Hilary himself offers testimony to our edification, saying thus: To my hesitation, with the pious Lord inviting, the whole world with its pleasures stood by: what should be left, what should be sought it seemed, my mind, as in conferences with a friend, weighed. How often in my mind did to wish and not to wish succeed? What more? In his absence Christ executes his parts in me.
[5] the world being left. Strengthened by such a definition he runs to Honoratus; with serene look, secure mind, submissive colloquy; how human will divine grace going before had changed for the better, with worthy conversation, shining speech, and habit demonstrating. About to put his hand at once to the plow of the Gospel, lest backwards even by thought he should look, with the assessment of all the estates undertaken, the moneys of the whole substance received from his brother, he assigns either to the uses of the poor, or to the refreshments of monks. I cannot as is worthy either estimate or say, he seeks the desert: how the pleasure of the world, which the slipperiness of age with the alluring food of human fragility and depraved delight is wont to deceive, was suddenly cast off from the soul of this Blessed one, condemned by salutary counsel, avoided by reasonable refuge, glorified by the desirable secret of the desert, surpassing in merits that Evangelical inquirer, conquering in virtue, transcending in perfect consummation. He did not wish to sell, this one drew apart all things: he departed sad, this one made glad hastily entered the paradise of the world. To our edification B. e Eucherius offers worthy testimony, saying thus: And you, although you have poured out the whole census on the poor, rich in Christ; you, although you bear ahead in years a youth, in morals an old man, f yet it is more that you have desired the desert.
[6] The chains of occupations therefore being broken, and the resources handed over to the Author, with so great a leader he enters the earthly paradise of the island of Lerins, he lives at Lerins holily: whence not in the manner of the first Adam he was sent into the exile of this life, but whence by the right of victor afterwards he was to be snatched to the heavenly kingdoms. Hence already, that mental sharpness known to all, the burning soul, the compunct mind, how with alacritous inspection it has run through the progress of each of the servants of God in it, that it might draw perseverance, conquer vigils, snatch abstinence, transcend the mansuetude of humility, surpass the instance of prayer, merit the rivers of tears, claim for itself the graces of all, attract the virtues of compunctions, and inflict force on the kingdom of heaven, the Pontifical glory, known to the world, has shown sufficiently and more. For how much compunction he then acquired, hence is openly known, that afterwards in the middle of the city he made eremitic institutions to be fervent. The love however of the secret he so increased inserted to the marrow, that when he had believed his Leader and perfect Father, g placed in the Sacerdotal eminence, was to be accompanied under the beginning of the ordination; immediately he defined that he was to be left. and he leaves S. Honoratus the Bishop. How great was the love of the desert, in him with whom the love of B. Honoratus could not be lessened by the zeal of charity. But oh! most ardent flame of compunction, I cannot see your splendor with wounded gaze. Why do you flee so much? why do you desert? as if elsewhere you could afford the light, than where the Author shall have chosen? Although you wish to enjoy your own secret, although you are snatched by the custom of the desert; deserting the Father in affection, made Father afterwards you shall return. To this report the writings of B. Eucherius offer attestation, which directed to him attest: With great spirit having gone out long ago from your house and from your kinship, you had penetrated even to the great sea the receding secrets of the desert; with greater virtue however the desert was sought again by you, than sought: since when first as a guest you entered this, you had a Leader and as it were a forerunner of your journey, then also a Master of heavenly warfare: and when in the Pontifical eminence he had to be followed, you thought, the love brought you back to the familiar secret of the desert h. And because it is not necessary to confirm the narration of the undertaken work by the additions of many; whoever shall have wished to know these things more fully, let him run through the work, where these things are worthily digested.
ANNOTATIONS.
CHAPTER II.
Episcopate of Arles. Pious exercises. Books written.
[7] Groaning a for two years, when, to receive the reward from his own merit, Designated by S. Honoratus dying, as successor, from the course of this life the blessed Pontiff Honoratus was being called, with letters sent, that he ought to be present at his last moments, he admonished. Thus he hastened to fulfill his command, as if he were being recalled to the desert. And when to so great a man frequent companies of sublime men came for the sake of receiving a benediction, they began to demand a response on the successor of B. Honoratus: souls excited from above, on the election of the Pontiff, were to come to judgment for testimony asking. With his last breath, the highest by singular merits, with his finger he showed the Antistes. The supreme obsequies therefore being spent, again S. Hilary hastens to the secrets of the desert. But that power of Divinity, which by hidden ways accomplishes its will through human ministries, suddenly inflamed the soul of the illustrious man Cassius, who then presided over the soldiers, that as one unknown, as one placed far off, as finally one hastening to the desert, ardently he should desire him, strongly retain him, drawn unwilling to the Episcopate violently draw him. He directs an elect number of citizens with no small band of soldiers; happily it is arrived; the spiritual prey stands before the eyes of the inquirers, and nonetheless is unknown; by the indications however of certain ones declared he is taken. O unheard-of dispensation of supernal grace! where the offices of the shepherd the sheep performed. Nor without merit afterwards drove out the wolf from the mind, where the sheep first performed the office of the shepherd.
[8] And when by the solicitous troop of the flock he was being kept; his soul more solicitous about the demonstration of divine judgment, than occupied with the burden of the office to be undertaken, with diurnal and nocturnal weepings earnestly demanded that the will of the Lord be declared to him. And when placed on the journey with solicitous expectation the fear of judgment fatigued him, even with clear voice, what was rolled within, he opened to all. Therefore B. Hilary, with those compelling him to the office of Pontificate, is reported to have given such a response: Although (he said) you hold me strongly bound by the chain of charity, and the violent chain of guards encircle me bound; unless the Lord shall have given me a sign of His will, in no way am I to undertake the office of the Sacerdotium. whom he admits as a dove sitting on his head: And so when with such an address he had wounded the wishes and souls of all, and was surrounded by the sad band of those leading him; descending the Alemannic castle, of a snowy dove, coming from above and sitting on his head, as if confirmed by divine touch, every doubt he cut off; which neither by those frequent crowds of citizens and soldiers and guards, could be either driven away, or terrified put to flight, but rather placed above the blessed crown, the Lord's will, while it sat secure, most openly demonstrated. With no vestige of doubt thereafter left, where the species of a dove (which already then compared to the Holy Spirit came over the head of Jesus in His Baptism) of the future Pontiff also designated more specially the dignity by divine nod, namely which the supernal benediction with swift wings, with whirring flight, swifter than the lands had brought down, that before by human voices, by supernal favor the worthy Pontiff might be acclaimed. In so famous a worship and new miracle the magnitude of the matter demanded to delay longer, were not the order of the narration compelling to explain the things begun.
[9] By the will of the Lord therefore all alacritous, both about the vow mutually confirmed, joyfully received he is consecrated: and about the merit of the supreme Pontiff shown, gladder come to the city of Arles. There is meeting; there is hastening. The chief, offering delights to those coming by the splendor of his face, demonstrated the merits of the inner man, by the beauty of the outer. Bearing forth the most eminent dignity of Sacerdotium and the new privilege of sanctity by an Angelic face, he is recognized and recognizes. In whom he was recognized, he stood great; in whom he recognized, he appeared greater; just as he was supreme in the rank of Sacerdotium, so by the descent of humility he obtained the eminence of lofty sublimity. O truly perfect disciple of Christ, who having followed the ways of the Master, exercised by teaching what he learned! He is consecrated in the Sacerdotium, already long ago consecrated by the merits of virtues. The ministry of consecration to be embraced, which increased the merits of the consecrators! Made by name Sacerdos, who long since had been adorned with the insignia of virtues, so ardently and strenuously he began, and most perfectly consummated; that in the uncertain tumult of that time, which long peace had feared, he suddenly instituted a congregation, eager for the secret, growing by the virtue of continence; which he imbued with his own example almost no less than he formed with eloquence. Here I profess myself prompt in the affection of mind, but unequal in the effect of speech, that I should dare to begin, with what piety he sustained the infirm, with what doctrines he imbued the unlearned, by example and exhortations he stirs his own: whatever in the city was supreme, in loftiness arduous, in mortification of the body harsh, in contempt of the world most vile, in the equity of justice precious, in correction provident, in the consideration of wisdom outstanding, in heavenly desire eternal, he exercised, fulfilled, showed. Having himself attained heavenly glory, by his example he made others to attain: to the dogmas of supernal Philosophy he proceeded swiftly, and inflamed others also to proceed. He demanded the use of temporal life with the smallest, indeed no expenses, and so taught it should be transacted in single courses of days. To obtain future rewards he always burned with renewed zeal, and that others should burn, with prayer and exhortation he compelled.
[10] When first he undertook the office of watcher, in himself first he showed how the congregation should despise the world, scorn the body, and overcome vices, be fatigued with labors, also vexed by the continual works of the hands, cling to the holy pages, accommodate zeal to fastings and vigils, with the cover of one tunic content endure the heat of summer and the rigor of winter, complete journeys on foot. With such documents bringing in to himself and his own; performs offices worthy of Bishops: The necessity of eating presses, let us cast seeds; the reception of wine is to be prepared, let us cultivate vines; he fulfilled that Apostolic saying lest he should burden anyone idle. 2 Cor. 12. His own livelihood being considered, if anything was left from the work, he assigned to the expenses of the poor. Continually to remain in meditation, to insist incessantly on the ministry of the word, to be fattened with the manifold mysteries of heavenly wisdom, to love the Lord and neighbor, to inflame the Sacerdotes of the Lord not only with words, but deeds, to burn with the emulation of supernal zeal, to institute monasteries, to build temples, to consecrate things worthy of the Sacerdotium; not only to spare his own hands, but not even perils; to receive orphans, to confirm monks, to summon seculars, by his own institution to ordain Pontiffs; so to discuss daily the reckoning of his act, that to the supernal Judge as a multiplied talent of his dispensation he strove to bring in.
[11] for the redemption of captives he hands over the silver of the Church: So mercy and piety shook his bowels, as if he alone were urged to redeem by the heavenly pages. He treated with himself, deliberated, and did, that the sacred ministries b should rather afford solaces to captives than ornaments to churches. What shall I say covetous, what shall I omit not knowing, by those who know greater things to be judged negligent? Whatever silver all the basilicas had, immediately he assigned to the redemption of captives. And when he had known all to be expended, exulting and congratulating, because the wishes of the faithful by his dispensation he saw sent ahead to the seat of heaven; how can it be estimated how much piety sat in his bowels, who up to this point believed all things were to be drawn apart, until one came to glass patens or chalices? He inflamed the zeal of the offerers by praiseworthy dispensation; nor did he reject lest he should fatigue, but excited that they should offer again more abundantly. The devotion of the offerers gratefully wished, that their oblation should first militate at the sacred altars, afterwards at the redemptions of the members of Christ.
[12] he visits S. Caprasius sick: How also the servants of God ought to be honored, with spiritual documents to be salubriously imitated by posterity he did not deny. For when c S. Caprasius, as he himself was wont to say, dwelling in Angelic conversation in the islands, by certain messengers had learned to be fatigued by bodily infirmity; he hastened with swift haste to meet him, sitting at whose feet, that he should remember him, with submissive humility but illustrious virtue he demanded. Justly while he expended such great obedience to the inhabitant of the desert, and offered a singular affection of humility; the dignity of the Sacerdotium, by which he might more extol it, he diligently found. In the same place at that time S. d Faustus the Presbyter and at the same time Abbot, so foreknowing of future things he honored, that between himself and the holy Sacerdotes e Theodore and f Maximus, he compelled to sit in the middle. he honors S. Faustus It is established therefore that he procured the summits of humility by his own self-contempt, and equally merited the lofty eminence of virtues. But perhaps these so many and so manifold examples of true humility, generated some peril of pride, and not rather procured the lofty proclamations of sublime humility.
[13] he resists the proud: He stood rigid, but to the proud; he stood terrible to those swelling with the iniquity of the world, swollen with the vanity of vainglory: as for the rest to the holy congregation and to consummate men, not only his heart and soul, but also his body too most promptly he prostrated. The Prefect of the city in secret How much therefore of strictness he had, in the cause of justice he most openly declared, so that he did not even spare the dignity of the Prefecture. For when more often he had admonished the Prefect of that time secretly, that he should restrain himself from unjust judgments, and by customary lapse he was carried headlong; it happened, that while in the basilica of Constantia, about to celebrate the sacred solemnities, with the fountains of heavenly doctrines produced he was watering the hearts of the faithful, suddenly the Prefecture entered with his office: whom while he saw lingering there, he ceased from preaching, saying; that it was not condign, that he who had despised his admonitions for his own salvation, should receive the nourishments of spiritual food. then publicly upbraids: But where he, suffused with worthy confusion, went out from the banquet, which he had begun; the food of spiritual delights, again with renewed zeal, he most profusely began to offer to the throngs of peoples; and left the example, how by the virtue of constancy worldly powers ought to be despised.
