Epiphanius the Bishop

ON S. EPIPHANIUS THE BISHOP

OF SALAMIS OR CONSTANTIA IN CYPRUS.

IN THE YEAR CCCCIII

Epiphanius, Bishop of Salamis in Cyprus (St.)

BY THE AUTHOR D. P.

CHAPTER I.

The cult among the Greeks and Latins. The Life compiled under a feigned name of disciples.

[1] Salamis of Cyprus (for another of this name is

an island and city about Attica) Constantia was called

in Jerome's age, as says he himself in the epitaph

of Paula Epistle 27. Now each name

has ceased, Renowned by miracles and only a little town almost ruined survives, which

Old Famagusta call the inhabitants, after from its

ruins a new arose, which still is the Royal one, the kingdom though extinct

under the Turks' tyranny. The same Metropolis of the island

whole was, and in the fourth century of Christ a Bishop had

S. Epiphanius, whom not only the life's conversation

illustrious for virtues rendered; a temple under his name dedicated it had, in which his image. but also miracles,

which God, with honor him to affect wishing, he himself

still surviving and after his death wrought. For he dead,

that which to him living had not happened, at his sepulchre

demons even now are put to flight, and diseases some

are cured it is said. So in book 6 of the Eccles. Hist. chapter 27

Hermias Sozomen, in whose very beginning he died, the century

fifth flourishing. Hence it was done, just as the Synod of Nicaea 2, in the century

of Christ eighth celebrated, in Act 6 teaches, that a temple

dedicated in the Cyprians' island his disciples,

calling it by the same Father's word; and with

many other titular pictures his image in it

placed, such namely as to see it is permitted before the works, by Petavius

our care edited, from a very ancient certain copy,

which is extant in the Constantinopolitan most ancient

monastery, Sula called (commonly τὰ ἓξ μάρμαρα

they call) which formerly the Patriarchate was.

[2] an oratory at Constantinople, For also to the Constantinopolitan Church, equally as

to the whole East was in the greatest veneration Epiphanius; whose

Synaxis (as have the Menaea on this XII of May) in that Royal

city was celebrated in his most holy shrine or little chapel,

which is within the temple of S. Philemon, which, Codinus

in the Origins of Constantinople attesting, Eudoxius

of Constantine the Great a Patrician and Prefect founded.

But there is venerated there and elsewhere S. Epiphanius with a solemn

whole-day Office, common indeed with S. Germanus Patriarch

of Constantinople; but in a more principal place: as

also is noted in the figured of the Ruthenians or Muscovites Calendars. and a proper office

But him alone regards the sacred Canon, on this day

prescribed under this Acrostic.

Ἐπιφανίου τὸ κύδος ἔπλησε χθόνα.

The earth filled the glory of EpiphanI.

He alone also here in the metrical Ephemeris is named, and indeed

as on this day dead.

Τῇ δύο καὶ δεκάτῃ Ἐπιφάνιον μόρος εἷλεν.

The fixed law of death on the twelfth Epiphanius takes away.

Certainly either then by his fate he was discharged, or in his church after

death buried, not long before than S. John Chrysostom,

concerning whom below, by the Synod at the Oak was deposed:

which to have been done about the month of July of the year CCCCIII, from

Palladius, the acts of Chrysostom writing, is established.

[3] The Greeks quickly imitated the Latins, of whom the most ancient

Bede in his which from eight Mss. we gave genuine Martyrology, the name in the Latin Martyrologies,

after the commemoration of SS. Nereus and Achilleus,

in the first place named, presently adds, of our holy Father Epiphanius

Bishop of Cyprus. Followed Ado and Usuard, last him,

after the rest namely of that day's Martyrs, placed

with this nearly phrase, At Cyprus our holy Father Epiphanius;

and adds Ado of Salamis the Bishop. Of these and others

later in the footsteps cleaving today's Martyrology

Roman the following words to be recited proposes: At Salamis

in Cyprus of S. Epiphanius the Bishop, who by manifold erudition

and of the sacred letters science excelling, in life

also sanctity, in zeal of the Catholic faith, munificence

toward the poor and the virtue of miracles was

admirable.

[4] Whether there be still any his cult at Salamis remaining, or

vestiges of the sepulchre formerly so famous, a feast still annual at Famagusta. not easily would I say: credible

it is with the fortune of the place the rest also to be partly abolished,

partly to Famagusta translated: where also at this time by

the Christians, his feast solemnly to be kept, an indication is, that

Thomas Porcacchi, in his concerning the Islands of the world more famous

Italian work, before about a hundred years first edited,

writes page 150 of the Paduan edition, that a cave there is had,

into which S. Epiphanius for penance's sake wont

himself was to retire: where his cave a salutary water distils, which same on the eve of the feast

to distil begins water clear and limpid, nor

that distillation has an end before the end of the following day:

but this water with great devotion by many

to be received, and to be applied usefully to of diseases cures

divinely to be obtained through the merits of Epiphanius. Under

whose name, in the Northern part of the island, between Nicosia and

the Ceraunian mountains, even today is had a village commonly S. Piphani called;

in which place to have been a temple, in the Nicene Synod named, I

persuade myself, on account of its celebrity formerly so great that a promontory

to the Ceraunians, commonly Cerines running out, the name

the same holds in the Island-book of Benedict Bordone, printed at Venice

in the year 1547. elsewhere a village and a promontory.

[5] And hence probably could conclude someone, either the body

or a part notable of the body thither to have been translated at some time,

and that the celebrity to the place to have given: and either hence or from the ruins

of Salamis to have been carried Benevento, just as

asserts Marius de Vipera concerning the Saints of Benevento on

this day, the body at Benevento. with a double Office therefore noted, alleging

existing, marked number 178 under the aforesaid

day: but at what time, it was brought I have not noted, indicating.

More concerning the Relics so great quality and

veneration today desiring to learn, letters to the College

there our Rector we gave, whose response, hitherto

in vain expected, if at some time we receive, the notice thence

drawn we will not begrudge to the pious reader. Meanwhile from an epistle

of Thomas de Czechorod Bishop of Samandria and the same

of Prague Dean, to me about the end of the year MDCLXXVII given

I suggest, that some of the same S. Epiphanius Relics,

together with the arm of S. Thecla and the head of one of the Innocents

of Bethlehem, in the year MCCCLIV were brought

into Bohemia, a Relic at Prague. and to Charles IV the Emperor presented

by Protiwa Swihowski of Segnia, a man among

the Bohemians illustrious and of Royal blood: which notice

now first found, in the Diary of the Prague church still

is wanting.

[6] His Life, already formerly written, in the Mss. Vatican

Greek we found, whence it into Latin rendered first edited

Lipomanus, the Life in Latin and in Greek edited then Surius, and finally Petavius, at

the end of volume 2, the context also Greek being added, such as in the Medicean

of the King of France Ms. was found, which also we thence

transcribed had received. It as witnesses and authors presents

two of his disciples; first John, as if here among

his disciples in the monastery one, and of the peregrinations various

a companion individual unto Cyprus, wrote those things

which the Saint he had seen doing miracles, as if by John the disciple begun, by Polybius the Bishop continued, unto the day

on which began at last he himself to be sick: then Polybius,

to whom the same John about to die the written by himself papers delivered,

charging that what should follow he should commit to letters;

and promising that there would be added to him years of life, that for the whole time

he should remain with Epiphanius: who also Polybius in the place

of John by Epiphanius ordained Presbyter, and him both to Rome

and twice to Constantinople and elsewhere accompanied, dead

carried back into Cyprus; and because his body still unburied

by his supreme will having set out into the Thebaid

there compelled was to remain, made of Rhinocorura Bishop,

after a year one or more wrote to Epiphanius's successor

Sabinus, and from him asked concerning the manner and time

of the sepulture aforesaid by letters to be instructed: and so with

Sabinus's response is finished that Life.

[7] Would that it were as is presented, Acts they were and writings.

We would not grieve that in such a Life nothing at all is, finished by Sabinus the successor. which safely could be believed,

but of all faith most worthy were the several things, nor easily

anywhere either by Epiphanius himself or by contemporary authors

others' writings would they be found to discrepate. But now with very many

that those Acts are crammed with lies to judge will be compelled

with Baronius, at the year 372 number 108, whosoever it shall have compared

with the below to be proposed censures or observations: for

it itself, already often in Latin, once also in Greek printed, to recoin,

only that it may be refuted, worth the trouble it is not. We tolerate

indeed Lives in this work many, while better ones do not

abound, with blemishes sometimes grave besprinkled: of which the authors

we believe, with good though too simple faith

to have committed to letters, what several centuries after partly from more ancient

monuments, partly from the popular's traditions

they compiled. But those any longer to bear we cannot, which

with bad faith to alien names supposed, so much more grievously offend

the of true and false discrimen exercised reader,

the more shamefully they impose upon the more simple ones. For since to those so far

a pious is fitted credulity, so far as no in contrary

stands an authority more certain or a reason of doubting more pregnant:

to these nothing safely is believed, except what from elsewhere is found by a testimony

more fit confirmed. And so those which I said Acts

being omitted, those to collect I gather, which he himself concerning himself few enough, more

which other indubitable writers will suggest.

CHAPTER II.

The chaste youth's monasticism, the life's age, and certain things in the Episcopate done.

[7] Epiphanius's fatherland and the institution of the youth

Sozomen explains book 6 chapter 32, His fatherland Palestinian where of the monks

of Palestine speaking, Of their, says, number was Hesychius,

of Hilarion the Companion; and Epiphanius, who afterwards

of Salamis in Cyprus Bishop was. And Hesychius

indeed in the same as the master place philosophized:

but Epiphanius near the Besanduce village, in

the territory Eleutheropolitan situated, from which sprung

he had been. Who when from his entering adolescence by the most excellent

monks instructed had been, and for that matter's cause

long had tarried in Egypt, a youth he is sent to Alexandria, in the monastic Philosophy

most renowned was. And first indeed of the disciplines

literary for the cause sought by him Egypt, and

indeed in fortune by no means slender born, to me persuades he himself, in

the book of Heresies, heresy 26 where of the Gnostics treating, says:

And we, most dear ones, into this heresy fell, and from

themselves of those, who this properly and from purpose treat,

the mouth and teaching learned; certainly before

a monk he was; and when still other all things, for the cause namely of which

into Egypt he had come, studies he treated: but what

other than literary? since the Gnostics' books, before

pernicious to be he knew, studiously by himself read he confesses. certainly for the cause of studies by Christian and rich parents. But who

for this to go abroad a youth outside his fatherland could, consequent

it is that in his fatherland be believed to have had parents, sufficiently opulent

to feed abroad a son; and well Christian, from whose

instruction that of chastity he drew constancy,

which him preserved unpolluted among the allurements and

filth of the Gnostics. He himself how them he escaped in the place already cited

thus explains.