[14] with great zeal and eloquence he preaches, But his temporal preaching, how great a river of eloquence it had, what
gems he sculpted, [how] he found the gold of supernal senses, abounded the silver of shining eloquence, expressed various pictures of descriptions and rhetorical colors, exerted the iron sharpness of the spiritual sword in cutting down the venomous errors of heretics, I do not say to discourse, but I protest I cannot even think. With seats prepared in fasting, from the seventh hour of the day to the tenth, with spiritual feasts he fattened the people: by feeding he compelled them to hunger, and the hungry he by no means ceased to feed. I do not know whether satiety more provoked the hunger of the faithful, or by eating the people more compelled to hunger, fulfilling that saying of wisdom, those who eat me shall yet hunger, and those who drink me shall yet thirst. Eccle. 24. If the throng of the learned was lacking, also among the rustics: with simple speech he nourished the hearts of the rustics; but where he had seen instructed ones to have come upon the speech, in face equally with a certain unaccustomed grace he was excited, he appeared loftier than himself, so that the famous authors of the same time, who shone with their writings of the highest merit, Silvius, Eusebius, Domnolus, kindled with admiration, broke forth into these words: Not doctrine, not eloquence, but I know not what beyond men he has obtained. What more shall I say? unless a pause from speaking had come to him from above, he could not finish his speech, with such great grace overflowing, and miracle and astonishment growing, that to the most skilled then authors his oration brought contempt of the world, so much that Livius, the Poet of that time and notable Author, publicly proclaimed: If Augustine g had been after you Hilary, he would be judged inferior. And although his grace from these works, he wrote the Life of S. Honoratus and others: which he conceived, generated, adorned, brought forth with the same impetus of speaking, can without hesitation be discerned, h yet beyond the rest these commend her the Life of the holy Antistes Honoratus, i the Homilies dispatched in the festivities of the whole year, the exposition of the Symbol also to be desired; of letters indeed so great a number, k Verses also of the burning fountain.
[15] But lest anyone think me perhaps to assert false things, I have thought just to bring in the testimony of B. Eucherius Bishop of Lyon, praised by S. Eucherius, who his volume of prose and verse received, thus responded: l It is hard to tell, of how great a price to me were the letters of your sanctity, in which I recognized so experienced facundity, just as you hold in other works of modesty and morals the principate. Pardon me speaking lesser things zealously about you, because always m in the proclamation of itself virtue blushes; since this very kind of modesty is a great part of virtue. I might be believed perhaps to repeat unheard-of things, were I not to confirm this with the sayings, writings, and testimonies of great men. With seat and table set, a book was brought, and with Titius the notary standing by, the book offered food to the soul, the hand ran with the swiftness of weaving; the joints of the notary at the same time were borne, and the eye ran through the page. Coming in the midst of these things S. Edesius, and Edesius a man most skilled in rhetorical facundity and in metric art, astonished and admiring, joyful poured forth these things:
I have seen, nor a worthy witness for such great proclamations,
The lengthy suns to have yielded to continual labor.
The work of weaving had joined various hours,
Nor had the changed act made an end to prayers.
I can hardly believe that anyone at the same time
Weaves to one dictating, by re-reading, by acknowledging the things read,
By mouth, by hand, simultaneously to work, attend, speak.
ANNOTATIONS.
p. MS. mutatis, Baralis invitatis: with one apex added to the prior reading, it is signified, with the act of working changed, the act of praying was not changed: because also during manual work prayers were continued.
q. The MS. of the Queen here mutilated exhibited two verses contracted into one thus, To weave, to one dictating simultaneously by mouth, by hand, to work, attend, speak.
CHAPTER III.
Illustrious virtues: miracles. Roman journey to S. Leo.
[16] He did not take food without reading. From him in the cities this custom was first introduced, Sparing in food, and with such great parsimony was his life sustained, that he rarely invited any of the seculars. In every place, whatever could pertain to advancement, alacritous to inquire, strenuous to exercise, skillful was he wont to consummate. Now how seeking the salt-pans, a he made automata with his own hands and sweat, strenuous in exercises, accustomed, with the week completed on the Lord's day at midnight, to rise, to complete thirty miles on foot, afterwards to be present at the sacred solemnities, and up to the seventh hour to feed the peoples, as is worthy, the facundity even of the ancients cannot explain.
[17] he inculcates penance. As often as he gave penance, often on the Lord's day a varied throng flowed to him. Whoever would have wished to be present for his castigation, washed himself with showers of tears, terrified by heavenly judgments and inflamed by promises. Such groans, such weepings arose in the bystanders, that they shuddered at the dwelling-place of the present life. Who so showed the examination of future judgment? Who so terribly intimated the dark fire? Who so expressed the torments of the river burning equally and snatching? Who so brought back the wounds of conscience to be inspected before the eyes? With the admonition completed, with tears he took the beginnings of supplications; that the fruit of penance, which by admonishing he had conferred, by praying he might confirm. For a certain blind woman, while she is blessed by the imposition of his hand, proclaims that she has received sight (I think that what before he afforded the inner man, he obtained for the outer afterwards) he illuminates a blind woman: who, with the light received, henceforth did not seek a leader of the way; but I do not doubt was obtained by his prayers, that so great a miracle should come to the notice of very few. Also on the Lord's day, while the solemnities of the lessons are recited, a certain creature demoniac constrained, Saint, he said, Hilary, why do you torment me? proclaims with public voice. Then B. Hilary, with that force which he could constrains the Lord, and asks. he heals an energumen And when he sensed himself to have obtained, Jesus commands you, he said, that of that name you make no mention; with which supplication when as if by certain chains he was being bound, he became silent; rejoicing more that he had obtained, that his merit could be hidden, than the safety of the vigorous creature.
[18] and a Pythoness. The sacrilege also which the spirit of the python had infused into the woman possessed, with what diligent art of spiritual counsel he extinguished, in no way shall I pass over in silence. He orders her seized, with the lessons of the Old Testament reviewed, to be publicly placed in the chancel of the church: what the law commanded, how much of evil to Christian minds the cunning of diabolical perversity offered, with flowing speech he demonstrated: and lest any one henceforth to so great sacrilege, while he seeks the responses of demons, should spontaneously subject himself, with necessary instruction he taught thoroughly; leaving no excuse henceforth, even to the negligent, that on this account publicly he had caused it to be established, that it might not afterwards be permitted to be ignored. After however the demon he commanded to depart; the malign spirit, because it saw itself openly betrayed, nor afterwards in deceiving souls by clandestine fraud was to prevail, Whither, he said, shall I go? And the Saint, observing how much the grace of God by his ministry had effected, joyfully exclaimed: It is the greatest indication of purgation, not to know whither you depart. The peoples also going out after the Gospel lesson, with such a clamor he recalled: Go out, he said, go out, because this for you from gehenna it will not be permitted to do. Then the special emulation of singular zeal, he recalls those going out from the temple. demanded a terrible vengeance of penalty for their injury: for when an easy b then a vainly excited throng of peoples, both unaccustomed and deceived had come, and had stirred his soul; the greatest part of the city, with a terrible fire sent from above, blazed: which they themselves also, who were not fatigued by mediocre losses, recognizing it to have come for his vengeance, with their own voice they cried; and
afterwards weepingly cast at his knees, demanded mercy.
[19] intent on prayer, vigils, penances. He moreover intent on reading, devoted to vigils, continually given over to prayer and fastings, with the harshness of haircloth he macerated the slenderness of his attenuated body. Not even with the rigor of winter, in which torrential rivers are wont to be bound by glacial cold, did he cover his feet with added covering. c Never to them granting linen or wool, with the ministries of Psalms sung in sweet modulation, he added abundant weepings. He doubled prayer with unspeakable groans. From work not even ceasing in the obscure of the night, his hands were snatched by the known speed of weaving, his mind was exercised by the industry of recollection. Once awakened, he neither spared his eyes, nor laid his limbs to rest; doing nothing else, but that the spiritual bands of the enemies might find him equally occupied and armed. To him constituted in these advances a sudden ardor inflamed, that he should seek out the mother of Heliodorus, bound by the chains of the Arian heresy, illuminate her, draw her to himself, and consecrate her in his presence about to offer her in eternity.
[20] But the insignia of his piety in those, whom he sent ahead to the kingdoms of heaven, he so showed by the inmost bowels of mercy mutually, that none can imitate. By the transit of the least Lector, his soul was so wounded inwardly, that he was shaken with sobs, and poured forth most abundant weepings, no otherwise than if he had lacked the solace of an only pledge. The misfortunes also and infirmities of his own, he reckoned as his own wounds. Which by the manifest document of holy Cyril, The crushed foot of the Levite then a Levite, was openly revealed; who set over the basilicas to be constructed, while he was taking down the marble crusts and the lofty proscenia of the theater, with faithful work stripping bare the places of luxury; what he was preparing for the ornaments of the Saints suddenly slipped, the ropes of the millstones being broken, so that the impetus of marble coming from above struck and diminished the foot of one standing with the extreme part of the toes occupied: for whose groan and pain the blessed man received no less of wound in his heart, than the bruised one sustained in his body. And when the immense wound of the minister extorted continual and indefatigable groans from the Sacerdos, because his cell was joined to the same cell; the holy man in his customary manner demanded remedies by supplications. A little then depressed by sleep, he sees a reverent person to stand at a distance, who solicitously inquired the causes of the sadnesses. He indicates that the bruised foot of the Levite had inflicted upon him not only the sorrow of d sadness, but also a wound of mind. Asked; Do you wish, he said, that all pain depart? He responded he wished it with all eagerness. Bring forth, he said, the foot, to be cut off in his stead, and at once all pain of the minister will flee. Without hesitation he stretched forth the foot, and gladly received the blow of the striker; and so great pain came on, that the magnitude of pain excluded the sweetness of refreshment. Awakening he did not doubt that what had been promised was to be fulfilled: he directs to the cell of the aforesaid to inquire, that how the Levite felt himself he should at once announce. he heals also in dream sympathizing with him. He sent word that all pain had departed, that quiet had been granted from above. Rightly is he believed healed by his piety, of whose inquiry he is found most quiet, who in the relieving of the neighbor, believed the loss of his own limbs was to be made; he fulfilled the divine precept; nay even happily he exceeded, with the Lord saying, You shall love your neighbor as yourself. Behold this blessed one is found to have loved his neighbor above himself, who as much as the definition of mind had, his own limbs handed over to be amputated, that he might heal others'.
[21] In journeys however who, as is worthy, will explain how much benefit his presence brought to the Gallican cities, S. Germanus more often e seeking out, with S. Germanus he deposes Chelidonius the Bishop. with whom he treated the life of the Sacerdotes and ministers, and also their advances and excesses. Where his arrival was made known, the inflamed zeal of nobles and middle men flew together, asserting that Chelidonius f had taken an internupta into his consortium, which the authority of the Apostolic See and the statutes of the canons prohibit: at the same time bringing in that, having performed the administration of the world, g he had condemned some by capital sentence. Moved by the novelty of so great a matter, they order witnesses to be prepared. Most approved Sacerdotes come together from other places, the matter is discussed with all reason and prudence, the accusation is confirmed by testimonies. A true and simple definition is brought in, that he whom the rules of the Scriptures removed, by his own will he ought to remove himself. He believed the City was to be sought, and there asserts himself condemned by unjust rigor. Which when the blessed man learned, with what ardor of zeal, with what supernal zeal he was inflamed, that he attended neither to the harshness of winter, nor to the whistlings of the Alps or the colds, nor to the glassy darts of glacial crust soon to be dissolved, nor was he afraid of the similar points hanging from above of sharp swords, in the terror of cold congealed by deadly ice, as if imitating a brandished right hand.
[22] But he with the unshaken root of faith constantly animated, especially he who had voluntarily come to such great poverty, that he did not fear to attempt and complete the journey on foot, intrepid the city Rome, without horse, without h sumpter or cloak, every difficulty being overcome, hastily entered: on foot he seeks Rome to S. Pope Leo, the meeting with the Apostles and Martyrs being completed, he at once presents himself to B. Pope Leo; with reverence offering obedience, and with humility demanding, that he should order the state of the Churches in his customary manner; asserting that some in the Gauls had deservedly received public sentence, and were taking part at the sacred altars in the City. He asks and constrains, that if he had received his suggestion gladly, he would order them secretly to be amended; that he had come for offices, not for a cause; in the order of attesting, not of accusing, to suggest what had been done: but if he wished otherwise, he would not be troublesome. And because of so great men, especially already called to supernal grace, I dare not even in narration ventilate the judgments; this it shall suffice to have briefly touched, that he alone sustained so many, that in no way did he fear those threatening, that he taught those inquiring, that he conquered those altercating, that he did not yield to the powerful; that placed in the danger of life, in no way did he acquiesce to be joined to the communion of him whom with such great men he had condemned; that with guards posted, with the rigor of winter raging, those whom by reason he had not bent, he believed [i] were to be left. In the recess of the city, although broken in bodily infirmity, yet holy in perfection, and most ready in piety, he turned wholly to placating then the soul of k S. Leo with bowed humility, with holy Ravenius first sent then a Presbyter, afterwards his own successor. Then holy Nectarius, and holy Constantius outstanding Sacerdotes he directed to the same.