[8] To the teaching of that heresy procured and deceived

women, where the Gnostics' foulnesses he escapes like Joseph, not only of this kind to us

discourses they injected, but moreover, of that Egyptian

lost and most wicked woman after the manner, who of the cooks'

Prince the wife was, with a petulant us attempt to draw

at the time when in a flourishing still age we were, set upon

us. But He who to the most holy Joseph then stood by,

to us also at hand was: and this very one, who him

in that peril freed, imploring, although unworthy

and to so great a benefit unequal we were, by His

benignity and mercy the pernicious of those women hands

we escaped, and to the most holy God a thanksgiving

song we sang, that it to use deservedly we might be able;

Let us sing to the Lord, for gloriously He has been magnified,

the horse and the rider He has cast down into the sea. For neither

similarly as that Patriarch by some force of virtue and justice

of ours, by an instant to God prayer, but by a poured to God groan of His were we

by mercy saved. When even to me those pests through

mockery reproached, and with themselves mutually mocking

thus spoke: This youth to save we could not,

but in the hands of the Prince to perish we let. For she who in form among them more liberal is, herself

as a bait and allurement offers, that whom

into fraud she has enticed, not them to overthrow and

destroy, but to rescue she is said… And there were indeed, who

then these of words blandishments and enticements used, after reading their books,

of body, which to sin they abused,

of a comely above all appearance: but the merciful God from

their wickedness us rescued, so that (after

their books we had read through and to the truth's knowledge

our mind we had applied, nor were led away or by their allurements

captured; but we escaped at last) presently to

the Bishops, who in that place were, to delate we studied,

and their hitherto unknown names in the church

to disclose. From which it was done, that eighty nearly heads

to go into exile being ordered, from the cockle and thorns its

cleansed the city left.

[9] and constantly the solicitations of the women repelled, But the foulnesses of that heresy by reading and discourse,

but not also by use known, again and again testifies

Epiphanius thus continuing: We showed one that

of those heresies to be, concerning which certain and explored something

we could bring forth; not from that which we did

ourselves (avert this from us God) but from that which from

them accurately we learned, who it to us to persuade

in vain wished, and the conceived concerning our destruction

hope utterly cast away; when the snares all and frauds,

which to the unhappy of our soul destruction as

themselves as he who in them is the devil had machinated,

void and vain had been; that this by David

said most aptly to use we may be able, The arrows

of little ones have been made their wounds &c; then

that, There shall be turned their labor into their head,

and their iniquity into their crown shall descend. Psalm, 63., Psalm. 17

Therefore just as thus we into that error fell,

that its harm we might escape; and it as soon

as we read condemning, safe and unhurt

passed by: so thee, whosoever thou art who these things readest,

we exhort, that read equally and condemned thou pass over, lest

into serpents of this kind as it were of wickedness a certain

venom thou fall: and if ever perhaps from this serpents'

school anyone thou shalt meet, suddenly that wood,

which to us by the Lord has been procured and in which

Christ was affixed, certainly not yet a monk. thou snatch up. Thus far Epiphanius,

from which sufficiently probable to be rendered we think, what at the beginning

I said; that he, when into that peril he fell, a Christian

was, chastely and modestly by Christian parents educated:

it appears also not yet to the world to have renounced, concerning which such a hope

for themselves had feigned the Gnostics; against which him to us the fictitious

Acts represent, a Jew of Jews, and those rustic

and poor, and before in his fatherland a monk, than thence

a foot he should bear out.

[10] The same assert, that he amid taking leave interrogated

by the Emperor Arcadius how many years he was old,

answered, who to years of age not 115, A hundred and fifteen, and three months.

But thus to have said: I was Bishop, when I was years

sixty old: but in the Episcopate fifty-five

years and three months. But in the years'

number that there is a fault some no one would doubt, first

because Jerome in the year CCCXCII concerning Epiphanius writing,

that is, the tenth before his death year, asserts in his extreme

age various still to coin little works, which no one aptly

would understand of a man a hundred and five years old.

Secondly because of years a hundred and fifteen an old man, no one

would believe of that vigor to have been, that to him it was pleasing to Constantinople

to sail. Thirdly because the Dialogue, which concerning the Life of S. John Chrysostom

is extant under the name of Palladius, as if from a discourse held

in Zosimus the Pope's time, that is the year CCCCXVIII, between Palladius

of Helenopolis Bishop Chrysostom's disciple

and Theodore of the Roman Church Deacon, it is said, that

Epiphanius thirty-six years the Church presided over, under

Damasus and Siricius, of whom the former in the year CCCLVIII began, but to 96 he could have come,

the latter in the year CCCXCVIII ceased. But the number of years

XXXV entirely completed with the beginning of the year XXXVI if

thou hold, the rest not inconveniently with truth will consist; so

that of his age in the year XCVI died the Saint, and only from a slight

of one letter error, by which νε᾽ wrote someone for λε᾽, was led

the Acts' author into a calculation so exorbitant.

So indeed could be said Epiphanius, born about the year 308 in the year CCCLXVIII

beginning made Bishop, and in the year CCCVIII born. Concerning whom

while in the Synopsis to his Ancoratus is read, that the first

monastic institute's exercise in Egypt he undertook,

and there unto the twentieth of age year remained,

until to the Eleutheropolitan region returned

a monastery in it he founded, it is given to understand in the year

CCCXXIX to have departed from Egypt, and so not very long

to have been the time, in which there among the monks he could have lived:

and that denunciation of the Gnostics, to the Bishops of Alexandria

gathered made, and at least 326 made a monk, aptly to be able to be referred to the January of the year

CCCXXVI, when dead S. Alexander the Bishop, to a successor

S. Athanasius to be substituted gathered the Bishops.

For neither does it seem to agree that two years earlier this to have done he be said,

namely in the year CCCXXIV, when presiding Hosius of Cordova

was celebrated the Synod of Alexandria, then for of years

only sixteen a youth he would have been.

[11] However it be, straightway after that denunciation, Alexandria

being left, the desert sought by Epiphanius I no doubt:

but when he returned into Syria to have joined himself he could to S. Hilarion,

concerning whom about the year CCCXI thither similarly from the Egyptian

under Antony exercise returned, in his fatherland then to S. Hilarion familiar writes Jerome in

his Life, that after the XXII of his age year, that is the year

of Christ CCCXV, from Syria and Egypt to him in rivalry the peoples

flowed together, so that many in Christ believed,

and themselves monks professed. Of these moreover by the growing

number he could have joined himself Epiphanius; he could also, as soon as

he returned, into his native village have retired himself, a similar about to lead life,

and nevertheless to Hilarion by frequent conversation to have been

familiar; until that one, of his too great celebrity wearied,

about the year CCCLX fled into Egypt, and finally

into Cyprus in the year CCCLXIV, where when to die it happened of Salamis

the Bishop, not will I wonder if by Hilarion's counsel demanded

from Palestine was Epiphanius: who more willingly that burden

would have admitted, lest the Arians' raging under Valens tyranny

to behold and to sustain he should be compelled, and because the old

of spiritual life master or companion there he was about to find, whose praises afterwards he wrote,

and him as long as he lived about to enjoy. Lived moreover Hilarion

unto the year of age LXXX, of Christ CCCLXXII, when

concerning his praises a brief epistle the same Epiphanius

wrote, as in the Life of Hilarion testifies S. Jerome:

from whose also epistle 61 to Pammachius we learn, that

at that time in which the whole East, except Pope

Athanasius and Paulinus, before the Episcopate a Presbyter, of the Arians and Eunomians

heresy possessed, when John still

a private man (against whom afterwards as Bishop of Jerusalem

an Epistle was written) in faith dissimulating or wavering, with the Westerners

and in the midst of exile Confessors SS. Dionysius

of Milan, Eusebius of Vercelli, and Lucifer of Cagliari,

did not communicate; Epiphanius either as a Presbyter

in the monastery by Eutychius was heard (a great certainly

name some, since the Epistle about the year CCCXCVI was written,

Bishop or Abbot, not yet however from elsewhere known) or

afterwards as Bishop of Cyprus, by Valens was not touched:

for of so great veneration always he was, even to Valens venerable, that the reigning heretics

their own ignominy thought it if such a man

they should persecute. But the exiles lived in the East the Confessors

aforesaid from the year CCCLV to CCCLXII, and Valens

the Orthodox persecuted from the year CCCLXVI to CCCLXXV.

Whence it is given to understand, not only how entire in all that

time was Epiphanius's fame and veneration; but also

that already from the beginning of the persecution, by Constantius raised,

[12] Moreover concerning the mutual between SS. Hilarion and Epiphanius

familiarity there is a notable place in the little books of the life

and doctrine and perfection of the holy Fathers, and to Hilarion approved. which (witness

Sigebert) Pelagius the Deacon of the Roman Church translated from

the Greek into Latin, and which in the Lives of the Fathers edited by our

Heribert Rosweyde book 5 constitute: there for in little book

3 number 15 thus it is read: Sent at one time Epiphanius

Bishop of Cyprus to the Abbot Hilarion, asking

him and saying, Come that we may see each other, before from

the body we go out. Who when they had come to each other,

them eating was brought of birds something,

which holding the Bishop gave to the Abbot Hilarion. And

says to him the old man: Pardon me, Father, because from when

I received this habit, I have not eaten anything

slain. although the monastic rigor then he relaxed. And said to him Epiphanius, But I, from

when I received this habit, have not let anyone sleep,

who had anything against me; neither I

have slept having anything against anyone. And says to him

the old man, Pardon me, because thy conversation is greater

than mine. And to this of the mitigated by Epiphanius austerity

excuse also pertains, that in the Ms. of Utrecht, from

the Lives of the Fathers, I know not whence taken, I found thus annotated:

Made Bishop he wished to use the same hardness, as in

the desert, but he could not: and praying he asked from God, whether

on account of the Episcopate had departed from him the grace of God.

It was answered moreover to him that not, because with a pious intention

the care he undertook: but because then when in solitude

he was, God was to him his own proper helper, but in the world

also men aided him. So the sons of Israel

received the manna in the desert, until they came into

the land of promise.

[13] There is venerated S. Hilarion on the XXI of October: but as to him

repeatedly recurred his disciple Hesychius, he teaches that a monk unceasingly must pray, and him concerning the

state of his monastery in Palestine, and of the disciples there

left, took care to instruct: so neither were sluggish the disciples

of Epiphanius in fostering the mutual with their master

communication, when this one was absent. And so in little book 12 of the said

work number 6 such a thing is found. It was mandated

to S. memory Epiphanius Bishop of Cyprus, by

the Abbot of his monastery which he had in Palestine:

That by thy prayers we have not neglected the rule, but

with solicitude Terce, Sext, None, and

Vespers we celebrate. But he, reprehending

him, mandated to him: It is established that you are at leisure from prayer

the rest of the hours: but he who a true is monk,

ought without intermission to pray or certainly to chant in

his heart. He revisited without doubt that his monastery

at some time, when of ecclesiastical affairs for the cause into Palestine

he ran out: the same at some time in Syria he revisits, but of that matter no is among

approved writers a memory. But how great then thus running out,

both before in Palestine living, he collected of absolute

perfection fame, can be understood from the epistle of Acacius and

Paul Presbyters and Archimandrites in Coelesyria,

which is prefixed to the Panarium and thus begins: Of thy piety

indeed, Father, the aspect itself enough to be could be, which us

with spiritual discourses filled, and so vehement

of thee to us a desire instilled, after thy once

to enjoy aspect it was permitted. But since the foregoing of a disciple

of Christ fame of his words and deeds the fragrance

everywhere proclaims, it distresses and us solicits, that

his us with discourses and sentiments to fill we may study.

In presence therefore approaching, equal it was of his, which in thee likewise

as in the Apostles is, grace by communion to be suffused.

But since that journey to us the body's sickness

and languor has shut off … thy piety vehemently

we beseech, most highly esteemed by them, that of those to us the communion thou not

begrudge, which in thee are by the Savior conferred. For

not we ourselves only, but also all who have heard,

a new thee Apostle and Herald confess, by

Christ to us in this age produced, as another

a certain John, that thou shouldst teach those things which to be kept

are by those, who into that which we have snatched of a more holy life

course themselves have committed.