[23] he reconciles him to himself And because how much in this cause he dictated, by no reason can I attach to this work, what was the sentence then of Auxiliaris the Prefect I have believed should be inserted, of which these are the words: The holy Sacerdotes Nectarius and Constantius, coming with the part of your blessedness, with worthy admiration I received. With these I more often spoke about virtue of soul and constancy, and contempt of human things, by which among our fragilities you are always blessed. For what can in this corporeal life be secondary, which since it is miserable, yet cannot be perpetual? I spoke also with holy Pope Leo. At this place I believe somewhat in soul you shudder: but since you are tenacious of your purpose, and always equal, and are snatched by no gall of commotion, just as you are not extolled by any allurements of joys, so I have not remembered even the smallest deed of your Beatitude darkened l by contagion of arrogance. But men bear it impatiently, if we so speak, as we are conscious to ourselves; the ears moreover of the Romans by a certain tenderness more are drawn, in which if your Sanctity occasionally yields, you, losing nothing, gain very much. Give me this, and the small clouds of small commotion restrain by the serenity of small change.
[24] he performs his customary functions. Receiving such things, he gave himself wholly to prayer, preaching, work, as if beginning, strict in rigor, propense in pity, most ready in largesse. Not content to bring in what was found; unless he had piled up the solaces of consolations with rivers of weepings, whence holy Edesius thus pursues m:
I have seen weepings prevented by more abundant weeping:
What he gave in moneys, he desired to grow in vows.
O how prompt mercy thrives, how swift in gifts,
Grace! For not only is he generous in gifts,
But greater wealth he ministers with eager piety.
ANNOTATIONS.
It is added in the printed editions, Speaking poetically, which
is better absent. The following verses of Aedesius here you see expressed, as Possinus seemed to be able to restore them from the apices marked in the parchment of the Queen, to a sense not inconvenient: since in Baralis all things are most disturbed, while there they are read thus, not sufficiently conveniently corrected by Surius by bare conjecture.
I have seen one prevented by weeping with great abundance of weeping.
For what grew in moneys he desired to grow in marks.
How precipitous mercy thrives! how swift in gifts
Grace! nor only had been generous in gifts,
Greater wealth accompanies with ministering piety.
CHAPTER IV.
Disease. Exhortation to his own. Death, burial.
[25] In the 48th year of his age broken by labors, By abstaining therefore, by insisting on work, by completing journeys on foot, he so attenuated himself, fatigued, exhausted, that scarcely did he fulfill the circle of the forty-eighth year. For not that lofty perfection of virtues, which had prepared not only a place, but also a condign mansion in the heavens, suffered earthly delays longer, but the faithful servant fulfilling the precept, desiring the promise, made his body subject to various sicknesses, that as the true gold of supernal coinage, smelted in the crucible of sicknesses, a it might be reposited in eternal treasures. Therefore where with the infirmity growing, not the virtue of the mind, but the very matter of the body was consumed, with what alacritous zeal lifting up all by exhortation, he compelled them to remain in their purpose, by facund and necessary persuasion, I cannot explain. Therefore placed in the last doubt, the sick man is refreshed by the vision of the ornament of Aaron fitted to him, he received no mediocre solace of manifest revelation; for the mind in slumber was relaxed to this, that to him with the magnitude of singular reward opened the ornaments of his virtues might be depicted: He sees himself taking part in sacred mysteries, beholds himself decorated with the covering of the tunic of Aaron once Pontiff, which by divine command through Moses had been woven with marvelous variety of art, with the multiform and various splendor of twelve gems his breast adorned, and his shoulders of the same number clothed with brilliance, also his limbs surrounded with a stole shining with disparate variety, which with byssus, saffron, hyacinth, with the radiating beam, with discordant color, with precious metal, the learned hand of spiritual artisans adorned b… little tinkling-bells c also moved by the steps of the one walking, and within struck by blows of the pomegranates, sounded outwardly a clear and salutary tinkling. and to Ravennius the successor handed over; And when by the gifts of perennial merits, by rewards, and by gifts he saw himself adorned; with human affection he demanded by all means that vestments be added to him from above: which when he learned was denied, he sees his son holy Ravennius being applied to consecrate the divine mysteries, and understood that he was to migrate.
[26] How blessed therefore, and how famous a father, who still placed in the world, the reward of that true Sacerdos has obtained, whom in the manifold variety of colors, not the figure, but the truth of merits properly adorned. Why should it not be shown to him in the covering of that tunic, what in every diversity of virtues he had possessed? Why should it not be revealed to him in the beauty of that vestment, what was to be compensated to him in the perpetual stole? For whom continence of unhurt mind had decorated, by which his perfection in virtue is indicated. and in whom the authority of an immaculate conscience shone, deservedly the plate of shining gold had covered the mirror of his modest forehead: him whom the principate of virtues had always exalted, worthily the texture of precious stones adorned. Why should the byssus not surround him, whom the zone of the zeal of chastity had constrained? For, to speak more truly, his principal plate gleamed with the authority of faith and the fiery flame, the gems also of all virtues shone with sidereal splendor; the rationale of the breast emitted, the elogy of piety shone, the byssus of justice, the cincture of continence, the little tinkling-bell of preaching, the pomegranates of good hope, by work and speech continually sounded. When therefore by such and so great a consolation he was lifted up and suffused; to the congregation for solace and at the same time example with alacritous speech he discoursed, addressing all with the voice of this address.
[27] in his last exhortation proposing himself as an example to his own, We have completed the courses of life hitherto: now to that tremendous examination of supernal majesty we are called. Having entered the way of this flesh, and the uncertain life of the present world, we have obeyed the commands of the Creator; and the offices of our own servitude being performed, to the true and perennial homeland we shall migrate with consolation borne ahead. We have served hitherto with spiritual warfare; we have crushed the points of the unfaithful body with the harshness of haircloth; with the rigor of abstinence and the weariness of vigils we have overcome all the contests of vices with help implored from above; the snares of thoughts we have broken through with holy meditation; occupied with the studies of heavenly doctrine, we have not ceased to disburse to the multitude of the faithful the talent of perennity; we have sailed through the sea of this life, and various, with the Lord helping, merchandises of virtues, with the interest of salutary usury, talents to be brought back to God we have received; to the port of quiet, with the Lord governing, we have begun to draw near, with the princes of this world (with whom the Apostle describes there is continual war) we have contended, which will be lacking to none whoever shall have wished to arrive at beatitude, with heavenly grace going before and industry following. I believe that absolved and freed to the sight of my Lord by the same propitious I shall come: to obtain those rewards, by persevering course the contests are to be performed by you.
[28] He at any rate, who has destroyed himself by his own envy; who from afar smells war; he stirs them to spiritual battle: and at the voice of the trumpet, as if all should be in his power, by long antiquity cunning, by subtlety crafty, in the assiduity and art of deceiving skilled, who is fed with elect food, and is fattened by the perdition of the perfect, reckons his own punishment as the salvation of others, esteeming as no mediocre solace, if those tending to supernal things he should catch in the snares of sinners, and the ropes of perdition, of which also the Prophet sighing said, The ropes of sinners have surrounded me. Psal. 118. This enemy of human salvation must be guarded against: him in every way one must repel and resist. For how can he proceed already bound, or will he dare to repel a captive? He will have without doubt as participant in infernal punishment, whom he holds as consort in the pleasure of the world. The Lord showing his fortitude in B. Job thus says: He reckons gold [d] as mud, and has confidence that the Jordan will flow into his mouth. Job 40 & 41 What unless he thinks himself about to trample the life of the Saints as mud? with the Prophet proclaiming, Pluck my feet out of the mud of the dregs. Psal. 39. But the streams of the Jordan, what are they, but the sacraments of baptism, which he believed by his attack to be devoured? The muddy compages can without God's grace overcome his antiquity and power; yet by continual contest and incessant conflict his snares are to be tolerated. The spectator of human contest, the daily exercise of the wrestling-place placidly beholds; he sees fiery darts directed, but causes them to be quenched by the fountain of tears: he discerns snares being prepared, but those praying he plucks out and weeping, that with true exultation they may sing, My eyes are always to the Lord, because He shall pluck my feet out of the snare; that the feet free to announce peace may begin to be precious. Psal. 24. And therefore whatever in the present can separate from the love of the Author, is to be esteemed an enemy.
[29] If human illusion does not deceive me, a great tempest is imminent over this city; not a mediocre, but quite grave affliction lies upon it. he predicts the imminent tempest to the city: Prepare yourselves continually for all contrary and adverse things, the faith of the Trinity hold immovably, penetrate the inner things of the Scriptures, that invoking the abyss in the voice of the cataracts, that is, of the believers, in every way you may not cease to irrigate the lands by the supernal gift. Let the clothing be harsher, the bread coarser, the food harder: nonetheless let the journey be made on swift feet; sudden necessity brings the disaster of new labor on the delicate; because as exercise renders one robust, idleness renders one cowardly. With this exhortation completed therefore, and predicts the hour of his transit: he ordered the sad congregation to offer the sacrifice of the evening laudation, and to take food by customary refreshment, saying; At the eleventh hour of the day, my soul, freed from the dwelling of the body, will hasten to the supernal Judge. And when with the modulation of psalms the customary offices of the Author in praises being offered, he had alacritous perceived, now returning and migrating; Voices, he said, holy voices which come to the ears of the Author, commend me also to the Lord. Then with the refreshment of the Brothers completed, with his hand fortifying his eyes and mouth with the sign of the Lord's Cross, and persisting in prayer, having followed, with innumerable sacred choirs of Saints meeting him, joyful and rejoicing he sets out to the supernal homeland [e].
[30] Hence now how the whole city was gathered, how each one wept, not a father, or mother, or only-begotten, but the singular father of all the religious and orphans, With great grief of all the body is borne to the temple of S. Stephen who as is worthy will explain? None ceased from weeping, none from groaning: equal grief to all universal love had induced, and the general sorrow of all the loving was as the seed-bed of tears. Where to the basilica of the blessed and first Martyr Stephen the venerable body was brought, the one voice of all the people with weeping went forth; This, it said, day has cut away forever the complaints of unjust imputation. That we may not say more than suffices in the proclamation, the faithful people, kindled by exceeding ardor, while it wishes to touch the holy limbs, almost tore them apart: until by the zeal of the congregation it was effected, that with burning columns of wax candles hither and thither they should drive away the rushing peoples. The vigils of the night being completed, when to the sad ones the brightness of the sun seemed obscure, to the venerable obsequies came not only of the faithful, but also of the Jews, abundant troops. The tears of all contended to surpass each other: with the voice failing, the groans grew. The Hebrew tongue of those singing together at the obsequies being honored I recall to have heard: for our own had so beset our grief, and then of S. Genesius that from the customary office the impatient magnitude of sorrow had hindered. Finally before they brought the holy body into the basilica of B. Genesius [f], such a clamor of both sexes was given with tears, that the very stars struck rendered an unaccustomed reciprocation from heaven, and a fragor to be compared with thunders, with sound roared.
[31] the covering being torn into Relics, he is buried, Here again new love kindled the hearts with heavier weeping. But while individuals desired to pluck a fringe, and to touch the body, the industry of S. [g] Basil, then a Presbyter, now the supreme Pontiff, found, that the greatest part of the covering, with each hand torn off, by which his body was covered, he should snatch, and withdrawing further, by dividing should disburse to the peoples. While by the zeal of taking he gladdens them with so great a gift, they are drawn back a little from the sepulcher: and so that body venerable and decorous with Angelic countenance, lest again it should be rendered to devout obsequies, was secretly placed in the sepulcher. Which when the peoples understood to be entombed, suddenly all rendered such a clamor with their own groan, that the very roofs of the Basilica shaken were thought to fall down, and to overwhelm the peoples. The memory of his life is made among the souls of all precious, and the desire of so singular an Antistes is reborn in praise. With him entombed, with applause began to be reviewed the memory of his doctrine, with glory to be preached the contempt of the world, the affection of compunction, the river of tears, the impetus of temporality, the treasure of piety, the summit of justice, the moderation of temperance. What more? The whole city, whatever by sacrament it would have wished to confirm, brought forth his name, asserting that no one similar afterwards would be.
[32] His virtue shines forth in his successors But the highest is, that with him praying, true love
could in some way have an increase. For not only in h successors, but still in the augmentations of many Pontiffs it does not cease to be reborn; with whom while it shares labor here in temporal fruits, without doubt with [i] eternal joys it is filled, like the fruitful tree of paradise; and what in the present it offers, and what afterwards by generating it leaves with singular fertility of prosperity k does not cease to procure. As many Sacerdotes as are ordained either through him by heavenly nod, or after him by God's providence, by his intercession contend with grace helping to respond to his erudition, doctrine, and growing merits. Happy is he who not only provided for his own city by his institution, but even procured to illuminate diverse places by innumerable lamps kindled by the heat of faith, and to set them on the candelabra: and so in individuals his grace growing warm, by daily progresses generated is reborn: because whatever from his institution is produced, is computed to his merits: certainly to the gains of the head is ascribed, and to disciples. whatever of the members is received with most abundant cultivation. Solicitous for all, constituted in the contest of this life, he expended the solaces of prayers, attributed the presence of visitation, sowed innumerable and reverend precepts of holy castigation or rebuke, the spiritual and skilled farmer; now threatening and grieving, exulting and sad, glad and anxious, turbulent and patient, serene and terrible, hard and placid, remiss and strict; now sighing with groan, but with joy pouring forth abundant tears: from whose breast's overflowing river and irrigated fountain of charity, so each one drew what he wished and could, that the holy largesse felt no loss, but rather by disbursing the moneylender of the heavenly treasure received an increase; because this is the nature of heavenly gifts, that by their own profusion they continually grow in themselves, and when they are thought to have failed, they begin as if always; and descending into the poverty of diminution, the divine dispenser always obtains some augmentation by the detriment.
[33] O great, most excellent, and singular host of graces, who with venerable recollection are presented to the gazes, are felt by benefits, whom the author extols with great praises are still recognized to militate for our advances: with so many spaces of years rolled by, in your sons you do not cease to be reborn in honors, and with the perpetual titles of praises rightly repaired honored, who are interpellated and hear, interceding for those supplicating; you are met, and you respond; you are constrained, and so that the things asked may be obtained you carry out; you are asked, and with God granting you do not cease to obtain. Behold the precious title of praise, after the excess of merited sanctity. Behold the head crowned with verdant laurels and the diadem of the Cross, and woven with the fruit and leaf of virtues, which does not flow away forever. Behold the proclamation, after death by triumphal merits to be set forth. His body lies entombed in the sepulcher, by whose prayers are unbarred the kingdoms of heaven. In diverse summits of virtues the insignia of your merits do not cease to be renewed. Why should your soul not afford greater things, placed in the beatitude of paradise, than constituted in the contest of the world, whose virtue lest signs should disclose, prayer obtained? An only-begotten pledge and decoration of the whole Sacerdotium, the heavenly knowledge of the treasure, continually flowed from your heart: your lamp, splendid with the light of faith, granted others also placed on the candelabra of the Church to shine. Called by the Author, to the fruit of labor and the perennial refreshment you have happily arrived. In that most blessed society of the Patriarchs received, you behold the singular ornaments of your soul, which so grew with the help of divine grace, that they may be perennially conspicuous adorned by the precious hands of virtues; you who by the purity of continence with the thymiama of all Scriptures made the temple of your heart and body to be fragrant, and that in it the Author might rest, by the vigilance of perennial industry prepared; who by the love of secret nourished the soul also and affection; who with the modulation of psalms joined rivers of tears; who in the ten-stringed decachord of the precepts in morals equally and voices played; who by the institution of life preached, by guarding hard ways; who with the sweet-sounding song of the heavenly harmony of the spiritual organ in various sweetness of modulation rang out; who by the sacrifice of fasting containing the outer man, by the assiduity of vigils not ceased to delight the inner with strenuous course. That however I did not believe should be passed over, that l… while you traversed the spaces of the [m] Stony Field, you taught the individual shepherds, by the wave of baptism regenerated baptized, to live rightly.
[34] and devoutly invokes. Make therefore we ask that we who glory that you have happily come to Christ, and reign without end with Him, may by your continual prayers be fortified, by your intervention be protected, and may fully enjoy the glory which you enjoy with Christ n. Since therefore the testimony of so great and such a man his merits have offered, and worthily have praised the deeds; because forgetful of possibility, by the impulse of love incautious to so great a proclamation I have leapt forth, I have presumed to hope for pardon: that placed in that famous eminence of his merits, also for me he may not cease to interpellate; and joined to those venerable assemblies of Patriarchs, may admit for our protection a throng of pious sodality; obtaining, that not by my act, not by my idleness he be saddened: whereby may his suffrage fortify me, and by his patronages may make the merit of a Sacerdos be found in me at that tremendous examination, with our Lord Jesus Christ reigning, to whom is honor and glory in the ages of ages. Amen.
ANNOTATIONS.
i. Printed comparatur.
VINDICATIONS FOR S. HILARY,
calumniously charged with Semipelagianism, from the skirmishing Prodromus of Bruno Neusser, against the disciples of the Pseudo-Augustine of Ypres.
Part 2 Chapter 4 with adjuncts from Cap. 9 Part 1 and Cap. 8 Part 2.
Hilary, Bishop of Arles, in Gaul (S.)
A. Brun. Neusser.
[1] Hilary of Arles, conspicuous in genius, doctrine, and chastity of life, The most learned man and most dear to S. Honoratus very many historians and other writers have heaped with just encomia and praises. Him the great Honoratus, the first founder and instructor of the Lerinensians, esteemed so much, that he set him before all others; indeed to gain him for Christ, from the desert to his homeland, which he had so much disdained, he did not deign to approach. For Honoratus was his fellow-countryman, indeed even joined to him by blood; and in him sought the vein of faith, as also of blood: and him, not only by letters, but even, with so great an ambit on his journey, from the island, namely of Lerins (to which Hilary, the beginnings of his Episcopate left, by the love of secret had restored himself) foreseeing the future strove to draw him away, that he might place him near his sepulcher in the love of citizens of his homeland. These things Hilary himself in his Sermon on the life and death of the Most Blessed Honoratus, in Surius tome 1 and Bolland tome 2 on day XVI of January. You however have gratis held the most learned and most holy man in hatred; the author of the Pelagian History calumniates as Semipelagian; have numbered him among the Semipelagians on page 167 of the Pelagian History and elsewhere generally; have called him the master of the Semipelagian school on page 252; and have written that in the question of the beginning of faith and gift he abhorred from Augustine's opinion on page 168; likewise that he sensed against his doctrine on page 170; that he passed into the parts of Cassian and defended his sentences on page 166; indeed that he was held the chief among those who departing from S. Augustine fostered the parts of Cassian on page 167; that he sharply impugned Augustine's doctrine on page 263; the Poem on providence, which is extant among the little works of Prosper, that it must be ascribed to him, since it is established that its author is Semipelagian on page 263; that against Augustine he conspired with Cassian on pages 168 and 246.
[2] notwithstanding the testimony of Ado, All these things and others of this kind against Hilary you have heaped together, with only the suspicion rather than assertion of one heterodox witness, namely Vossius, supported; and with another far worse, namely Ussher's, conjectural but vain testimony to which you believed more should be deferred than to Ado, who in his Martyrology on day V of May speaks thus: In the Gauls, in the city of Arles, of S. Hilary the Bishop, a great, learned, and most illustrious man: who a lover of poverty, and toward the provision of the needy, was solicitous not only with the piety of mind but also with the labor of his body: for for refreshing bodies even rustic work, against his strength, a man of clear race and far otherwise educated, he exercised. But neither did he neglect in spiritual things: for both in teaching he had grace, and without acceptance of persons inflicted castigation on all: among his works indeed, with immortal genius, for the utility of many, by necessary work, the Life of S. Honoratus his predecessor he composed: not however, as some think, distinct from that sermon, of which I made mention above.
[3] and against the common sense of Catholic writers, Are these the encomia of a heretical man and master of the Semipelagian school? You yourself confess on page 263 and elsewhere, that the highest esteem and authority of him was among all, and that in glory of letters and sanctity he was superior to the rest, namely the Lerinensians, on page 166; and so to Vincent, Lupus, Maximus, Eucherius, to whom astonishingly he pleased, you spontaneously acknowledge on page 263. A dense bundle of ancients and moderns, who for one thousand two hundred years have written on Ecclesiastical Writers, has celebrated his genius, doctrine and sanctity with marvelous praises. Indeed you yourself say, that he, from the freedom of impugning the Augustinian opinion, was held by certain men of his age more learned than Augustine: and from Honoratus of Marseilles, who wrote his Life, that famous saying of a certain Livius, then sufficiently illustrious among the poets, was celebrated, If Augustine had been after Hilary, he would be judged inferior: and you append this epiphonema, This poet was permitted to feign so great an encomium. All these things to conciliate envy to Hilary: and thence
perhaps, as if struck and exacerbated by this encomium, with a treaty struck with Vossius, Ussher, Jansen, against this most holy Doctor you have declared the most bitter war.
[4] That he was strong in doctrine and genius, no one denies: that he led a most holy and chaste life, all writers, who make mention of him, attest. It is added that into the ecclesiastical tables of the Roman Martyrology he is reported, and with festive cult on day V May his memory is celebrated at Arles. Furthermore odious is every comparison. Believe me, as if he had petulantly opposed Augustine. Hilary never thought himself to be preferred to Augustine: never, as you say, did he impugn the Augustinian opinion, and that from excessive license and freedom, a man indeed most modest if anywhere else, most mild and most patient as I shall presently clearly show. Most holy men, such as he is established to have been, do not allow themselves to be carried away by this vain study of more insolent pride or vanity: indeed putrid is judged the perpetual boasting of self and one's own. The sanctity of others does not profit us, except for imitation by example: nor do the praises of parents adorn or aid children, unless these embrace their virtues. To one understanding, few words.
II, VI
[5] whose admirer Prosper writes him to be Now indeed let us see, how you prove that Hilary was a Semipelagian heretic. To make your sayings credible, you appeal to no author except a non-Catholic: but among Catholics, as you know well, against the heterodox in this kind we deservedly except them. [Prosper, you say, has this. Has Prosper this? O depraved interpreter of Prosper! Hilary of Arles only once does Prosper call, Holy Hilary, he says in his Epistle to Augustine. Of spiritual studies a man, Bishop of Arles, let your Beatitude know, is the admirer and follower in all other things of your doctrine; and on this which he draws into complaint, namely on predestination, long since with your Sanctity wishes to confer his sense by letters. The admirer and follower of Augustine, and that in all things only with one assertion excepted, which seems to him difficult (and accordingly his sense on it with Augustine to confer by letters he resolved, and to consult him) this one you call the sworn enemy of Augustine and of divine grace, and another leader of the Semipelagians: for from these only words of Prosper you build the accusation against Hilary, and you condemn him whom never any one besides you has condemned.
[6] granted that he hesitated in one of his opinions. But, you say, Prosper asserts him to have been one of those, namely whom the darkness of that opinion obscures. Of which, please, opinion? By which the predestination of God according to foreknowledge is said to be: nor in this opinion does he fix his obstinate soul (although it is excellent, if you understand it of predestination to glory) but says he will consult Augustine on this argument, and with him will confer his sense by letters: which perhaps he would have done, had he not received that Augustine in the same year was at Hippo most strictly besieged by the Vandals, and after some months in the time of siege departed from life. But, you say, Hilary sustained those errors which in the said epistle Prosper refers to Augustine. This you say, but you do not prove, nor will you ever prove. In the remaining writings of Hilary you have nothing at all that you can mock: no author, either ancient or more recent properly Catholic you can produce, who has branded this mark on Hilary. Let it shame therefore to charge a most holy, most learned, and most ingenious Antistes with error and heresy, without any proof at all, from mere will to calumniate.
VII
[7] You appeal to Bellarmine, in his book on Ecclesiastical Writers, where he has these things: He was indeed reproved by S. Pope Leo: On account of excessive pride he is reproved by S. Pope Leo… afterwards however he came to himself, and famous for many virtues he rested in a holy end. Leo reproved Hilary, in an epistle to the Bishops of the Vienne Province. In this place I do not excuse Hilary. Those things can be read which the author of his Life, Honoratus Bishop of Marseilles, on this matter committed to writings: a fragment of which you have in tome 3 of the Councils of the new edition col. 1461 and 1462 in the Council of Besançon; likewise in the posthumous Notes of Sirmond on the epistle of S. Leo, contained in the Appendix to the said tome col. 1591 etc., where you will find many things which pertain to the marvelous sanctity of Hilary and the freedom of speaking, perhaps excessive, because it displeased S. Leo: whom in vain to placate, with S. Ravennius sent to him on his retreat, who afterwards succeeded him, he attempted. But without the discussion of this cause, which is not of this place, you condemn all those things which above were excerpted from Bellarmine. Namely, that Hilary was reproved on account of excessive pride in the said epistle, and that with most bitter words: for scarcely could more bitter ones be devised for the rebuke of a Bishop. It is added that Hilary was not someone of the plebs or dregs, but Archbishop and Primate of the Gauls, a man of the highest doctrine, eloquence, holiness, genius, to whom after Augustine scarcely another in that age was equal: also sprung from noble blood, and formed by the institution of the great Honoratus to perfect virtue.