[14] But as those monasteries in Coelesyria visited Epiphanius,

so also concerning his own Bethlehemite testifies Jerome, as also S. Paula to whom in vain however the use of wine he persuades.

that thither he had come, when there from the ardor of fever had revived

S. Paula, and the physicians persuaded that for the refreshing of the body

wine there was need of thin and sparing, lest water drinking

into dropsy she should turn; and I secretly the blessed Pope

Epiphanius asked, that her he should admonish, nay

compel wine to drink. There was present therefore there then Epiphanius:

but with what success the commended to him office

with Paula he did, pursues the same Jerome, continuing

epistle 27 to the daughter of Paula Eustochium: She,

said, as she was prudent and of skillful ingenium, perceived the snares:

and smiling, mine to be what he said, intimated.

What more? when the blessed Pontiff after many

exhortations had gone out, to me asking what he had done,

he answered; So much I profited, that an old man almost

I have persuaded, that wine I should not drink. In the same epistle again

of Epiphanius makes mention Jerome, nor without commendation

of the monastic state by him in Cyprus propagated. For when he had said, whom before in Cyprus he had received,

that that holy Widow to Jerusalem sailing, after

Rhodes and Lycia at last saw Cyprus, where of the holy

and venerable Epiphanius at the feet fallen down, ten

by him days she was detained; not for refreshment, as

he thought, but for the work of God: that this in fact he might prove,

all, says, of that place the monasteries lustrating,

as far as she could, refreshments of expenses to the Brethren she left,

whom the love of the holy man from the whole thither world had drawn.

But there was the year CCCLXXXIV when this happened,

as on the XXVI of January at the Life of S. Paula we said: at

whose house the same S. Epiphanius at Rome had lodged in the year CCCLXXXII,

when him, with the Saints Paulinus of Antioch and

Jerome, to Rome the ecclesiastical drew necessity, he himself her hospitality at Rome used. as

also writes Jerome in the same Life of S. Paula; adding

that she, by their virtues inflamed, by moments

her fatherland to desert thought; not of house, not of children,

not of family, not of possessions, not of any

thing which to the world pertains mindful; and alone if it can be said

and uncompanioned, to the desert of the Pauls and

Antonys to go she longed: and at last the winter being passed,

the sea being opened, returning to their churches the

Bishops, she herself by vow with them and with desire sailed.

So efficacious with her was the host most holy's pious

conversation.

CHAPTER III.

The liberality of Epiphanius toward the poor: the mutual between him and John of Jerusalem complaints.

[15] If any faith there were to the pseudepigraphical S. Epiphanius's acts,

it would have to be said, that he was ordained Bishop, It is uncertain whether by the care of S. Pappus on account of

a revelation concerning it made to S. Pappus, Bishop of Cytria,

at the fifth from Salamis milestone, of years fifty in Episcopate

and of the Confession with Gelasius the Bishop of the Salaminians

undergone glory excelling, to whom of the Metropolitan new the designation

of the Bishop the rest of the Provincials had committed. Concerning S. Pappus

indeed sufficiently is established, that he today also among the Cyprians

is venerated as a Saint, and under his name still remains a town

which his formerly was the Episcopate: the day of the annual cult still

we are ignorant of and we wish to learn: concerning Gelasius elsewhere nothing we read;

nor that truly of the Salaminians a Bishop he was, to him

we believe to have succeeded Epiphanius; but rather to Auxibius, substituted for Auxibius, who

among the Cyprian Bishops twelve (had moreover the island

altogether Episcopal Sees fifteen) is named by S. Athanasius

the first, of those who the Synodical of the Sardican Council

in the year CCCXLVII by subscribing afterwards approved, or of that, if

another some intervened, the successor. At that time had begun the island

with S. Hilarion monks also to know: credible however it is that by

Epiphanius's institution and care most of those monasteries

were erected and directed, of which above we made mention; so much that

deservedly wrote Sozomen of Epiphanius book 6 chapter 32 that in

the monastic discipline most renowned was both to the Egyptians

and to the Palestinians, and finally to the Cyprians among whom elected

both and that as in the metropolis of the whole island the Episcopate he might administer.

[16] While this he bore, many to him miracles are attributed,

of which that to our notice came,

says the same Sozomen book 7 chapter 27. on account of the largeness of his alms When liberal

he was toward the poor, who either by shipwreck or some other

case to want had been reduced, since his faculties

his already long all he had consumed, of the Church's

goods where there was need amply he used: but it was

most opulent his Church. For many from various

parts of the world, who their wealth in pious uses to expend

studied, both surviving on his Church them expended,

and dying to the same left. For they trusted

that he, as one who an honest dispenser

and of God most loving was, the things by them given according

to their judgment and will would distribute. At a certain

therefore time when few very monies

remained, accused of prodigality divinely gold he receives. they say of the Church the Steward to have been incensed,

and him as a prodigal to have reprehended: but he

indeed, not even then, of the customary toward the poor

munificence to have remitted. But all being consumed,

suddenly I know not who to the chamber, in which dwelt

the Steward, approaching, a sack in which many

were gold coins into his hands delivered. And since

neither he who had given nor he who had sent was known, and it seemed

deservedly unusual that anyone in so great a money

largition to hide would wish, then indeed all that

God's work to be judged.

[17] So Sozomen, as if this and another presently to be subjoined

only distinctly known having; therefore nothing

knowing of those fictitious and most lying Acts, in

which both other many very singular things are contained, how the rich at the vintage he was wont both

those very two far otherwise are narrated; which the same to have happened

seems to another of S. Epiphanius's deeds, of which in the Life of S. John

the Almoner, by us given on the XXIII of January, thus makes mention

contemporary to John Leontius, of Neapolis of Cyprus Bishop in the century

VII, at number 35 narrating, that S. John said always,

that one could, with the intention of giving to the poor,

despoil the rich, and even the very undershirt from

them benevolently take away, and especially if there be some unmerciful

and avaricious. For two from this he gains, one

indeed because their souls he saves; the other moreover,

because also he himself no small thence reward has. and that in John of Jerusalem he had approved.

He brought moreover for the credibility of the word also a testimony

true; which concerning S. Epiphanius and John Bishop

of Jerusalem was done: how

S. Epiphanius by an art took the silver of the Patriarch,

namely of the same John, and gave to the needy. Another

certainly art used S. John the Almoner, while repeatedly

the given of free will to his uses or even asked garments

new, by selling and the price distributing among the poor, sweetly

as it were vintaged the opulent men toward himself

beneficent: than which by which used is feigned Epiphanius, who of silver

vessels, as if for of guests certain ones the treatment

on loan received, the weight of pounds a thousand

five hundred, the master being unaware, sold and distributed, and

afterwards in the Bishop concerning the injury to him done complaining face

spitting, him blinded.

[18] For so circumstances those false to be seem,

as that the same John, to whom afterwards being angry with him, the sight received then at the prayers of Epiphanius

of one only eye, chastised and convinced by

a just man was thereafter holy in all things. This indeed

concerning him not thought Epiphanius, when to the same, of the Origenian

errors with him suspected, and undeservedly indignant

because S. Jerome's brother, Paulinian the monk

himself a Presbyter had ordained, an epistle he wrote, which from

S. Jerome himself we have into Latin given, with this beginning: he excuses that by ordaining Paulinian his right he did not injure,

It behoved us, most beloved, the honor of the Clericate

not to abuse on account of pride; but by the keeping of the commandments

of God and the observation most worthy this to be which we are called …

For I heard that thou swellest against us, and

art angry, and threatenest to write into the extreme ends of the earth …

Nothing to thee we have harmed, nothing of injury we have done,

nothing violently we have extorted. In the monastery of the Brethren,

and of the Brethren pilgrims, who to thy province nothing

owed, and on account of our littleness and the letters,

which to them frequently we directed, lest they should seem by a certain

hardness and conscience of ours of the ancient faith from

the Church to be separated, we ordained a Deacon, and after

he had ministered again a Presbyter: over which thou oughtest

to congratulate, understanding that on account of the fear of God

this we were to do compelled…

[19] For when I had seen that a multitude of holy

Brethren in the monastery stayed, but from charity he provided for a free monastery, and the Holy

Presbyters Jerome and Vincentius, on account of modesty

and humility, not wishing the due to their name

to exercise sacrifices, and to labor in this part of the ministry

which of Christians the chief salvation is; to find

moreover and to seize, him who thee (in that the heavy

burden of the Priesthood he would not undertake) often fled, nor

another any of the Bishops easily him would find (whence

also sufficiently I wondered how by the dispensation of God

to us he came with the Deacons of the monastery and the rest of the

Brethren, that to me he might satisfy, because I know not what against

them I had of sadness) when, I say, was celebrated

a collect in the church of the village which is near the monastery

ours; him not knowing and no at all

having suspicion, through many Deacons

to seize we ordered, and to be held his mouth, lest perchance to be freed

himself desiring he should adjure us by the name of Christ:

and first a Deacon we ordained, proposing to him

the fear of God: very much indeed he struggled, unworthy

himself to be testifying. Scarcely therefore we compelled him and

to persuade we could by the testimonies of the Scriptures and

of the commandments of God. And when he had ministered in the holy

sacrifices again him, with great difficulty held his mouth

his, we ordained a Presbyter, and with the same words,

with which before we had persuaded, we impelled that he should sit in

the order of the Presbyterate. a Presbyter highly needed: After these things we wrote to the holy

Presbyters of the monastery and the rest of the Brethren, and we rebuked

them, why they had not written concerning him (since

before a year many of them to complain I had heard, why they had

not those who for them the Lord's Sacraments should make,

and him all by their testimony should demand, and great

utility in the common of the monastery should testify)

why, I say, then opportunity being found they had not written

to us, nor concerning the ordination of him anything

had demanded. These things so were done, as I have spoken, in

the charity of Christ, which thou therefore toward my littleness to have

I believed: although in the monastery I ordained,

and not in a parish which to thee subject is…

What therefore to thee did it seem so grievously to swell and

to be tossed against us for the work of God, which to the edification,

and not to the destruction of the Brethren was done?

[20] Thus far Epiphanius, by these very words sufficiently indicating,

already then received in the church to have been, that monasteries

at least some (such as was the monastery of S. Epiphanius near

the Besanduce village, in the territory Eleutheropolitan,

which from the want of waters Spanydrion called writes

Pseudo-John, where was made the ordination; and another of pilgrim

monks in Bethlehem, whence Paulinian

to Epiphanius had come) exempt were reckoned from the Ordinary's

jurisdiction: so that whatsoever Bishop in them might, if

he were asked, to those very monks sacred confer Orders. Continues

moreover Epiphanius to excuse himself to John with these words: But also that

very much I wondered, he denies also a promise by him that no one he would ordain: that to my thou spakest

Clerics; asserting that thou through the holy Presbyter and

Abbot of the monks Gregory hadst mandated to me,

that no one I should ordain; and I had promised saying,

Am I a youth or the Canons ignorant?

Hear therefore the truth in the word of God, me neither this

to have heard, nor to know, nor of that discourse at all to recollect.

I suspected lest perchance among many, as

a man, I had forgotten; and for this cause the holy

Gregory I questioned, and Zeno the Presbyter

who with him is. Of whom the Abbot Gregory

answered, that he this utterly was ignorant of. Zeno moreover

said, that when to him the Presbyter Rufinus I know not what

other things in passing was speaking, also this said, Thinkest thou

some he is about to ordain the holy Bishop? and of this

to have stood the discourse: but I Epiphanius neither

heard anything, nor answered. Whence, most beloved,

let not thee precede fury, nor occupy indignation, nor

in vain be thou moved; and another thing grieving not thee turn to

other things, that of sinning an occasion to have found thou mayest seem, which

the Prophet avoiding the Lord prays, saying, Do not

incline my heart to words of malice to excuse

excuses in sins. Psal. 140, 4 Indeed he grieved John, that

for the Origenian heresy's defense he had been by Epiphanius rebuked;

and for that cause the dissenting from him who to Jerome

adhered monks, he himself by his epistles and admonitions strengthened

to constancy in repudiating Origen; and for that cause

the vexed by John he consoled and helped.

[21] And this is, whereto his style turns Epiphanius, thus pursuing

the begun epistle: or that he by him publicly accused of heresy: That also hearing I wondered,

that certain ones, who are wont to and fro

to carry little rumors, and to those things which they have heard always

to add, that sadnesses and quarrels among brothers they may stir, thee

also have disturbed and have said, that in prayer,

when we offer sacrifices to God, we are wont for thee

to say, Lord, grant to John that rightly he believe. Do not

us so much think rustic, that this so openly to say

we could. For although this in heart

my always I pray; yet, that simply I confess,

never into others' ears I have brought, lest thee I should seem

little to esteem, most beloved. But when we have completed

the prayer, according to the rite of the mysteries,

both for all and for thee also we say, Keep

him who preaches the truth: or certainly, Thou grant,

Lord, and keep, that he the word may preach of truth:

as the occasion of the discourse shall offer itself, he admonishes meanwhile that he depart from the sect of Origen and shall have

the prayer a consequence. Matt 17, 16 Wherefore I beseech thee, most beloved,

and fallen down at thy feet I pray, grant

to me and to thee, that thou be saved, as it is written, from a generation

perverse, and depart from the heresy of Origen and from

all heresies, most beloved. For I see that

on account of this cause all your indignation has been stirred,

because we said to you, Arius's father, Origen

namely, and of other heresies the root and parent,

to praise you ought not. And when you I prayed not so to err,

and admonished; you contradicted, and me to sadness

and to tears brought: not only moreover

me, but also others very many Catholics who were present.

Whence as I understand, this is all the indignation

and that fury: and therefore you threaten that you will send

against me epistles, that hither and thither your discourse

may run; and on account of the defense of a heresy against

me hatreds stirring, you break the charity which

in you we had, so much that you have made us even

penance to do, otherwise not to be tolerated. why with you we have communicated,

so Origen's errors and dogmas defending.

Simply I speak: we according to that which is written,

neither our eye spare, that we pluck it not out

it, if it scandalize us; nor the hand, nor the foot,

if to us scandal it make. Matth. 5, 29 And you therefore, whether eyes,

whether hands, whether feet you be, similar things you will suffer.

[22] He continues then from the books περὶ ἀρχῶν to explain,

how by no means to be borne by Catholic ears are propositions

certain of Origen, there contained; although he says, nothing

to me has snatched away Origen, His about the faith zeal nor in my generation

was, nor on account of any things of the world or inheritance

hatred against him and quarrels I have undertaken; but (that simply

I confess) I grieve, and very much I grieve, seeing very many

of the brothers, and of those especially who a profession

have not the least, and to the degree also of the Priesthood

the greatest have come, by his persuasions

deceived, and by a most perverse doctrine foods made to be

of the devil. He endeavors therefore from following and defending Origen,

by admonishing, exhorting, he is defended by the 2nd Synod of Nicaea. rebuking John as much as in him

was to draw away: then to his excuse again he relapses,

and explains the deed, which both his notable zeal shows,

in guarding against all that which to right religion's purity in any way

seemed to be adverse. But the same by the iconoclasts

today's most ill understood is seized against the exposition

of images. In this moreover it appears them more to be insane than the old iconoclasts, against whom the Nicene II Council

acted. For these, to their heresy with Epiphanius's name to arm,

were not abused by that which follows deed, but they fastened upon

the Saint a certain to Theodosius the Emperor epistle,

in whose end thus to him he had written: Because many times spoken

I have with my fellow-ministers, that should be removed the images,

received I was not by them, against writings to him falsely attributed. nor to hear my voice

at least a little they suffered. But this epistle

falsely superscribed to be said indeed, but not to be Epiphanius's,

equally as another in which he had written, Do not introduce

images into churches, nor into cemeteries of the Saints,

but neither into a house common; when with many things

it had shown the Synod in Act 6, that itself indeed a holy Father

but to reject again it professes: because these of a lying

assertion writings, which against the venerable images

are, are said indeed by certain ones of S. Epiphanius

to be, but in no way are.

[23] The very deed, on whose occasion these things were said; let us hear

by his own words. Besides, says he, which moreover he tore an image I heard

certain ones to murmur against me, because when together

we were going to the holy place which is called Bethel,

that there a Collect with thee after the ecclesiastical custom I might make,

and I had come to a village which is called Anablatha,

and I had seen there in passing a lamp burning, and

I had asked what place it was, and I had learned it to be

a church, and I had entered that I might pray; I found there a veil

hanging in the doors of the same church, dyed and

painted, and having an image, as if of Christ or of a Saint

a certain: nor indeed enough I remember whose image

it was. When therefore this I had seen, in the church of Christ,

against the authority of the Scriptures, of a man to hang

an image; I tore it, and rather gave counsel to the keepers of the same place, such ones in a church to be placed disapproving, that a poor dead man with it

they should wrap and carry out. And they on the contrary murmuring

said, If to tear he had wished, just it was, that

another he should give veil and change it. Which when I had heard,

myself about to give I promised: but a little

of delays there was in the meantime, while I seek the best

veil for it to send, for I thought from Cyprus

to me it was to be sent. But now I have sent what I could

find; and I pray that thou command the Presbyters of the same

place to receive the veil from the bearer which from us was sent;

and thereafter to command in the church of Christ

veils of this kind, which against our religion are,

not to be hung up. Thus far the epistle, of which if rightly are weighed

the words, that veil to have been torn it will appear, it is shown to have been profane. not

because truly it had the image of Christ or of a Saint a certain;

but because, since it had the effigy of a man some

profane, or perhaps still living, hung there

it was as if of Christ or of a Saint a certain: which exception

of the orthodox faith the rule from the contrary confirms.

CHAPTER IV.

The gift of prophecy: the Ancoratus and the book on heresies written.

[24] Very many of S. Epiphanius's, before and after the undertaken Episcopate

miracles are contained in the Acts, Of his many miracles under the name

of John and Polybius produced; but such, that to most of them

faith derogates Sozomen, denying to the living to have happened that

demons he should put to flight and diseases cure. These therefore being passed over,

that which alone in the said author to us remains, let us relate, with a narration

not a little diverse, from that by which the same miracle in

the Acts aforesaid is recounted. The words of Sozomen book 7 chapter 27

these are. Another besides that of him is related to commemorate

it pleases. it is related that a beggar, who by feigning himself dead wished to deceive, That indeed by the admirable Gregory,

who Neocaesarea also ruled the Church, to have been done

I have received and gladly I believe: but not therefore incredible

ought to seem the same also done by Epiphanius:

for neither alone Peter the Apostle a dead man

from the dead raised; but also John

in the city of Ephesus, and Philip's daughters at Hierapolis: and many,

both from the ancient and from our memory pious

men, the same often we have found to have done.

But that, which to say I have proposed of this kind

is.

[25] Two certain beggars, when Epiphanius coming

they had observed, that more of money from him they might extract,

one indeed of them, upon the ground stretched,

to a dead man like lay; but the other near standing wept,

at the same time his comrade's death lamenting, at the same time his poverty

complaining, that him to bury he could not.

Epiphanius indeed, to the lying one rest having prayed, those things

which for the sepulture necessary were to the begging one gave,

and to the weeping one said: in fact dead to be he knew; Take care of the sepulture and to weep

cease, son; for neither in the present will he rise: but that

which has happened inevitable and altogether necessary, that

with a strong mind must be borne. And Epiphanius indeed

these things being said departed. But when no one now in sight

was, the beggar standing the lying one with his foot to strike began,

praising that a dead man excellently he had simulated: and

Arise, said; from thy labor this glad we will pass

day. But when he perpetually lay, and nothing more

neither him crying heard, nor with all strengths admonishing

felt; with a swift course the Bishop having overtaken, the fraud

of both confessing, and weeping and his hair plucking

he prayed, that the companion to life might be recalled. But Epiphanius

the man dismissed, exhorting that that which had happened

with an equal mind he should bear: for not to dissolve wished

God that which had been done, to persuade altogether

wishing to men, that those who themselves such show toward the servants

of Him, to Him who all things hears and sees a fraud

construct.

[26] The prophecy moreover gift in Epiphanius, by which the hidden

and secret to perceive divinely to him often was given, indicates that

signification of the true death of him, likewise that two brothers who themselves had castrated, who it to simulate only

was believed by his companion, when to him he said; For neither in the present will he rise. The same gift first from common fame,

then by his own experience knew those two, concerning whom

narrated an Old man a certain one in the Lives of the Fathers, in little book 15 number 88

interpreter Pelagius, with these words: Two certain there were secular

religious; and conversing among themselves, they went out, and

were made monks. An emulation moreover having

of the Evangelical voice, but not according to knowledge, they castrated

themselves as if for the kingdoms of heaven. Hearing

moreover the Archbishop excommunicated them. They however,

thinking that well they had done, were indignant against

him, saying: We for the kingdoms of heaven castrated

ourselves, and the fault pertinaciously defended, and this one excommunicated us? Let us go

and appeal against him to of the people of Jerusalem

the Archbishop. Going away therefore they indicated

to him all things. And said to them the Archbishop of Jerusalem,

And I you excommunicate. From which again

saddened they went away into Antioch to the Archbishop,

and said to him all things which had been done

concerning themselves: and he similarly excommunicated them. And said

to themselves: Let us go to Rome to the Patriarch,

and he us will vindicate from all these things. They went away

therefore to the supreme Archbishop of the Roman city,

and suggested to him what had done to them the mentioned

Archbishops, saying: We came to thee, because thou art

the head of all. Says moreover also to them he, I you excommunicate,

and segregated you are.

[27] Then despaired the excommunicated of all reason,

and said to themselves: by a prophetic spirit he corrected to penance. These Bishops to each other

mutually defer and consent, on account of which in

Synods they are gathered: but let us go to that man

of God S. Epiphanius, the Archbishop of Cyprus, because

a prophet he is, and the person of a man he accepts not. When

moreover they drew near to his city, it was revealed

to him concerning them: and sending to meet them he said: Do not

enter into that city. Then they into themselves returned, said:

For the truth we culpable are, why then

ourselves do we justify? Grant even that they unjustly

us have excommunicated, is also this one a prophet?

for behold God has revealed to him concerning us. And

they reprehended themselves much for the fault which they had done.

Then seeing He who hearts knows, that for the truth

themselves culpable they had made, He revealed to the Bishop Epiphanius:

and of his own accord he sent and brought them, and consoled

them he received into communion. He wrote therefore concerning these

to the Archbishop of Alexandria saying: Receive thy sons,

since in truth penance they have done. And

added the old man, who this example had narrated, saying:

This is the health of a man, and this is what wishes God,

that a man his fault cast away before God.