[8] He therefore as great as he was, when he could not placate Leo, but most modestly bore the rebuke although most bitterly rebuked by him in the said epistle, as I have said, indeed even deprived of the dignity of Metropolitan, and his sentence against Chelidonius abrogated, and Chelidonius restored; was of such humility, patience, and observance toward the Roman Pontiff, that he was not even heard to mutter. He could without doubt have alleged at least something for his defense. He could have interposed the authority of the Synod, the integrity, the deposition of witnesses, and the most approved faith of holy Antistites, who had been present at the said Synod, and especially of S. Germanus of Auxerre. Of these none at all, and not even one little word of the smallest expostulation ever escaped him. Scarcely do I know whether there is extant equal to this an example of so great humility and patience: which I value far more, than many other adornments of virtues, which the said Honoratus of Marseilles attributes to him: whence rightly Bellarmine added these things: afterwards however he came to himself and famous for virtues he rested in a holy end, namely in the year CCCCXLIX. The merits of this cause I do not weigh, perhaps not most equitable: content with the saying of Baronius, excerpted from the Appendix to tome 7 of the Roman edition 1 page 1607. Do not wonder, he says, reader, that the Roman Pontiff Leo so vehemently rises against Mamertus, a man insignis in sanctity: in those things which are of the contentious forum, it is most easy that anyone be deceived. Very similar happened also to S. Leo, who against S. Hilary, almost from the same cause, most sharply inveighed. Who would not know that often it happens that with false accusations and surreptitions the ears of the Pontiffs are filled: and, when they think to do what appears just, they harass the innocent?
VIII
[9] From these moreover a strong argument can be drawn, by which Hilary of Arles is purged from every suspicion of error. and from that very thing it is clearly shown For if even with the smallest he had labored, as to Leo he was most known, so utterly, with the opportune and present occasion of this disputation seized, this very thing Leo angered would have reproached him, especially with Prosper instigating, who, as you spontaneously confess, little favored Hilary. Nor would Hilary's accusers have omitted, and especially Chelidonius and Projectus, to illustrate their accusation by this most powerful argument, namely of such weight, against a Bishop, indeed, if you sing true, the coryphaeus of the Semipelagians: to have been blameless in doctrine, indeed not even suspect. but on this argument not a particle. Pride, presumption, cruelty, scurrility, injustice, temerity, arrogance, and other things of this kind quite many are reproached, and these often in the said epistle, indeed and in others edited by Vossius exaggerated: which (as Baronius testifies, and Honoratus of Marseilles Bishop the author of the Life makes most clear faith) are most false: but of the mark of Semipelagianism not even the smallest apex of a shadow. Wrongly therefore have you fastened the mark of Semipelagianism on Hilary.
[10] The opinion however on predestination to glory of which he doubted To him indeed the opinion of Augustine on predestination to glory seemed difficult, and that deservedly and rightly, since hitherto it has seemed difficult also to the greatest Theologians. For there are some who attribute gratuitous predestination, both to grace and to glory, to Augustine, as a Catholic dogma, approved by the Church. The same others think, namely that as a Catholic dogma it was held by Augustine, not however by the Church, as much as concerns the opinion on gratuitous predestination to glory. The same others suppose; although they do not wish gratuitous predestination to glory, a matter of faith reckoned by Augustine. Others wish Augustine to have held gratuitous predestination to grace, and predestination to glory from the merits of grace. Others finally swear, that Augustine in the books against the Semipelagians treated only of gratuitous predestination to grace, and asserted it as a dogma of faith; on predestination however to glory in that place did not treat, as one which to the matter, of which was being disputed, in no way pertained. Whence you see, how difficult was the opinion of Augustine, truly was difficult to understand and is. since the most learned Theologians (for I speak of the first heads of the Schools) could not properly discern it. What wonder therefore, if it seemed difficult to Hilary: especially when he doubted of it before Augustine had edited the books on the predestination of the Saints, in which he explained his mind on this question more fully and more clearly.
[11] There are many other things, although very futile, which you use for proof, that you may fasten the mark of Semipelagianism on Hilary. The other things which are objected to Hilary are frivolous, I He lived for some time among the Lerinsian monks, who were infected with the errors of Cassian. II He was Cassian's friend, therefore a participant in his doctrine. III He highly loved Faustus, indeed pursued him with much honor, and perhaps was his syncellite. IV On account of Hilary especially Pope Celestine wrote that most weighty epistle to the Bishops of Gaul, namely those more iniquitous to Augustine. V He is highly praised by Gennadius of Marseilles, namely a suspect man and openly favoring the Semipelagians. VI He was the author of the Poem on Providence, in which the doctrine of the Semipelagians is contained. I abuse the patience of the Reader, while I gather chaff or straws against Hilary: for these are refuted with no trouble. For that the Lerinsians were infected with the errors of Cassian, you say on page 166 and elsewhere, of one Faustus alone of the ancients is the suspicion, and the testimony is extant. as that he was a friend of the Lerinsians, Then with the antecedent granted, I deny the consequence. For from the fact that some of the Lerinsians stood as Semipelagians (which yet we do not grant) it is badly inferred, that Hilary too was a Semipelagian; since equally it could be inferred, that Honoratus, Eucherius, Lupus, Maximus, and many other men of perceived sanctity labored with the same vice and the same mark, which yet there you fear to assert; For when no writings of Honoratus, nor of Maximus, nor of Lupus exist (these are your words) it is not lawful to suspect anything sinister of them: for it is base, those holy men, whose errors are established by no certain testimony, to call into the suspicion of a depraved opinion. Why therefore that most holy Antistes Hilary? From your own mouth I judge you.
[12] The other thing however, which you object, is equally easily resolved. He was Cassian's friend. Whence have you this? Of Cassian, Never did Hilary call Cassian; never did Cassian Hilary; from which at least I infer, that they were not bound by the bond of intimate familiarity. Then granted he was a friend. Thence most badly you deduce, that he was a participant of error. Otherwise it would rather be that Honoratus, Eucherius, Leontius, Helladius, S. Castor, and others, to whom Cassian inscribed his collations and other works, you would call into the society of error: whom yet you have freed from this suspicion. What however you say in the third place, that Faustus was much loved by him and pursued with great honor; and of Faustus. the first I do not read in the ancients; otherwise the second: when namely Hilary compelled him to sit between himself and Theodore and Maximus the Bishops, as Honoratus of Marseilles has in the life of Hilary Cap. 5. But thence you badly deduce that Hilary adhered to the errors of Faustus, since at that time Faustus was not even held suspect. Otherwise to be called into the society of error would be Theodore, Maximus, Sidonius, Lupus, Eucherius, indeed Leontius Bishop of Arles, and all the other Bishops gathered in the Synod of Arles and Lyon against Lucidus, who used the works of Faustus as the common tongue and voice of each Synod, to refute the blasphemies of the Predestinarians: which they would never indeed have done, if Faustus at that time had been suspect. Since therefore Faustus at that time had not yet written his books, which namely after the year CCCCLXXV he wrote, with Hilary already dead for almost XXXV years (even by the laws of your Chronology, page 263 and 292) most badly you deduce that Hilary was a Semipelagian, from the fact that he was Faustus's friend. Of the same flour is what is objected in the fourth place, namely on account of Hilary that grave Epistle was written by Celestine to the Bishops of Gaul. that he is praised by Gennadius, Without a witness, I will nothing of the kind. Indeed from this Epistle I shall draw a manifest argument, and by it shall make plain, that Hilary labored under no suspicion of Semipelagianism. That he was praised by Gennadius, does not prove him to have been a Semipelagian. For how many did this author praise? and that he wrote a poem on Providence, But on Gennadius below.
[13] What finally in the sixth and last place you have, that Hilary was the author of the Poem on Providence, you say this entirely gratis and without witness: for none of the ancients suffrages this opinion. But to feign at will, is sufficiently customary for you. Bellarmine indeed has these things: This book does not seem to be of Prosper, but of someone from the faction of the Gauls, who are called Semipelagians: let the prudent Reader read, and judge. But thence you badly deduce, Therefore of Hilary. As if from particular particular followed. I know also that the author of the preface prefixed to the edition of Prosper's works, the same with Bellarmine on the aforesaid Poem thought, and that from John Hessels Doctor of Louvain, from whom perhaps Bellarmine drew. However it be, that Poem on Providence, of whomever finally it is, is not lacking manifold praise: since in it the vein flows easily, and most polished verses occur in many places, and the lights of an elegant genius repeatedly shine forth from the verses, and the highest piety everywhere shines: whence it is, that the author scarcely is forced to yield to Synodius, Paulinus, Prosper and others of that century, with one Claudian excepted. You read please, my Reader, and judge, only let your palate not be depraved.
III
[14] for it contains Catholic doctrine But what concerns the doctrine contained in it, rightly does Bellarmine admonish the prudent Reader, that he read and judge. Excellent. I do not know, whether I am prudent; yet I read, and judge, that all things, which are objected, in a Catholic sense can easily be understood. That Doctor of Louvain in the said preface objects three things. I That the best does not receive more grace from God, than the worst. II That the holy Fathers were good from the law of nature. III That the help of God is preceded by our will. Nowhere indeed are these. For he wishes only that the condition of men is equal, in the benefit of creation, of the rational soul, of the light of reason inborn from nature, of free will, and perhaps of common grace, or general or sufficient, which is lacking to no adult. Whence these verses, by which he exhorts men, that they should examine themselves in themselves.
Go yourselves into the inmost places of your mind, and within
The cut apices and written volumes of the heart
Inspect, and recognize the law generated with you;as concerns the benefit of creation and grace common to all,
Namely the natural law, which on the tablets of the heart from nature, that is from the author of nature written we bear; and by the light of reason, at least in the graver and in the substantial of natural right, the depraved from the right we distinguish. For the light of Your face is signed upon us: whence he immediately subjoins these:
For who will there be, only not a beast of the field or of the sea,
Who in vices is so stupidly delighted by open ones,
That what he does, he himself wishes to suffer? Lies, the deceitful;
Thefts, the rapacious; the furious, atrocious; the homicide, bloody
Condemns, and against the adulterer the swords the adulterer draws.
For one is the father of all, and from the seed of right,
No one lacks, and a similar origin produced all.
Then a little after:
Therefore all together with one law created
We come; and in the fibers we bear, what is laid up in the books.
[15] Nothing certainly here but Catholic. For he speaks of a benefit equally common to all, of creation namely and of natural light, for he understands nothing else by that voice, semine recti (seed of right), the will of God wishing all to be saved, than reason itself natural, or the light of reason, by which namely in natural right, as to the substantial things, we discern the right from the depraved; or certainly, if you wish, refer these to that grace common to all. He teaches also, that God wishes all men to be saved; for what men, he says, of what kind, or of what condition,
Has God neglected to save? man, woman; slave,
Free; Jew, Greek; Scythian, Barbarian; all
In Christ are we one. Not the person of the powerful,
Or of Lord or King, prior; no distance
Of the one light of the mirror, unless the use differ.
For as a mirror is the mind; which the more it is wiped clean,
By polishing faith and intent on supernal rays,
The more it shines back resplendent in the image of confessed Christ.
You see, if I am not deceived, that use, namely the right operation of man, is from the light, which our mind as a mirror receives from heaven; from the supernal rays, from faith, from Christ's grace.
Indeed of salvation
The way is known, with Christ to all unbarring as master,
Who calls, and going to lead us with Himself, and to Himself.
[16] He acknowledges indeed the free will of will, the power of acting well dependent on grace, in which the soul rejoices, and by whose work it can act rightly or badly. That power however of acting well, that it is from God, he confesses spontaneously, with these words, or verses, by which he teaches, that man has in himself
--- the discriminations of things,
And the right of will, by which the mind tempers the choice.
If however in the blind battles of doubtful life
It does not swell of itself; but safe with modest vows,
Thence it think the whole power, whence it received also being.
What is clearer? But take other things, from which he marvelously commends the grace of Christ;
Behold, man, how great a power has been gratis bestowed on you.
To be a son of God, if you wish, you can. The omnipotent
Spirit, with the Word's virtue overshadowing, created you.
Nor consider yourself born of the bodily seed of fathers;
Let the beginnings of captive flesh perish;
Add nothing of the old to the new. Not for you was this world,
Not this life given; nothing here is yours, nor are you your own.
For you have been bought, and your price, it is right that you pay yourself,
As you can; that paying you may be richer, and there grow for you
What you shall have given, and the Redeemer Himself yield to you as a part.
What I ask else do these sound, but the grace of Christ?
He acknowledges however the freedom of man, the freedom of acting badly, who although equipped with divine help can act well, yet acts badly. Why however? Because he wishes. For to act badly is of free will alone, not of grace. But let us hear our Theologian Poet;
And yet, alas! again with querulous words garrulous man
Wars you stir, and with your darts you pierce your own bowels,
Why am I not good? This you do not wish. Why am I bad? This you wish.