[28] The Ancoratus he writes, in the year 383, asked By these and other spiritual graces in his age renowned

Epiphanius, to all thereafter posterity became known by written

books, of which the first was that which they call the Ancoratus,

therefore that the mind, concerning life and salvation solicitous,

like an anchor it makes firm. Of writing it the occasion to him given

was through an epistle written from Pamphylia, from the town

of Suedra by Tarsinus, Matidius and other Presbyters,

in the year XC of Diocletian, of Valens indeed X and of Gratian

VI, which was of Christ CCCLXXIII. The epistle itself

before the work to see it is, together with an epistle of Palladius a certain one,

as from the rescript appears a monk, τῆς αὐτῆς

πόλεως Σουέδρων πολιτευομενου, which I would rather in the same

of the Suedrans city dwelling, than there with a magistracy

some discharged or discharging to render. They had moved

moreover them, who before of their own many from error drawn away

rejoiced, having received from the blessed and of happy memory

Bishop Athanasius and from the most religious of Epiphanius

a colleague Proclianus letters, that to Epiphanius himself

now they should recur, dead two years before Athanasius, the faith against the Eunomians to expound. and

Proclianus otherwise impeded: they had moved, I say, them the wicked

of the dogma remnants, among some still

surviving, and had compelled them to ask that also he himself to their

Church letters to give would not be reluctant, and the right faith

more fully to explain. The dogma moreover that, as from the epistle

of Palladius is understood, of the Eunomians was, vain and

absurd questions concerning the Holy Spirit moving,

and denying that He with the Divinity and Dominion

glory together to be affected and proclaimed it behoves; but in a minister's

or messenger's place to be held, nay even something more humble

and more abject concerning Him to think. For which

causes, says Palladius, thus as if by an inconstant tossing

and difficult tempest fluctuating; since no one

here for those to dissolve questions and a sound faith to expound

fit to find we can; to thy piety concerning this business

to refer compelled we are; that deservedly

also that voice to use we may be able, Master, save

us. Wherefore that for thy sincere and right faith from thee

we ask, which a favorable already long ago fame and

of fit men testimonies everywhere celebrate; that

to which office to be discharged by the Savior constituted

thou art, this our exhortation humanely to admit,

and what concerning the Trinity is to be believed more fully thou wouldst

and more openly discuss. These and other things they.

[29] Epiphanius indeed answering both them, and Numerius

the Presbyter and Severinus the monk, and to this by many prayers induced. whose names

either fell out from the titles of the epistles, or from elsewhere known

for love's and honor's sake are added of their own accord, first excusing

his ingenium, which abject and humble, in

quiet and leisure to be occupied perpetually studied, nor

himself further than is fit to extend; their however goads

driven himself he confesses, that to that which useful and fruitful

is the excited mind he should transfer… For having heard,

he says, the prayers, which not few brought

Conops the Brother and fellow-Presbyter, and others

him following, and you most dear sons, and also Hypatius

our son, who to me therefore from Egypt

came; since so many into the same suffrages to have consented I perceived;

in mind and soul moved to reckon with myself

I began, and at last that to me promptly and alacriously

to be done it was I decreed, that for that and through letters

you have demanded, to this for you according to your desire to be written

epistle, thin though and feeble, without

any tergiversation me I should betake. But as is said

in the foregoing Synopsis, very many this work, which more justly

a book than an epistle thou wouldst say, of the faith parts contains, as

namely of the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit one and the same

substance, of the perfect Incarnation of Christ, of the dead

resurrection, of the eternal life and judgment

of the soul equally and the body; then against idols and heresies

severally, and against the Jews and the rest he disputes;

of eighty moreover heresies the names it embraces;

finally various concerning the Scriptures sacred questions

he expounds.

[30] But this which concerning heresies is said in the Synopsis

of the Ancoratus, now in the Ancoratus itself is not found: to have been however

in it probable makes, In it he seems also the names of heresies to have reckoned through, that Acacius and Paul, Presbyters

and Archimandrites of monasteries in the parts

of Carchedon and Beroea in Coelesyria, a larger concerning the same

argument work from him demanding, in the year of Diocletian

XCII, of Valentinian and Valens XII, of Gratian VIII, which

is the year of Christ CCCLXXV, say, The names indeed

themselves which by thee are to the heresies imposed already we have heard;

now of each sect the dogma perspicuously to be declared

by thy piety we desire. but thence to have removed them after the year 377 This moreover being posited that the names

those first were in the Ancoratus, consequent it would be that he himself

Epiphanius, this book after years six or eight reviewing,

thence to have removed them, because already elsewhere more fully and more orderly

he had treated. There remains nevertheless to me a scruple, lest

the Synopsis's author the last two lines, concerning the names of heresies

and questions various, not have referred to the argument

of the Ancoratus, but to its author Epiphanius, whom to indicate

he wished also these things to have treated.

[31] However it be, whether in the Ancoratus, or outside it (although

more probable to me it is that outside it) before to the prayers

of Acacius and Paul the Panarium he should found, nay also a particular little book before concerning them to have written, of which below, he composed

something, of which they themselves had heard, and which already has fallen out,

and was a prelude and as it were a rudiment of the work afterwards by

the same compiled. And this to have had and alone to have known seems

Augustine, when its matter and form he described in

the book of heresies to Quod-vult-Deus, which about the extreme

of his life year, of Christ CCCCXXX he composed, thus

prefacing: Our Epiphanius, the Cyprian Bishop,

not long ago from human affairs taken away,

of eighty heresies speaking, six books also

wrote, by a historical narration commemorating

all things, by no disputation against falsehood for

the truth contending. whom alone S. Augustine had seen. Brief indeed are these little books, and if

into one little book they be reduced, nor itself will it be to our

or of others certain books in length to be compared.

Its brevity if I shall have in heresies

commemorating imitated, what from me briefer

to demand or to expect thou oughtest thou wilt not have. And

again in the context itself heresy LVII. Therefore Epiphanius

of eighty heresies, twenty, which before

the Lord's coming to have existed, as to him it seemed, he computed;

the rest after the Lord's ascension born sixty,

with the briefest books five he comprehended,

and all in six books of the whole same his work

caused to be concluded. Wonders Petavius and deservedly wonders, Photius's about the Ancoratus hallucination.

such things of Epiphanius to write Augustine, who neither that

very thing, which omitted by him, by himself indeed to be done

he had said, that against single heresies he should discourse, either

in that of heresies little book, or in another performed. More

even wonderful, that in his Library Photius, after

praised by him the Panarium says, at number 124 we read also

the Ancoratus of the same, which is a sum a certain of the Panaria:

since so much earlier the Ancoratus than the Panarium

to have been composed indubitable is. He read perhaps

Photius the Anacephalaeosis, later indeed composed,

but in the same perhaps volume written with the Ancoratus, without

a new title's distinction, and so one to be work

he believed: Augustine moreover it to have read could not, since

a division far other he found, than in it is, as being

the same which in the Panarium.

[32] But Epiphanius himself concerning his work, which alone

in Greek-Latin edited a great fills volume, let us hear

speaking in the epistle to Acacius and Paul: Of the Panarium or book of heresies the argument Since

the heresies' names all to be declared to you this

in book we have undertaken, and also the execrable; and the nefarious

their crimes, thus as if most present certain

poisons, to lay open we wish; and to these as antidotes

certain opposing, which either to those who by a bite

stricken are a remedy can be, or those, to whom

lest they fall into the danger is, may premunite and conserve,

to the of honest things studious to write: a Panarium

or a medicine-chest, for of those who by

serpents struck are the remedy, by right that work and

book we will call: which into three parts divided,

heresies eighty embraces, which to serpents

and reptiles like are: according to which the of truth

firmament and the salutary doctrine and the faith's formula

is subjoined, and Christ's spouse, the holy namely Church,

declared: which since already then from the world founded

to be began, afterwards however through Christ the Lord's incarnation,

by the succession of times, the division before the commemorated

all heresies, divulged and laid open, and the same

by us into Commentaries from Christ's preaching

related (to the Ancoratus perhaps these refer)

and again after the explained all of these heresies'

wickedness, from the Apostles' doctrine accurately

and perspicuously by a brief a certain compendium

is subjoined; that by that thing recreated and refreshed may be

the minds of those, who this of the heresies to be run through labor

shall have undertaken.

[33] But the aforesaid three books thus are divided, that the second

and the third into three each are distributed in volumes; and so with

the first, which undivided is, there exist volumes seven. And other indeed

Epiphanius's works, as Jerome in the book of Writers says,

by the learned on account of the matters, by the more simple on account of

the words are read repeatedly: but Photius concerning the Panarium by name, the utility, or

(as he himself with Anastasius the Sinaite plurally calls it) the Panaria,

says that the author, before others who before him against

heresies lucubrations edited, more copious and more useful

is: for neither those things he passed over whatsoever by others

published of utility something contain, and he himself what he could

by himself devised to others added, the beginning drawing from Barbarism

and to the Messalians unto coming. The kind

moreover of speaking, says the same Photius, humble, the style ruder, and of such a kind

as can be of one who of the Attic doctrine rude was. But

also in confuting heresies for the most part little nervous

he is, although sometimes with most excellent those

reasons and sentences he attacks them; even though nothing the diction

is and oration in structure or the style itself more commodious.

For very little of time and study in cultivating of the Greek

speech the eloquence, on which a good part of life the more cultivated other

Fathers Basil, Nazianzen, Nyssen, Chrysostom expended,

at Alexandria placed Epiphanius, as above we saw;

and presently to the spirit's, not the speech's exercises having passed

into the desert, many rather tongues to know, than one

to perfect he chose; praised therefore by Jerome in the Apology

2 against Rufinus, that the Greek, Syrian and Hebrew,

and Egyptian tongue, in part also the Latin

he knew: whence concerning him complained Rufinus, that as if a necessity

of evangelizing through all nations and through

all tongues to have himself he thought, of Origen ill

to speak.

[34] Through this moreover of the speech more cultivated negligence or

unskillfulness it was done, by which the greater of Petavius the praise that in it into Latin rendering, a greater

than his opinion labor felt Petavius: For there was added,

he says in the preface to the reader, to the common of interpreting

molestation, a special a certain in that writer

difficulty, that uncombed and rugged is his

oration, and in which most frequently occur those things

which the Greeks ἀναπόδοτα and ἀνακόλουθα call: a pedestrian

and popular of speaking kind: which whether of plain speech

by simplicity to follow thou shalt wish, somewhat rustic

a certain will exist and putid, of which kind nearly are

the Latin of the former interpreter Cornarius, of whom we certainly

like to be would not wish; in turning the work but if ornament and culture thou apply,

that without a great of sentences commutation

to obtain scarcely thou couldst. A great therefore to Petavius we owe

thanks, that by his benefit thus in Latin speaking we hear

Epiphanius, that the style's elegance in him we do not desire: much

however greater to the Saint himself, that of his to himself in that kind thinness

conscious, he despised the judgments of fastidious philologists,

provided it profited the public; and those things he brought forth, of which always

the greatest both was and will be the utility, since in each age,

as the same Petavius in the dedicatory epistle notes, the revived

of lies sects, even against new-sprung heresies efficacious. the divulged of the old heresies' abstruse

and recondite mysteries, most strongly to be repelled

and overthrown can be; and the authors of perfidy and satellites,

their in those, whom indeed they blush at, princes

and authors may recognize. There is indeed of him, who into

heresy either to be machinated or to be defended has lain,

a mind into all audacity without any shame projected:

but no one is however from those of absurd opinions

patrons, whom not in some way of the convicted

formerly error and condemned shame. Let there be indeed, as

they are, of iron all heretics, let them be obstinate; and the same

themselves in the very ardor and agitation of disputing to

resist more sharply let them feign: yet who that shall have learned,

and who by certain testimonies of the ancients shall have found, before by

the ancient Fathers and Councils and the public of Christians

consent acknowledged and repudiated dogmas those, than

they themselves (whom he follows) interpolators existed;

scarcely will there be, I think, anyone, of whom, unless to be broken and subdued

by obstinacy he could, not more languid he have eruptions

and impetuses, and little by little through itself cooled

and enervated it fall.

CHAPTER V.

The last Saint's acts at Constantinople: death on the return met.

[35] What concerning Origen's books περὶ ἀρχῶν thought Epiphanius,

sufficiently he declared through the epistle to John

of Jerusalem, of which above we made mention. While

moreover from this cause disputations in Palestine were raging;

it happened also at Alexandria quarrels to be born between Theophilus

of Alexandria and Dioscorus of Hermopolis Bishop, Theophilus of Alexandria and

this one's brothers Ammonius and Eusebius surnamed

the Tall, of as many monasteries Prefects; whom when at first

dear had held Theophilus, not undeservedly then from himself averted

and to solitude regressed, to persecute in all ways

he determined; and that the more simple monks from them he might draw away,

to blame in them he presumed, that God of human form

endowed they denied, by Origen's especially authority supported.

But when them to Constantinople to S. John Chrysostom

to have fled he had understood, and by this one received;

to think he began, says Sozomen book 8 chapter 13 and thereafter,

by what reason John also himself from the Episcopate

he might cast down. to Chrysostom hostile, But these in the inmost of his breast recess

concealing and machinating, he wrote meanwhile to all

everywhere of places Bishops letters, by which the books

of Origen he reprehended. And when he considered great

to himself a profit it would be, if Epiphanius, of Salamis

in Cyprus the Bishop, a participant and consort

of his counsels he should have, a man for virtue's

reverence of all of his time most renowned; him

to himself a friend he joined…

[36] Moreover Epiphanius, who Origen's books already

long ago abhorred, to Theophilus's letters easily assent

afforded: he persuades Epiphanius that Origen's books he condemn, and a council being gathered of the Cyprian Bishops,

Origen's books to be read he prohibited. Given then

letters, both to others, and to the Bishop of Constantinople,

those things which by the Synod decreed had been

insinuating, he exhorted them that a Synod they should convoke

and the same should decree. Observing

therefore Theophilus that he Epiphanius without peril

could follow, as one whom many praised, and whose

opinion for life's sanctity they looked up to; he himself

also, with the Bishops who under him were, the same

which Epiphanius decreed. But John the zeal

of those by no means of great weight to be thought, and

Epiphanius's and Theophilus's letters neglected: of the more powerful

indeed those, who to John privately hostile were,

when they had understood Theophilus this to act, that John

of the Episcopate he might strip, themselves also their work

and zeal contributed, and that at Constantinople a great

Synod should be made procured. and he himself to the Synod at Constantinople should sail: Which known

Theophilus still more lay to it, and the Bishops

indeed of Egypt to sail ordered to Constantinople,

but to Epiphanius and other through the East Bishops he wrote,

that as soon as possible into one they should come together: he himself

by a pedestrian journey sets out.

[37] And not much after Epiphanius, when first from

the island Cyprus he had set sail, to a place not far from the city

Constantinopolitan, which the Seventh they call, who Chrysostom's communion having shunned,

put in, and prayer being made in the church which there is,

into the city he entered. Him entering John with a meeting

of the whole Clergy honored: but Epiphanius perspicuously

declared, that to the calumnies against John

contrived faith he had had. Invited for that in

the buildings ecclesiastical to remain he should wish, by no means he acquiesced:

and with John indeed to meet utterly

he refused: but privately the Bishops being convoked

who then at Constantinople tarried, those things which against

the books of Origen decreed had been to them he showed:

and some indeed he persuaded that to the decrees they should subscribe,

several however that to do refused… Moreover John

still nevertheless reverence exhibited to Epiphanius,

and him exhorted that Collects with him to celebrate,

and a contubernal him to have he should wish. as long as Origen's praisers he should foster, But

Epiphanius, that neither his house he would use, nor with him

pray would he answered, unless Origen's books first

he had condemned, and Dioscorus together with his companions had expelled.

But when that one before the cause's cognition these to do

by no means just to be said and procrastinated;

on the day on which a Collect was to be held in the church of the Apostles,

procured John's enemies that Epiphanius

into the church should come, and publicly before the people

both Origen's books, and Dioscorus and those who

with him were, as the same thinking with Origen, and him openly to argue prepared,

with an anathema he should condemn; and by the same work the Bishop

of the city he should brush, as one to those addicted being;

for they thought themselves by this reason the people from him to be

about to alienate.

[38] by a just fear from the purpose he is bent; On the next therefore day, when to that to be done having advanced

Epiphanius now to the church drew near;

to meet him ran Serapio, sent by John (for had presaged

for John those things which the day before had been constituted)

and openly denounced to Epiphanius, that he those things to do,

which neither just were, nor to himself privately useful: inasmuch as

a tumult of the people being excited, he himself as of this

matter the author peril to undergo would be. By this reason

was restrained the impetus of Epiphanius. Meanwhile it happened that

the Emperor's son, quite a boy, by a disease was seized:

the mother indeed solicitous lest anything more sad to the boy

should happen, a messenger to Epiphanius being sent, that for him

God he should pray, demanded. He the boy to be about to live

answered, and by the Empress refuted he if the Augusta the heretics, who with Dioscorus

were, would shun. But the Augusta, If God,

said, my son to snatch from me shall wish, so be it:

the Lord for who gave, the same also takes away. But if

thou the dead to life couldst recall, not would be dead

thy Archdeacon. For not much before

from the living had departed Crispio… whom Epiphanius since

a contubernal he had, his Archdeacon had constituted.

[39] Ammonius indeed and those who with him were Epiphanius

approached: for that to themselves also the Augusta

had pleased. And when Epiphanius had interrogated who indeed

they were, answered Ammonius, The Tall we are, O

Father: and by the monks whom he accused in some way appeased, gladly moreover we would learn, whether at some time

into thy disciples or into thy books thou hast fallen. He

denying, again asked Ammonius; Whence then

heretics those to be hast thou judged, who no hast an argument,

by which the opinion of those thou canst convince?

And when Epiphanius said, that he by hearsay had received it.

We indeed, said Ammonius, plainly the contrary did:

for both thy disciples often we have seen, and the books

read through; of which one is that which the Ancoratus

is inscribed. And when many to vituperate thee and as

a heretic to calumniate wished, we for the Father,

as was fitting, fought, and of thy cause the defense

undertook. Wherefore neither thou from only hearsay the absent

to condemn oughtest, whom by no means thou thyself by certain arguments

led hadst convinced, nor such a favor

to repay to thy praisers. After these things Epiphanius more gently

him having addressed, then indeed from himself dismissed, but a short

interval being interposed of time to Cyprus he sailed, in the very of return apparatus, either

because of the Constantinopolitan setting-out him it repented,

or because God by an oracle him had admonished,

and a death to him his own (as is probable) had prenounced.

But when a ship to board he was about, to the Bishops,

who him to the shore even had escorted,

to have said is reported: The city to you and the palace and the stage

I leave; but I depart: for I hasten, and indeed

very much.

[40] Another besides something I heard, which by many's

discourses even now is carried around; [it is said that to John his deposition he prenounced, and concerning his death in turn admonished,] that John

indeed to Epiphanius had foretold, that he in the navigation

would die; but Epiphanius had prenounced

to John the abdication of the Episcopate. For while

between themselves they dissented, Epiphanius indeed to John to have written

is said, I hope thee by no means a Bishop to die:

John indeed wrote back to Epiphanius, Nor

I hope thee into thy city to be about to return. These things Sozomen,

his history about years thirty after Epiphanius's

death writing; to whom similar things in nearly the same words has

Socrates book 6 chapter 14, of equal plainly with Sozomen age

is believed. according to Sozomen, Sozomen however more gladly used here I have not

because of Salamis him to have been I believe, as thinks Nicephorus

and others after him; since he himself book 5 chapter 15 not obscurely

indicates himself a Palestinian, from a village a certain near Gaza

to which the name Bethelia: but because already from adolescence familiarly

with the monks there renowned, of Hilarion the disciples

and his as it seems kinsmen, conversant; Salamanes

namely, with whom a common name he had (was called

for, as Photius notes, Salamanes Hermias Sozomen,

which others deceived, that of Salamis they believed him) and his

brothers Fusco, Malchio and Crispio, of whom

the last to S. Epiphanius adhering, in the office of Archdeacon

at Constantinople before him died, as above we saw. There is added

that to Socrates some things also here added Sozomen, and

more accurately some he seems to have edited. Notable is however

that the related of Epiphanius and John mutual concerning each other

prediction, adds Socrates; Socrates the matter as doubtful proposing, Whether moreover true to me

said those who these things narrated, indeed I cannot affirm:

to each however of those of this kind an issue

happened. For neither Epiphanius the ship put in

at Cyprus, after his departure for he died in the navigation:

and John not much after from the Episcopate cast down

was.

[41] Could indeed of this kind the issue of each occasion

to have given to men, of the mutual between those dissension conscious, Baronius of the Saints unworthy judging it.

and the men holy by their own foot measuring, that an altercation of words

to each little worthy they fastened, just as

judged Baronius, and after him of Socrates and Sozomen

the illustrator and interpreter most recent Henry Valesius. Doubts

also Baronius, whether truly Epiphanius, as writes Socrates,

when to the Basilica of S. John he had put in, which seven

of paces thousand from the city distant is, from the ship having gone out,

before the city he entered. He fears indeed lest

the complaint of John of Jerusalem concerning Epiphanius, to John

of Constantinople wrongly transferred Socrates, nor approving that at Constantinople a Deacon by Epiphanius ordained is said.

although then when the matter was done at Constantinople living. For neither

appears here as just as there of excusing Epiphanius

the reason, since the church of S. John beyond controversy

was under the disposition of the Constantinopolitan Bishop, where neither

without this one's order would it have been permitted to Epiphanius the Masses solemnities, much less

Ordinations to celebrate: of each however complaining Chrysostom

Socrates introduces: nay even of those things which in the Apostles'

temple to do was Epiphanius, unless by the denunciation

of John through Serapio to himself made he had been deterred, of

those, I say, which only constituted says Sozomen, as

of in fact done less probably speaks Socrates,

and then at last John says, lest the same on the morrow should be repeated,

into the Church again entered Epiphanius having sent

Serapio.

[42] However it be, it appears, the best otherwise and most holy

old man, to have been deceived by Theophilus, however it be, deceived not lightly by Theophilus, both in the cause of those

whom John tolerated monks, and of John himself;

and from the abundance of zeal to have suffered something human, of which

himself quickly it repented, and more could have repented, if

what after his departure followed he had seen. Meanwhile by this

of his machinations success elated Theophilus, before

to Constantinople he set out to the Synod, by which of John

the deposition was decreed, thus concerning him to S. Jerome wrote,

The Origenists into his familiarity receiving and of these

very many to the Priesthood promoting, and on account of this

crime of blessed memory the man of God Epiphanius,

who among the Bishops a bright in the world star shone,

with no small grief saddening, deserved to hear: It has fallen,

It has fallen, Babylon. Which place therefore here adduced

I wished, that it may be understood by no means to be doubted, he died soon after his departure, but that straightway

after his from Constantinople departure, as Sozomen

writes, died Epiphanius, of whom as now dead Theophilus

speaks; and since the XII of May at least is the day of the deposition in

Cyprus, nor long before he could have died, whose ship, that beyond

his will it should proceed slowly, a month however or a month and a half

to the journey scarcely could have spent; consequent it is that he

died in the month at least of April of the year CCCCIII, May certainly

with difficulty to have attained. Whence to wonder it occurs, by what reason said Baronius, at least on the 12th of May in the year 403 deposed in Cyprus

it is ignored in what of the Lord year he died. Just as

for from the Apologies of Jerome to Rufinus, written in the year

CCCCII, rightly he proves, that he did not die in the same year in the month

of May; so from the already said it is gathered, that in this indeed year not

he died, but neither beyond the first days of May of the following year his life

prolonged.