Why do I will what is bad; and why what are good, do I not?
You are free; and when you can discern right from depraved,
You choose the worse…
What please in these is to be carped; indeed not to be praised?
[17] But, you will say, he acknowledges equal grace in all, as appears from the following.
--- Are we not from one seed
Come? or is the nature of good men other?
Not otherwise is the rich born than the poor. One is
The principle for slaves and Kings. The best one
Has not received more, than the worst. Equal of the creator
Is the measure…
And these the Doctor of Louvain wrongly carps, as consonant with the error of Pelagius. the indifference of human choice, For he speaks of natural things, as is plain, which are equal in all; and I wonder here a knot is sought in a bulrush. Other things which follow on liberty, have also the best sense.
When to me born to life the commands of salvation
The good author insinuates both to the heart and to the ears, and me
Running calls by reward, lingering by terror…
What further is that thing insinuated to the heart by God, but grace? what to the ears, but the law? what reward and terror, but what faith, hope, and the holy fear of God in our hearts work? But he proceeds.
This work of good follow, this of the iniquitous flee cautiously:
Blessed life is born by that, death is brought forth by this.
Before are present, the saving water, the destroyer fire:
To which you wish stretch out the hand, equal faculty lies open:
What God Himself with His own mouth would in vain bring forth, free from external force,
If external force held our choice.
That is, compelled. For here he treats against the empty fictions of the Astrologers: he says however that to good and evil is equal power; to good indeed through grace, as he had often said before; to evil indeed, from the depraved use of choice, as immediately with these explicit words he asserts:
But, if anything is in the way of virtue and retards souls;
The supernal fires do not produce, nor does it flow from the ether,
But arises from our hearts, and freedom itself
Stirs war, and is shaken by civil arms.
That however the impugnation of the cacodemon and his evil arts come to these, immediately he acknowledges;
And when these things to be done within the cunning enemy has foreseen,
From your studies he takes strength…
[18] Indeed that nothing of good in himself, namely from himself, man has, yet that nothing without Christ would be valid for good he sings more than once;
We, to whom in Christ are all things, let not the falling things take us,
Which we did not bring with us when we were born.
If all things in Christ; therefore both to be able and to wish. Let us shake off, he says,
The servile yoke of sin, and the chains being broken,
Into liberty and the honor of the Fatherland let us return.
The impious pacts with the savage tyrant (namely sin and the Devil) shall not stand,
Written by a captive hand; this treaty is dissoluble to Christ,
Which by just law He can subvert,
Recalling those turned away, and receiving the converted,
Whom by His own Blood He sought as redeemed lavishly:
If however the swift will
Anticipate the help of the Asserter, by faithful weeping to move the Lord.
Here at once the Doctor of Louvain exclaims; This is Semipelagian; namely that grace is preceded by the will. Is it so indeed, by the will alone? Where does he say this? By the will; so it is; but turned away first from God by sin; and by the same God then recalled through grace; for not otherwise does God recall from sin. Recalling those turned away, he says, and immediately brings the reason;
For no one unwilling or quiet in deep sleep (he speaks of adults)
Becomes saved; nor is sought by force, who voluntarily withdrew.
[19] From these certainly it becomes manifest, that an adult is made saved by God, not however unwilling, nor by force, but cooperating with His grace: nor working nothing whatever with God, that is, with divine grace. For he who from God voluntarily withdrew, through sin; voluntarily also, namely through grace and with God recalling, must return;
Thus the courts of life lie open being knocked at to those returning,
namely to those recalled by God. Who indeed knock, ask, seek, implore (for God opens to those knocking) yet not without grace are they said to knock; for as it is knocked, before it is opened; so the grace of knocking is prior to the grace of opening: that however God does not bestow on those not knocking; otherwise it would be given a process to infinity. Finally to those conquered by sin he promises victory, with this law however,
--- if of the old flesh
Stripped, into the body of Christ we be renewed, and all
Strength of conquering let us seek for ourselves from the Victor;
Christ namely, from whom we receive every strength.
Who while He associates ours to His own, joins His own to ours;
That not trusting in human things, man, wholly into Him
Refers himself, without whom they do not stand, who seem to stand;
And through whom the scattered come together, and the prostrate rise again.
What I ask is more Catholic? Through whom, Without whom not, Not trusting in human things, He associates ours to His, His to ours, All strength of conquering, Wholly into Him refers himself. What please do these voices signify, but that man, nothing of himself alone can, or do, for salvation, the remission of sin, victory over sin etc. but in these wholly absolutely depends on the grace of God. Add the common grace, which besides that special one this Author acknowledges (as also all Catholics ought to acknowledge) namely sufficient, without which it cannot be understood, in what manner Christ died for all; cannot, I say, in the proper, literal, and common sense of Catholic Doctors.
[20] From which it becomes plain, that wrongly to this author by that Doctor of Louvain the crime and name of heretic was attached. Far more modestly Bellarmine, it is therefore worthy that it be ascribed to SS. Hilary or Prosper: who admonished the prudent Reader, that he read and judge. I confess that poem is to be read cautiously: yet by an equitable reader and one skilled in dogmatic matter, and especially of that part, which looks to divine grace; who does not twist the words capable of Catholic sense into a Pelagian sense. Wherefore Baronius did not doubt to attribute this poem with others to Prosper, tom. 6 in the year of Christ 451, page 136 of the Roman edition: nor do I think it would be turned into a great crime, to feel in this, indeed and to err with Baronius. But I run further, than perhaps were equitable.
The author moreover of this poem we could investigate from its Prologue, in which is made mention of the incursion of the Vandals into Gaul, and the slaughter of ten years, of the smoking homeland, of the greatest inundation, of so many cities destroyed, and of that aged Bishop, driven from his burned city, who as exile led the lacerated sheep; finally of him, to whom this poem is inscribed, who was both poet and exile, from the same poem is established, of whom he speaks thus: it is however of a later author.
You also dusty among the wagons and arms of the Getae,
Plucked the hard road not without burden.
But since it does not make to our matter, I omit; and since with no, even probable, reason supported, you have impeached Hilary, as another Coryphaeus of the Semipelagians (whatever for proof you had brought, has been entirely refuted) now with irrefragable arguments I shall evince, that he was not a Semipelagian.
[21] The first argument I draw from this, that no one at all of the ancients fastened this mark on holy Bishop Hilary; That Hilary cannot be suspect proves the silence of the ancients, none, I say, can be appealed to. For what from the Epistle of Prosper to Augustine, has now been blown away, indeed there Prosper calls him Saint, and a man of spiritual studies. Far be it however, that Prosper, a most prudent man and most zealous of sound doctrine, should call him Saint, whom he saw implicated in Pelagian errors. II. Hilary was joined by the bond of strict familiarity to the most holy and most learned Bishops; namely to Honoratus, Eucherius, Germanus, Lupus, and many others quite many; but never was he admonished by them of error; which without all doubt of the most holy man they would not have omitted to do, unless perhaps you say, that they labored with a similar error; which yet seems to me blasphemous to say. III. The Roman Pontiffs also by office, a man of so great a name and not less authority, whom they would have known to be marked with Pelagian error, without all doubt would have rebuked, and beyond the rest Leo the Great, otherwise sufficiently hostile to him, or at least bitter. IV. Hilary did not lack enemies, who accused him at the Apostolic See; but if he had labored with even the smallest suspicion of Pelagianism, thence the greatest weight of accusation would have come: but a deep silence on this matter. The Viennese also from this head of his cause would have added not a little of moment.
[22] nor is it sufficient that the contrary be said by Ussher. V. Of the more recent ones, who fastened this dirty mark on Hilary, the first were two famous heretics, Vossius and Ussher, from whom you yourself have drawn (which certainly is not turned to glory for you) drew also another, in the marginal annotations to the Roman Martyrology of Cardinal Baronius, namely on the III nones of May, where he wrote, that Hilary Bishop of Arles fostered the Massilians or Semipelagians, against S. Augustine, as most evidently, he says, the author of the Antiquit. Eccles. Britann. proves on page 245. But by what argument finally? Certainly improbable, not evident: by that namely which you yourself have so much exaggerated, but which we have most evidently dissolved. For it could to Hilary, as I have said, the gratuitous predestination to glory please less, thence certainly he is not to be reckoned a Semipelagian. Wonderful therefore it has happened to me, that a holy Bishop, after one thousand two hundred years, is charged with heresy, from the sole testimony of a more recent heterodox. You should rather have consulted the very text of the Roman Martyrology, than the marginal notes; in which namely you would have read Hilary, conspicuous in doctrine and sanctity to be called; whence it necessarily follows, that he was not a Semipelagian in doctrine.
VII
[23.] VI. From the cult, exhibited to the same holy Antistes by the peoples now for MCCXXV years, he himself is venerated by the Church as a Saint, more than manifest it becomes, that not even the slightest suspicion of depraved error did he ever labor with: for the Church does not venerate heretics. Hence by all, who of him already deceased made mention, he is called Saint. Hence with the singular encomium of Ado, into the Martyrology was reported. VII. From the author of his life, namely Honoratus of Marseilles (who was also a holy man, and to whom faith cannot but rashly be detracted) of how castigate a life, of how rare an example, of how sound and Catholic a doctrine he was, most clearly is established. Him perhaps as suspect of the same error you will except. Right. You have faith in Ussher a heretical writer, writing badly of Hilary; and to a Holy Bishop, writing well of him, you detract faith. VIII. Prosper, the most ardent defender of Augustinian doctrine, and enemy of those whom they called Semipelagians, would not have been able to contain himself, especially in so great a heat of disputation; and to Celestine, to whom he expostulated about others, he would without doubt have brought him: certainly let no one desire this zeal in him; from the letters however of Celestine it is established, that only Presbyters were brought by him.
[24] and in his writings nothing can be carped, IX. In the writings of Hilary still extant we read many things, in commendation of divine grace, which by a Semipelagian man cannot have been written. I indicate only some from the sermon on S. Honoratus. Useful, he says, is to praise the deceased, that the whole praise be referred to God the bestower of grace: glory therefore we cannot of things done, since the whole praise thence to God we ought to refer. He preserves with God helping baptism, that is, baptismal grace, with God helping through divine grace. Christ assumed him; in no other way except through grace. The liberty taken on by Christ is to be preserved, by Christ's grace; liberty, I say, by which we are freed from sin. Christ gives, in this life, to be adorned with the studies of discipline; therefore a gift of God it is and grace. By none of these is the boyhood of Honoratus, relying on God, that is, on divine help, shaken. Furthermore, the Lord stood by, he says, His Recruit; what please is that, stood by? unless, with help and bestowed aid he aided? How great, Lord, is the dispensation of Your provision! that is, of solicitude, care, vocation. Inspiring the will of migrating; let no one deny this to be grace. With Christ cooperating every adversity overcome: Not I, says the Apostle, but the grace of God with me; for nothing else is to cooperate, than to work together with another.
VIII
[25] in which he acknowledges Christ as the source of all good. The grace of the Spirit of God remains diffused in the monastery. The right hand of God undertook to drive and tame me there; he speaks of himself; the right hand of God moreover pours out the treasures of graces. Christ exercises His parts in me (through grace without doubt) and through the mercy of God my contumacy is subjugated, with the pious Lord inviting me. All these sound nothing but grace. Hence he immediately: I give thanks to You, good Jesus, who broke my chains, cast on me the chains of Your love: thanks are given for benefits and gifts. In the heart Christ the source of all these dwelt, namely of gifts and graces, to whom you always (he addresses his Honoratus) ascribed every good of conversation; that assiduously inculcating to yourself and yours, what have you which you have not received? Why do you glory, as if you had not received? What please another did Paul, what another Augustine, eminent Heralds of diverse grace, could say? and this one Semipelagian and enemy of divine grace you call? He acknowledged without doubt the grace of vocation, and of that first good will, and of perseverance in good, as is plain from the said. He acknowledged also gratuitous predestination to faith, as appears from the words above transcribed. That however he doubted of predestination
gratuitous to glory, not on that account is he to be reckoned an enemy of divine grace and a Semipelagian, as you rashly assert. Far more would have to be said by me, to vindicate the most holy Bishop, on whom by intolerable calumny, in your history, the dirty mark of Heretic you have wished to brand: but these things, with me as judge, to this end seem to be sufficient.
[26] And truly that the most holy Antistes, whom all antiquity looked up to, Injury therefore is done to the same, whom ancient writers exceedingly praised, the great Honoratus before the rest loved, Eucherius admired, Sidonius celebrated, the peoples with solemn and public cult venerated, you should refer to the album of heretics, supported by the futile and empty conjecture of two heretics alone, so wonderful and new it has happened to me, that scarcely had I faith in my eyes, while I read these things in your History. So certainly wonderful and new, to assert such grave things, especially in a historical matter, without witness; and a most innocent man, with MCCXXV years now elapsed from his death, while he is called into suspicion of heresy. in the face of the whole Church to make guilty of heretical depravity; that nothing ever in judgments so anomalous and heteroclite seems to have been seen manifestly. With what light and empty ratiocination you strive to evince that maledictory and calumnious assertion of yours, openly was already made by me above. For that he lived among the Lerinsians among monks; that he was a friend of Eucherius, Lupus, Honoratus; that he was praised by Gennadius; these surely not only do not prove him to have been a heretic, but rather a most holy and most learned man to have stood out, utterly evince: for unless he had been such, he could not have pleased so great Bishops.