[44] Excuses the same Baronius Epiphanius, and deservedly

excuses, in those things which concerning Ammonius and his companions he believed; in that

Theophilus not by private only letters, but by Synodal

from the Council of Alexandria written, of heresy them

convicted and condemned had signified: the same before Theophilus, but not

therefore Sozomen would I accuse of injury against Epiphanius,

or of too much toward Origen favor, while he introduces him confessing,

that by only hearsay concerning these things he knew. For neither rashly

believed those Theophilus's letters Epiphanius, as being

those which were known into the world divulged and received by

Anastasius the Roman Pontiff: nor however to the question

of Ammonius otherwise ought he to answer, who his and his companions'

cause through himself not had known; and hearing how much

those toward themselves had acted more circumspectly, could not but by some

of humanity sense be moved. But that says Ammonius,

that defended himself the fame of Epiphanius against those who him

of heresy accused, it must be known that in these, Sozomen being witness

book 8 chapter 14, was Theophilus himself, not yet of Ammonius

and brothers his an enemy; who before Epiphanius reprehended

as if God of human appearance endowed he thought;

afterwards indeed, as if resipiscent the true at last opinion

of him to be he had acknowledged, as an Anthropomorphite having blamed him, the same himself with him to think

wrote, and Origen's books to calumniate set, in which

to be reproved, if he had a helper Epiphanius, an easy to himself

he promised concerning monks those a victory, who while to the incorporeal God

of a human body the form not to be defended by the authority

of Origen, under the envy of this name seemed

to be able to be oppressed. Which when to do Theophilus saw Chrysostom,

the monks those not except rightly concerning God so far to think

finding, he deserved outside of fault to be held in that which

to them he showed favor. But as Epiphanius of the Anthropomorphosis

heresy suspected Theophilus undeservedly held,

a heretic and of schism the author in an epistle a certain

former calling, but undeservedly. as writes Palladius in the dialogue concerning S. John

Chrysostom; so deservedly could him with himself excused

and approved signify, not as an Anthropomorphite (which

in fact also Theophilus was not) but as commodiously now

understood, as to be able to be understood also Ammonius had approved.

[45] Many are other things not of great moment, which in Sozomen's

concerning Epiphanius narration brands Baronius, the same one's contention with the Empress on which

it is not worth the trouble to delay: one however I would not pass over,

which pertains to the contention of Epiphanius with the Empress,

as if most far it stray from the truth, that Eudoxia, very hostile

to Chrysostom, favored the monks those, and Epiphanius

shunned, them to be condemned thus demanding.

For both they without John could themselves immediately into

his favor have insinuated; and after the first on account of the field of the widow taken away

quarrels, so far had subsided the Empress's indignation,

that into favor with John ought to have returned to be thought; inasmuch as

she not long after between John and Severian of concord

a mediatrix, in the church of the Apostles her son

Theodosius, then quite a boy, at the knees

of John casting, and through his head frequently adjuring,

from him obtained that Severian into friendship

his he should admit, as writes Socrates book 6 chapter 11. Which

moreover then followed graver complaints, those first

began after at Constantinople had departed Epiphanius.

But nothing in this Baronius's censure I wonder more, than that

the Acts of Epiphanius, which are at Lipomanus and Surius under

the name of Metaphrastes, not rightly into doubt is recalled. with lies to swarm saying, as in fact

to swarm presently I will show; from those altogether to truth contrary

he brings forth a narration concerning the meeting and contention of Epiphanius

and Eudoxia. Nor does it matter that the same in nearly the same manner in S. John's

Chrysostom encomium wrote Leo the Emperor: he for,

five after the matter done centuries, deceived was by those spurious

Acts; and them transcribed so far as to his argument

to make they seemed.

CHAPTER VI.

The edited Acts are examined, so far as by John written they are feigned.

[45] The Greek Life of S. Epiphanius, which formerly in Latin edited

was had in volume 2 of his works, these Acts crammed with lies, also in many

places by himself reviewed to give wished Dionysius Petavius, lest

anything, which of Epiphanius by name in some way is inscribed,

the reader should desire. Although for he himself also

judged, that it in most a fable is than to history

nearer, as already long ago in the Annals Baronius

admonished, he hoped however it would be, that in that splendid

narration there might be perhaps what to remove thou couldst: for

otherwise, he says, much it contains, which with the true and received

by all history consonant is, but

the same mixed with false: in discerning which, if nothing

else, thy, reader most humane, judgment and κριτικὴ

τῆς ἱστορίας δύναμις could be exercised. Which and how far

true to be believed they ought, sufficiently from the chapters preceding the Reader

will understand: how many things are manifestly false, to Metaphrastes wrongly imputed, now I will set about

to explain. This moreover being done, it will appear, the rest among these

in the middle of this kind to be, that although through themselves faith they exclude not,

it however a prudent no one can be given to them, as long as

not another author they are known to have than the most lying of that

Life compiler. Him thou beware lest Metaphrastes to be from

the common error thou believe, since the style everywhere concise from the style of Metaphrastes

periodic and fluid most diverse is. Presents that Life

of two disciples John and Polybius, as I said, the names:

who also in the first person everywhere speak, although one and the same

is from the beginning unto the end the style, therefore not except

one author it reports; not however altogether to be rejected, but than him more ancient, if

the true of those two writings before his eyes having, his those

only had adorned with speech, the sense being kept. By what

age moreover he wrote, who by divining will attain? This certain,

than the tenth century earlier to have been, when both Leo the Emperor

surnamed the Wise, under whom also Metaphrastes flourished,

that Life followed in praising Chrysostom; and an elogium

from it taken is found in the Synaxarium of Basil the Emperor

Porphyrogenitus, that of the Menaea printed nothing

I may say.

[46] In this life Epiphanius, with a father a farmer, a mother

a flax-worker, both Jews born is said with a sister Callitrope; many they feign concerning his conversion from Judaism

and when ten years old his father being lost, ordered for nourishing

the family the only which was available to sell beast,

with so great the business sincerity to have done, that although untamed

elsewhere, in the very forum placid himself he showed beyond custom, the vice

however he indicated to the bidder Jacob, that a religion to himself he counted it

to deceive a man of the same religion: wherefore three by him

given coins, home he returned with the very beast: by

which then shaken off on the way and grievously hurt, by a supervening

a certain Cleobius a Christian, healed by the virtue

of the Cross he was. Afterwards when the little paternal field to an Eleutheropolitan

a certain of the law learned and rich Jew, to whom Tryphon

the name, he offered for sale, by him adopted, that to the matrimony

of his only daughter to be joined, unless she quickly had died; and so

dead also Tryphon, of his both doctrine and opulence

to have remained heir. Then indeed to have fallen upon a monk Lucian:

whom when he had seen, a garment being given to a poor man, and the monastic life's beginning under Serapio, a white

other from heaven to be clad, he asked both a Christian and a monk to be made:

and fittingly instructed with his sister, and at the entrance of the church

falling off of their own accord his shoes barefoot, baptized he was by

his and the same a nun, his sister commending, in Lucian's

monastery he was made a monk, years old sixteen,

and to S. Hilarion of the same Lucian a disciple commended,

him after the death of the common master he had with the rest of

the fraternity as Hegumen or Abbot.

[47] But already from elsewhere to be established we have seen, that of the monastic life

the rudiments in Egypt placed Epiphanius, that perhaps which here

is noted age, although I would prefer two years more to believe.

To Lucian and Hilarion as to what pertains, is clear of the lie

the evidence from of Hilarion himself the life, who years fifteen

old to Antony to have gone away into Egypt is said by

Jerome, who also himself of Lucian a disciple is feigned. and thence after two years returning the first of the monastic

life example to have brought back into his fatherland, which in the year of his

age XXII many began to imitate, so far moreover not yet

had been monasteries in Palestine, nor anyone

a monk before S. Hilarion in Syria had known.

It is feigned besides his monastery which near Gaza

to have been is known, in that place to have been that at five miles to be sought

was the water: by which occasion when it had happened wine by Epiphanius

into water to be converted for the refreshment of those passing by,

he glory shunning elsewhere himself withdrew, where when of the Saracens

passing by a certain one him to strike wishing had wondered

to be opened to himself an eye the other, which always closed he had had;

by that thing moved one from the crowd, to have undertaken the faith; who

baptized by Hilarion and John called, adhered

to Epiphanius, there follows a fabulous setting-out into Persia, and these all things wrote: and first, by a demoniac

driven out the demon to have threatened, what into Persia

to come made Epiphanius. Occupied therefore of the King

the daughter to have indicated, that unless came Epiphanius, about to go out from

the girl he was not. Sought therefore and in his Spanychium found,

after a withered hand to one of the royal sent ones restored,

to have come into the Royal-house, which was called Urion, the demon

from the little daughter of the King him beholding to have expelled, to a flattering himself ineptly

magician speech to have taken away and to the penitent to have restored,

royal gifts and feasts to have refused with only bread content; and

resuscitated, who dead was carried out, a youth, by the King

honorifically to have been dismissed. I know not whether Ur of the Chaldees,

Abraham's fatherland, understood in this place the fabulist (for

Urion otherwise none I know: as to miracles what pertains, we have heard

Sozomen expressly denying, that to the living it happened

to put to flight demons and diseases to cure.

[48] Continues meanwhile Pseudo-John to narrate, how to

Spanydrion returned with himself Epiphanius a fountain there elicited,

beasts prohibited from the vegetables, an entire year's disputation with Epiphanius the Philosopher. and into new dwellings

to himself by the Saracens, of the former hut the founders, built, received

Brothers fifty, a lion to many noxious by his presence

slew, a Synonymous to himself from Edessa Philosopher

received, with whom an entire year disputed before

Calistus of Aëtius of great Rome the Prefect a son, whom from

a demon freed he had a disciple; and how the Theogony

of Hesiod pertinaciously defending, the opposed more true

of Genesis history to bend not being able, he challenged to a demoniac's

liberation, which he who had effected his faith true would be reckoned:

and so converted Epiphanius the Philosopher,

and a monk made and a Presbyter ordained by the Eleutheropolitan

Bishop: whom then into Egypt withdrawing

Epiphanius the Saint to his monastery a Provost left.

But besides that that of disputing delay and reason

ridiculous altogether seems, and concerning the other that Epiphanius

elsewhere is read nothing; one here of Aëtius the Roman City's Prefect

I would wish the name noted, that from his brain a fiction

the author it is clear from that most accurate Catalogue, which

Bucherius from Bollandus our received edited at the Canon

Paschal of Victorius chapter 13 page 236, where from the times

of Gallienus, from the year CCLIV unto CCCLIV, is indicated, who,

how much of time the Prefecture of the City administered,

sometimes Prefects successively four within the same year

placed; nor only the names, but also the prenames are expressed.

Meanwhile from the very fabulist's calculation, of years fifty

six an Episcopate to Epiphanius attributing, acts these

would be at the least before a decade the ordination preceding,

and so before the year CCCXXXVIII.