[27] because he doubted on a single point which is not of faith. But, you say, he doubted of the doctrine of Augustine. Not so: but only of one point of doctrine, which with many he thought was of Augustine, namely on gratuitous predestination to glory; he thought, I say, with many others, and you also think. He is therefore to be reckoned a heretic. The worst, execrable, and detestable consequence. In this you always act little sincerely: for you join and mix into one and confound these two, which yet differ greatly between themselves, namely gratuitous predestination to faith, to the grace of vocation, &c. and gratuitous predestination to glory. The first Hilary held with all Catholics; on the second he doubted, which also, with many and those of great name Catholics, I deny and reject; although I shall not turn it to vice for you, that you hold it. Nor is it that anyone (whom you yourself by this name mock) should say, that Hilary with the Massilians erred through ignorance: for who would charge Hilary, a most ingenious and most learned man, with ignorance? Nor is it that you free him with the rest from fault, because the matter, at that time, had not yet been defined, and accordingly to feel otherwise was lawful; which already above I have shown to be most false; indeed this already to have been condemned, you assert, by Innocent, Zosimus, Boniface, or that he was author of the Poem which truly he did not make and is good. Celestine. But he was the author of the poem on Providence. This already above has been denied: for neither would Gennadius, most diligent in this kind, nor Honoratus of Marseilles have kept silent on it. It is added, that, if it is true (which Baronius cited above asserts) that in that poem mention is made of the excursion of Attila into Gaul; since this happened after the year CCCCL, and Hilary departed from this life in the year CCCCXLIX according to your chronology, certainly it could not have been that he was the author of that poem. It is added also, that the author of the poem has some things against Eutyches, namely condemned in the Council of Chalcedon celebrated in the year CCCCL, from which also it follows, that he was not the author of that little work. Besides which I have sufficiently clearly shown above, that that poem in a Catholic sense can be understood, and easily placed in good light: and accordingly seems unworthy neither of Prosper, nor of Hilary. From all which Hilary remains vindicated from your calumnies.
[28] Before I dismiss this argument, one or another I note, Wrongly is he said to be born of Arles, in which in history you have erred, of which yet not only an expert, but also a great restorer you wish to be heard. For you say in the history page 168, that the homeland of S. Hilary Bishop of Arles was Arles. Hilary as a youth, you say, at Arles by S. Honoratus the Abbot was recalled to better fruit. Indeed S. Honoratus betook himself to his homeland, as is manifest from the said life of S. Honoratus, described by S. Hilary; For my sake, he says cap. 5, his homeland, which he had disdained, he does not deign to approach: nor refuses the labor of so great a journey. And a little after, Then for the first time he recognized that to be his homeland, which he had long believed should be fled. The same however was the homeland of each, indeed each was joined by the bond of kinship, as is established from these words of Hilary, who was a kinsman of S. Honoratus first unknown to the Arlesians, seeking in me of faith (he speaks of Honoratus) as the vein of his blood: the same therefore was the homeland and blood of each. And truly that at that time Hilary dwelt in his homeland, when to him Honoratus betook himself, that he might lead him snatched from the world, his prey, as he speaks, and gain him for Christ; Eucherius testifies in his praise of the desert: You had a leader, he says, and as it were the precursor of your journey, then a master of the heavenly warfare; and following him then and leaving your parents, yet you followed a parent. There also writes Hilary cap. 6, that Honoratus was unknown to the Arlesians; But whence please is it, that from so far off, so unknown he is sought? he addresses the Arlesians. But if Arles were his homeland, since he was sprung from a most noble family, advanced even to the nobility of the Consulate, and to that honor which the world has almost as the highest, as he has cap. 1, without doubt to the Arlesians he would not have been at all unknown.
[29] But that which follows there in the said cap. 6, He certainly, who dispenses all things; he, who him both to his homeland, as long as he saw fitting, indulged; and through seas, and through lands, for the utility of those seeing, this so great grace of his cultivator he carried about; what that homeland is is sufficiently understood, in which God left him, after his conversion, for some time, before he committed himself to peregrination and navigation. Furthermore the same Hilary cap. 8 with these words, he was wont to admonish, that he might place a homeland for me near the seat of the sepulcher, in your love; sufficiently expressly shows, that that homeland was not before for him. I add another, which certainly seems to be of no less strength; namely S. Lupus, and brother-in-law of S. Lupus born at Toul born in the town of the Leuci, as we read in his life from ancient MS. codices transcribed in Surius on day XXIX July: Of a noble family especially, he had taken in marriage Pimeniola, sister of S. Hilary Bishop of Arles, of illustrious memory: of the same homeland therefore and province Hilary, Lupus, Honoratus, indeed and Vincent of Lerins the brother of Lupus stood: Leuci however to the Mediomatrici adhered in situation, and their towns were Tullum and Nancejum, as Cluverius has lib. 2. Introd. cap. 12. Whence indeed it is that we wonder, that a man not so much accurate, as scrupulous in tracking down the smallest apices of history, on the plain has so slipped; especially since from the same author of the life of S. Lupus, after Baronius, you have rightly gathered other things, pertaining to the British Legation of SS. Germanus and Lupus, to the withdrawal of Lupus from the island of Lerins, to the promotion of the same, likewise of Honoratus and Hilary, and to his death, on page 193.
[30] From the same I also seem rightly to gather, that Lupus about that time withdrew from the said island, in which from it Honoratus to the Chair of the Arles Church was led, by whose leadership and discipline the first year there Lupus had spent; the occasion of withdrawing from there having been taken, perhaps, that the most loving Father had departed from the island. That moreover happened, as you say page 169, in the year 426 ordained Bishop of Troyes. toward the end of the year CCCCXXVI. Lupus indeed then to the Episcopate of the city of Troyes was unexpectedly snatched (so writes the author of his life) and after two years, with Germanus the British Legation against the Pelagians he undertook, as there he has; whence I gather, that almost one year after the promotion of Honoratus, Lupus was promoted. For since this Legation was undertaken toward the end of Autumn of the year CCCCXXIX, and two years had flowed by from when Lupus had been assumed, it follows that he was assumed toward the end of the year CCCCXXVII. Honoratus however toward the end of the year CCCCXXVI, as we have said, was assumed: therefore for almost one year, before Lupus was promoted. Badly moreover do you deduce on page 251, that the Epistle of Eucherius to Hilary on the praise of the desert was given in the year CCCCXXVI or in the beginning of the year CCCCXXVII, from this that after Hilary's return to the island it was written. For thither he returned only Hilary after some months, say six or seven, which can rightly be called the beginnings of Honoratus's Episcopate, or even later which is far more verisimilar; and even if in the year CCCCXXVIII that epistle had been written or toward the end of the year CCCCXXVII, equally to that time the words of the epistle fit.
[31] These things moreover I would wish to be said by me, not because it matters so much, but that it may be established, that the scrupulous chronographer, as you perpetually boast yourself, also stumbles on the plain. [Wrongly also is it said that almost all the Gallic Bishops favored the Semipelagians.] But as these things perhaps through unconsidered error, so on page 192 by affected and shameless maledictoriness you have written, that very many of these Bishops in Gaul thought with the Pelagians, and in that disputation, which on Predestination was being agitated, were opposed to Augustine, is gathered from Prosper Ep. to Aug. where he says, that few lovers of perfect grace stipulated to him. You have appealed to Prosper, let us hear Prosper. Many he says of the servants of Christ, who in the city of Marseilles consist, in the writings of Your Sanctity, which against the Pelagian heretics you composed, think contrary to the opinion of the Fathers and to ecclesiastical sense, whatever in them on the vocation of the elect according to the purpose of God you have disputed. Presbyters and Monks without doubt he understands; namely so clear, and so eminent, in the zeal of all virtues men, as he there calls them, of whom is, as he himself adds, with others great reverence from the contemplation of probity; there also he calls Saints, to whom that he is unequal, he spontaneously confesses, and by them in the merits of life is much surpassed. All these in Monks and Presbyters properly fit; for Prosper, at least at that time, as you yourself admit, was a Layman. And so many, who in the City of Marseilles consist were opposed to Augustine. Granted. Therefore very many, that is, almost all, of the Bishops of the Gauls (who had come together in a great Synod, as Bede calls; and a numerous one, as Constantius the author of the life of Germanus left written) stood as Semipelagians.
Who does not see the vice of this consequence, or does not laugh?
[32] But, you say, Prosper there asserts, that some of them recently obtained the supreme honor of the Sacerdotium. So it is; but so few, that he calls only Hilary Bishop of Arles. Let us grant this one opposed to S. Augustine (although Hilary I have sufficiently and more vindicated from this mark) can it on this account be inferred thence, that very many of the Bishops of the Gauls thought with the Semipelagians? You should certainly have held back your pen, when you wrote these things. But Vasquez, you say, expressly testifies this. Indeed with MCC years elapsed. But by what witness or author? He was most versed, you will say, in the cause and history of the Pelagians. Granted. His testification, as much as concerns the fact after MCC years, unless he should call authentic witnesses, is of no moment. For the rest that on Hilary I may at length conclude, of how much esteem he should be made, and of how much he ought to be made his most profound doctrine, the highest force of genius, eloquence, and facundity, the suavity of morals and genius, the holiness of his most castigate life, the austerity of living, the immense charity, the unshaken patience, humility and meekness, can be seen in S. Honoratus Bishop of Marseilles, Saussay, and others.
Cap. VII
[33] Before I impose an end to this Chapter, I cannot but make Honoratus also of Marseilles, who wrote the Life of S. Hilary, vindicator from the mark of Semipelagianism, Similarly Honoratus the writer of the Life is excused from Semipelagianism. which on this one too you have fastened on page 293 and following, where you say, this one I think was in the same opinion with Gennadius. Num. 18. Why indeed? Because he writes these things in the Life of Hilary, when to receive the reward from his own merit the blessed Pontiff Honoratus was being called. These things immediately the depraved stomach turns into pus and venom: For what so often, you say, is merit, and indeed proper, in the same verse inculcated? unless that from merits divine predestination be suspended? Of merit certainly proper the reward, but from the merit of Christ: for it cannot be understood otherwise: otherwise proper merit from proper merit, which is insane to say. The heavenly glory however to adults is given as wages and reward of merits: and this is of faith. Although our merits are gifts of God; yet from His gift are our merits, by which the reward is repaid. Although however Honoratus held that predestination to glory (for we cannot understand another from these words) is from foreseen merits, not on that account is he to be reckoned a Semipelagian. Indeed his doctrine and faith it is necessary to be Catholic, the integrity of which Gelasius, the most zealous Pontiff, by his rescript approved. For the rest in Honoratus only two things displeased you; namely that Gennadius praised him exceedingly; and that he himself, as it seems to you, extolled Hilary with more than equal praises; as if these, which certainly is ridiculous to say, were detracted from Augustine.
APPENDIX
On Hilary the colleague of Prosper in the defense of S. Augustine.
Hilary, Bishop of Arles, in Gaul (S.)
[34] Among the Epistles of S. Augustine there is one number eighty-ninth, inscribed to the most beloved son Hilary, Hilary returning from Africa who returning from Africa, where he had been familiarly with Augustine (as appears from the prior epistle of Hilary himself) had committed letters to Augustine's familiars, returning from the Syracusan port to Hippo, earnestly asking that his unskillfulness be informed about that, which certain Christians at Syracuse were setting forth; saying that man could be without sin, and easily keep the commands of God if he wished; that an infant unbaptized prevented by death could not perish deservedly, since he is born without sin; and other similar things, sounding mere and crude Pelagianism. as from Sicily writing to Augustine he had stirred him against the Pelagians; The same then when he had migrated again into Gaul, and had learned that at Marseille or in other places also in Gaul questions were being agitated on the predestination of the Saints and Augustine's doctrine on it; presently to him on all things accurately to be informed, he wrote another epistle, which is not extant; but for it is extant before the book of S. Augustine a far later third epistle, with certain things changed or added, just as then their definition was, who with that one alone excepted said that they admired Augustine in all deeds and words; whose contradiction in this how it is to be tolerated, from his discretion he inquires. I do not wish however, he says, that Your Sanctity should so judge me to write these things, so then from Gaul against their remnants, as if of those things which now you have edited I doubt: let it suffice me my punishment, that exiled from the delights of your presence, where I was nourished by your salutary breasts, not only by your absence am I tortured, but also by the obstinacy of certain ones, who not only manifest things spit out, but also things not understood reprehend. From which it appears that he was a disciple of Augustine in Africa.
[35] His solicitude in this business of so great moment wishing to be commended, Because, he says, with also Prosper led to write: with the bearer urging, I feared lest either not all things or these very things less worthily, conscious of my powers, I might be able to digest; I dealt with a man, both in morals and in eloquence and zeal famous, that as much as he could collected he intimate by his letters, which joined with these I have taken care to send: for he is such a one as even besides this necessity worthy of your notice may be judged. These being received Augustine wrote two books, one on the Predestination of the Saints, the other on the gift of perseverance: in the beginning of which, Your, he says, zeal and fraternal affection, dearest sons, Prosper and Hilary, by which after so many books on this matter and my epistles you still desire from me to write hence, as much I love, as I cannot say; and that I love so much, as I ought, I do not dare to say. Hence not at all doubt is left to us, of whom and what kind were those letters, which with his own joined Hilary took care to send; especially since of Prosper himself on the same argument is extant an epistle, of which in the prefaced vindiciae frequent mention, where he prefaces that he is unknown to Augustine himself in face… yet to some extent in soul and discourse known: For through my holy brother, he says, Leontius the Deacon I sent and received epistles: now however to Your Beatitude I dare to write, not only as then with the zeal of greeting, but also with the affection of the faith by which the Church lives.
[36] Of the same moreover already once united for Augustine so great was the zeal in the cause of their Master, that, when even with him dead controversies on his opinion did not cease, they having set out to Rome before Pope Celestine deposited complaints: and with him goes to Rome to Celestine by which the same moved he wrote to Venerius, Marius, Leontius, Auxanius, Arcadius, Philtatius (all verisimilarly Bishops in the Province, as their three were Venerius of Marseille, Leontius of Fréjus and Arcadius of Vence) and the other Bishops of Gaul; thus after the preface admonishing. Our sons present, Prosper and Hilary, whose solicitude about our God is to be praised, only that I do not know what Presbyters there is permitted, who study ecclesiastical dissension, have so prosecuted with us, that calling indisciplined questions into the middle, they say obstinately that they preach things adverse to the truth. These however when the Pope had ordered to be rebuked, as those who not only these things against the living attempt to dare, for defending Augustine deceased. but strive also to dissipate the memory of the resting Brothers, he begins to praise Augustine, a man of holy recollection: whom, he says, of so great science once we remember to have been, that among the best masters by my predecessors he was always held: and subjoins: Whence resistance must be made to such, whom we see badly to grow, certainly against the doctrine and estimation of the now deceased Augustine (otherwise indeed there would be no connection of the whole epistle) just as the aforesaid Prosper and Hilary present had set forth.
[37] He was therefore a notable zealot of Augustinian doctrine this Hilary: but, as much as from monuments hitherto produced can be known, equally as his colleague Prosper, a lay man, although a lay man, certainly not yet a Bishop: otherwise he would not be addressed son but Brother by Augustine and Celestine, and would altogether be set before Prosper. Whether however afterwards the same was made Bishop of Arles is asked. To have been done, was believed by those who collected the works of S. Augustine: because the title of Hilary of Arles in MSS. the epistle prefixed to the said two books of S. Augustine bore. That title persuaded Baronius, Myræus, Rivet and certain heterodox men, cited by our Labbe, that the Bishop is indicated; by some confused with the Bishop of Arles. Bellarmine, Labbe, Neusser judged that two Hilaries were to be distinguished, and that was already the common sense of learned men; until the prior opinion most recently revived our friend P. Franciscus Macedo, known to the world for many contests and victories against the sectaries of the Pseudo-Augustine of Ypres, in his Historico-polemic Commentary for S. Vincent of Lerins, similarly charged with Semipelagianism, by his famous antagonist the author of the Pelagian History. There he in cap. 15 by various conjectures strives to render verisimilar, that S. Hilary of Arles, first by S. Honoratus instructed in Gaul, afterwards as a youth still sailed into Africa, and there heard Augustine; then makes almost certain, that the aforesaid epistles to Augustine were given by him then leading still a private life; and accordingly from the epistle of Prosper, where he makes mention of him, he thinks the title of Bishop must be abolished.
[38] For Hilary was ordained Bishop of Arles only in the year CCCCXXIX, and truly were written the epistles of Prosper and Hilary in the month of February or even later: in the same year however the Vandals had broken into Africa, and with almost all things occupied, after Count Boniface was conquered with his army, they themselves threatened the city of Hippo; which was both besieged in the following year, and in the third month of the siege Augustine fell into that infirmity, from which also he died on XXVIII August. Those were not therefore the times in which he could write those books, which at the prayers of Prosper and Hilary he composed, with a most accurate and elegant style (so that his soul appears to have been free) and without any mention of so great a calamity. Therefore the epistles which demanded those books, had come from Gaul at least in the year CCCCXXVIII or even sooner, when still S. Honoratus presided over the Arles church. before Bishop of Arles he was ordained. There is therefore some error in the epistle of Prosper: of which the place, as far as it seems to look to Hilary, the whole here it pleases to transcribe: We believe and hope, not only that our slightness will be strengthened by the protection of your disputations, but also that those very ones, whom illustrious by merits and honors, the darkness of that opinion obscures, will receive the most purified light of grace. For one of them, of preeminent authority and a man of spiritual studies, holy Hilary Bishop of Arles, let your beatitude know is admirer and follower in all other things of your doctrine: and on this which he draws into complaint, long since to your sanctity to confer his sense by letters: but because whether he is going to do this, or with what end he is going to do, is uncertain, and the fatigue of all of us in the vigor of your charity and science hopes; add the erudition
to the humble, add rebuke to the proud.
[39] From this place if you remove the title of Bishop, Macedo thinks nothing prevents that here Prosper speaks, therefore the distinction of a double Hilary would be superfluous. not only of him who afterwards was Bishop of Arles, but also of that one by whom he was asked to write to Augustine, and who directed Prosper's letters together with his own to Africa. The matter however he conceives to have been done thus, that Hilary first hesitating in that one difficult point, declared his doubt to Prosper, and signified his will of writing to Augustine: afterwards however, with some response of Augustine received, he wholly went over to his opinion; with Prosper unaware of this, and meanwhile of his own motion writing his epistle; for the sending of which while he awaits a convenient opportunity, Hilary offered it to write exhorting, which he did not know he had already done: and so it happened, that in Prosper's epistle remained that ambiguous statement on Hilary: and these things Macedo strives to render verisimilar by ingeniously devised supports. He seems however to conceive Hilary of Arles for that time as a man of full age; as one who as an adolescent in Africa heard Augustine, and at Syracuse on his return placed gave to him an occasion of writing against the Pelagians (this however in the year CCCCXI to have been done Baronius judges not without merit) and that the same now among the esteemers of Augustine, unless the lesser age of the Arles man would make it necessary, but in one cause querulous about him, was of preeminent authority and of spiritual studies; indeed and before his entrance into the monastery had carried out secular dignities: for he adduces that place of Eucherius, in his epistle to Valerianus thus writing: Hilary recently, and in Italy now Antistes Petronius, both from that, as they say, most full Seat of power, one to the name of Religion, the other to the name of the Sacerdotium ascended: from which words perhaps the learned and to me familiarly friend Paulus Carolus Bosca, Custodian of the Ambrosian Library at Milan, came into suspicion, that Hilary held the Prefecture of the Gauls.
[40] On Petronius's most ample dignity with Theodosius the Younger at Constantinople, before he was made Bishop of Bologna, who as a youth led to Lerins by S. Honoratus it shall be said on day IV of October. Hilary's lofty pedigree the author of the Life commends; from which prone to him without doubt would have been every step to honors, had not the great hopes for Christ to dismiss S. Honoratus persuaded. And this perhaps only Eucherius wished to indicate of him: for it does not seem that to an adolescent, not much greater than twenty years (if however he had attained these, when he followed Honoratus to the Lerinsian desert) the function of so great amplitude and gravity was committed. For when S. Honoratus, made Bishop of Arles, drew his dear disciple from the desert and led him with him to Arles, Hilary was only XXIV years old, as one who in the year CCCCXLIX dying as Bishop scarcely had completed by living the circle of XLVIII years: so that, at the time of his Episcopal ordination, at the most he was in his XXVII year. And shall we say, afterwards in the 27th year of his age was made Bishop, even before he was Bishop, that he was called by Prosper a man of preeminent authority and of spiritual studies? Pardon me I hope P. Macedo, that in the time of the epistle written by Prosper agreeing with him, and in the foresaid place as concerns Hilary judging there is a vice with the same, the very vice by a more convenient way I shall correct, than is that one implicated in so many difficulties, by which one and the same Hilary is established; who doubting on Augustine's opinion, wished to write to him; and who afterwards on the same not at all hesitating, was solicitous only that it should be approved by others: and I shall say, that in that place either Hilary crept in for Honoratus, or the Arles one for Hilary of Narbonne; with one or the other corrupted by the copyist, and from his unskilled conjecture the place which he wished to illustrate, obscuring.
[41] and that before the death of S. Augustine For neither by deleting the title of Bishop are all things saved, that one alone Hilary may be retained, the colleague of Prosper in defending Augustine, and the same afterwards Bishop of Arles. For he, with Augustine now dead, and indeed long ago, by Celestine is set after Prosper, as still a layman: yet he was Arles before Augustine's death ordained. whom in Africa he could not have approached. But if you wish to doubt, whether that commendation of Augustine, between the first and second chapter of the Celestinian Epistle, is authentic; and you suspect it brought from elsewhere, together with the preface and the eleven later Capitula (which certainly are not of Celestine, but at the most of some Gallican Synod called by Celestine's prescription) these things, I say, if doubting you suspect; to such a suspicion indeed will seem to favor the very context, without the interposition of that piece most well cohering, and through it made hiulcous and obscure; and from this part you will free yourself, that before the ordination of Hilary of Arles and the death of Augustine the Celestinian epistle could have been written: but you will not effect that of him with such an encomium then to have written be believed Prosper; much less that at the beginning of nascent Pelagianism to Augustine on those things which he had heard at Syracuse to have written into Africa be said the one, who according to Baronius's opinion did this in the year CCCCXI, when our Hilary had not yet attained the tenth year of his age. And however much this be believed some years later to have come to Syracuse from Africa, and to have written the epistle: never however will he be able to be brought to an age, fit for proposing such great matters to such a man. But if he was not in Africa in so small an age still secular; much less should he be said to have been there as Religious; who as soon as he tasted the delights of Lerinsian solitude, was so captivated by them, that not even by the love of his most dear master could he be restrained, that he should not fly back thither whence he had been drawn. What? that the African dwelling, which to be nourished by the salutary breasts of Augustine had brought Hilary, the author of the Life ought not to have been silent, if he had truly grown up under his discipline; just as he professes himself to have grown up the colleague of Prosper in writing letters to Augustine.
[42] Different from him is Prosper's colleague But why do we delay? This Hilary himself liquidly separates himself from the Bishop of Arles at the end of the epistle, when he writes these things: S. Leontius the Deacon, your cultivator, with my parents greets you much: and below: Let Your Sanctity know, my brother, on whose account chiefly we departed hence, with his matron, by consent, has vowed perfect continence to God. Therefore this Hilary lived in the same city in which Leontius the Deacon, brother of Prosper; say of Arles or Marseille, whence frequent was the navigation into Africa, and whence Leontius had once carried his brother Prosper's epistles to Augustine, perhaps after that famous Massilian assembly, for his opinion more plainly to be sought out, sent thither: in homeland too and in race most diverse he was. and in the same city had his parents: indeed and on account of temporal business many years before he had set out into Africa, and there had heard Augustine preaching for a longer time; he had transacted however his brother's business too, who had sent him there. All these things truly as they most fit a lay man, born at Arles or in the vicinity, of not the highest race, perhaps forty or fifty years old when he wrote last to Augustine; so they least befit him, who there was Bishop after Honoratus, arrived from abroad as he was, of most noble race, in age young, who is not known to have set even one foot out of Gaul, but had a sister Pimeniola, married to Lupus, afterwards Bishop of Troyes, originating from the town of the Leuci: that as much himself as S. Honoratus and Lupus's brother Vincent of Lerins, it is credible were all equally indigenous of the region of the Leuci; certainly was far from his parents Hilary, since they still lived, when he himself, his homeland left, having followed Honoratus, betook himself to Lerins, or migrated to Arles with the same Honoratus. However it be Hilary, Bishop of Arles, remains free from the mark of Semipelagianism, who either zealously cared for the honor of Augustine, even before he was Bishop; or with his detractors suspect of heresy is shown to have had nothing common, nor to have doubted of Augustine on that point, in which others rightly hesitated; although however of him to have doubted he was known, yet not on this account alone could he be made guilty of heresy, but rather would deserve the praise, which he received from Maldonatus a learned man, by whom is said, A man of marvelous prudence in sustaining judgment.