[49] After these things at last the Saint, whom we quite a youth

to have been in Egypt said, of celebrity too great fleeing,

thither with himself to sail from Joppa makes Pseudo-John,

after a demoniac at the going out of Jerusalem freed; a flight into Egypt,

and to Alexandria put-in a Jew, Aquila by name

by disputing to convert, and to S. Athanasius the Bishop to present

to be baptized: then with S. Paphnutius, of the great Antony

a disciple, in the Thebaid to meet, with this counsel that in Nitria's

desert to dwell he might be permitted; but by this one prophetically

ordered, gathered among the Fathers summer's hay, to go away into Cyprus

and sheep to feed. Then near Leontopolis is feigned

the Saint to approach to Hierax's most renowned monastery, Hierax's and Eudaemon's conversion,

and him publicly teaching errors many mute by his command

to render, and the penitent to heal; finally healed

in upper Thebaid a demoniac, to come to places which are called

Bucolia and there for seven years to have dwelt, where Eudaemon

the Philosopher he converted his son's healed eye;

and himself to the Episcopate to be sought knowing, returned into

Syria, first forty days conversant in the monastery

of S. Hilarion, after that one into Cyprus had withdrawn, that

is after the year CCCLXIII according to Jerome; since

however in the calculation of the very fabulist, long before Hilarion's

coming into Cyprus, there a Bishop to have been Epiphanius should have.

In Hierax moreover a notable anachronism also

noted Baronius at the year 372 number 110, observing plainly

here the same to be described, of whom himself Epiphanius fully treats

heresy LXVII, as by Manes next, and before

the Meletian schism and Arius's heresy among the Egyptians

known; although in the Ancoratus he says at number 83 himself to have found

some lately raised, that is about the year

CCCLXX, to whom most of all the monastic in

Egypt, the Thebaid, and the rest of the regions exercising

easily the first they defer, who in the same with

the Hieracites error are conversant, and just as they not

the resurrection of the flesh, not of this which we have

now, but of another in this one's place to be substituted

they preach. As to Paphnutius what pertains, among the renowned

of Nitria monks, whom S. Paula the Roman approached, numbers

Palladius hist. Lausiac chapter 117 Paphnutius the Scetiote,

who in some way could be reduced to of this feigned in

Egypt peregrination the time: the rest of his name renowned

others younger are, for of the Bishop Confessor under

Maximinus, who in the Nicene Council was present, is not in this place

to be thought.

[50] Moreover while remaining near Spanydrion Epiphanius, a famine

strong to have pressed on Phoenicia is said, and it being obtained

a three-day rain to have cured the Saint; a withdrawal into Cyprus, wherefore for him to the Episcopate

to be raised gathered the Bishops, when to the same to be sought

a young monk Polybius they had sent; he himself the coming's

cause divinely known, with the same Polybius with himself retained,

and with John fled into Cyprus to S. Hilarion: by whom ordered Salamis to inhabit to go, and

unwilling and by a tempest compelled thither putting in the ship, by which

about to sail to Ascalon he had embarked, seized in the forum

was by S. Pappus, concerning whom above at number 15, when by chance grapes

he was bidding for, and drawn to the church ordained was by

force a Bishop: in which office he had a Deacon Charinus,

by whom a calumny he suffered on account of gold pieces a hundred

for dissolving of the captive Eugnomon the debt from the goods

of the church expended, although to the same restored; to the same Charinus, Charinus the Deacon's insolence.

to himself at thrice repeated of the dinner time a crow's voice mocking,

a death by this one prenounced he signified; the wife

moreover of him from paralysis freed he ordained a Deaconess, not

without a useful to the rest of the Clergy in their office to be contained example:

nay even being wont not to perfect the oblation, until

a vision he had seen; when it beyond custom was delayed, having prayed

and known, in the cause of the delay to be the presence of a Deacon, in the same

night having used his wife, wherefore alone celibates thereafter to

the ministry of the altar he ordained.

CHAPTER VII.

The rest, as by Polybius added are obtruded, exploded. The book on the Life and sepulture of the Prophets.

[51] In the chapter above related all things to have written, the Saint not knowing and unwilling,

is feigned the already often named John,

Epiphanius's Presbyter and of all journeys a companion; who

about to die having called to himself Polybius the lamp delivered.

He therefore is introduced narrating, Here is feigned the Saint after a built with various miracles church how the holy Bishop, divinely

admonished, for the so far small a great church from

the foundations to build, by various miracles obtained the expenses

to the work necessary. For first when of a Draco a certain one

rich, but a gentile, to himself mocking the son sick he had healed;

the disease into the father being transferred, and again to his blessing

being taken away, he obtained from the same, converted with his family and

baptized, five thousand coins: then when Eustorgius

of Synesius similarly a gentile a son, the mother asking,

he had raised from the dead, by her offered three thousand of coins

he sent back to the fabric. and the dead raised, Afterwards with Polybius now a Presbyter

is narrated Epiphanius to have gone to Jerusalem to

John the Bishop's, his under Hilarion's discipline fellow-disciple,

to be chastised avarice, as said at number 17, and thence

returning to have met beggars two, of whom one himself dead

simulated, which in Cyprus done seems to indicate

Sozomen above n. 24. Hither moreover returned Isaac, a Jew

of the law learned to himself he joined, and before the Roman

envoys, by Arcadius and Honorius the Emperors to himself

to Rome to be brought sent, his calumniator Faustinian,

by an innocent otherwise of some workman's lapse oppressed, raising,

a thousand coins by his wife offered is said to the fabric

to have applied, and so to Rome to have sailed, with Isaac and

Polybius, having left to the church of Constantia the vicarial care

Philo, one of the legates, whom for the city of Carpasus

there is: Carpathus an island, of the Cyclades the outermost between Crete and

Rhodes, by a long of sea tract distant is from Cyprus, to whose Metropolitan

by no means it pertained for it to provide.

[52] But these are lighter: what follow what can they

an appearance have even of a tolerable lie? Arcadius born

was in the year CCCLXXIV, called to Rome by Arcadius and Honorius the Emperors, a decade after Honorius, each

from baptism received a man in the Palace exalted by name Arsenius,

and of each the youth to be informed presided over: together

they at Rome were never, but neither Epiphanius that

indeed is known except once only in the year CCCLXXXII, as

at number 14 we said. Their sister only Galla Placidia;

(but from the second of Theodosius the Emperor marriage, about the year

only CCCLXXXVII contracted) in which indeed year precisely

she was born is ignored; but as long as Arcadius lived, at Rome

she was not. But him about the year CCCCVIII dead, to her brother

Honorius into Italy having set out, while at Rome securely

she acts still a virgin, in the year CCCCI by the Goths, to the city before

a year captured unexpectedly returned, also she herself is taken, by

their King Ataulphus into wife is taken, and into Spain

is led away; to her brother moreover restored and to Constantius

betrothed, Valentinian the Younger she bore in the year CCCCXVIII;

nor another is known a son to have had, unless perhaps from a King

barbarous in Spain SS. Theodulphus and Theodoric

she bore, their sister to have healed, a nephew to have raised, all to have baptized. concerning whom at Trier dead it was treated by us

I May. Although moreover these all things most certain are, is feigned

however Epiphanius by Arcadius and Honorius, as

I said, called to Rome to their sick sister to be cured:

and that not only to have performed, but also her son dead

to have raised, with such a condition, that the Emperors with their sister and

nephew the faith should undertake Christian: which also they did,

baptized all by Epiphanius, undertaking Arcadius

Polybius, Honorius Isaac, their sister Proclisia

the Patrician, and the son of this one a certain Eunuch, not without

prodigies. And these indeed all things living still Theodosius

the Elder Augustus, and so before the year CCCXCV, in which

he from life migrated.

[53] From Rome into Cyprus returned, as is feigned, Epiphanius

not a lasting there rest had, Theodosius the elder's gout at Constantinople to have cured, but after to the famine public,

the corn of Faustinian being bought up prudently he had consulted;

and snares of his life from Rufinus his Deacon, from the same

Faustinian's suggestion, prepared by a divine prenotion he had escaped;

he is called to Constantinople, to the aforesaid Emperor

Theodosius; whom by the feet laboring he healed,

gladness making not only to him, but also to his sons Arcadius

and Honorius, through the same days from Rome to Constantinople

returned. But before from these he should depart the Saint, Faustinian

thither brought in chains ill is said to have perished; and to have returned

Epiphanius into Cyprus with mandates, that whatsoever

his had been should retain his pious wife who all things to the uses of the church

consigned ordained a Deaconess. his rescript against heretics to have obtained, Then Aëtius of the Valentinians

the Bishop to be made mute he caused: but also against

the Ophites, Sabellians, Nicolaitans, Simonians,

Carpocratians the heretics, in Cyprus nestling, a rescript

of Theodosius he received, that they should be driven from the island. Of which

how with difficulty anything can with truth consist, partly

is clear from the said, partly as to the Sabellians can be refuted

from Epiphanius, who heresy LXII acknowledging of this then new

still sect very many then in Mesopotamia both at Rome to be conversant,

not would have passed over Cyprus, if to it of those the venom

had reached, just as that of the Valentinians he had said heresy XXXI.

The Ophites, Nicolaitans, Simonians, Carpocratians, under

these names still to have survived in the century IV ending, who would believe?

[54] There remains the last, or more truly the only Epiphanius's, to

the Constantinopolitan city setting-out in the year CCCCII to its end

verging or the following now begun. This from the egg beginning

our fabulist, first narrates Theophilus's dissension

with the brothers the Tall, three namely sons of Heracleon

ruling Alexandria, which elsewhere is not read; and on their

account the arisen between Theophilus and John

discord: then a long concerning the field of the widow, by Eudoxia

usurped through Chrysostom to be restored ordered, relation he weaves: and by the Empress on account of the widow's field to Chrysostom offended,

which true in substance to be to doubt does not allow Mark

the Deacon, in the Life of S. Porphyrius of Gaza XXVI Feb. n. 37;

but the pretext of that field to be usurped he adduces the fabulist

ours, who cannot not be of falsity suspected; that

namely it is the custom of Emperors and Empresses, if

even a foot they have brought into another's land, and if a fruit

they have received from any of those things which fruit bear, that

no other in it power may have except the Emperor:

and so it was done he says, that since by chance thither having entered the Empress

a cluster for herself had cut off, by this very thing compelled she seemed to

the estate to herself to vindicate. He adds the Empress to have offered to the widow

the price of it; which indeed that she should accept or offered

elsewhere an estate, more advisable it would have been to persuade the injured one, than for

the supreme right such great tumults to move, as great as to follow it was necessary,

if through excommunication's rigor she were excluded from

the Church the Empress. And so I judge neither such anything

by her offered, the pretext moreover of that field to be usurped

other not to have been, than that dead was in exile of the widow

her husband and the goods formerly to the fisc assigned. Nor me moves

that the same matter in the encomium of Chrysostom narrates Leo the Emperor:

it appears for him to have adhered, without any examination,

to this so portentous Life of S. Epiphanius.

[55] However it be, is feigned so far angry the Empress that concerning

John to be deposed she began to agitate counsels. to his deposition to be approved invited, Which known

Theophilus persuaded Epiphanius to sail to Constantinople.

Hither put-in with Polybius and Isaac

(no made mention of Crispio concerning, whom presently) solicited

the Empress, that into John's, as a disturber and heretic,

deposition consenting, himself into his place he should suffer

to be substituted: but to the milder persuading Epiphanius threatened

she saying, If thou shalt be an impediment that the less

is sent John into exile, I will open the temples of the idols

&c. And when at these things groaning Epiphanius himself from

this judgment innocent protested, not however to have escaped,

that the less it was said he had consented: and so John having received

a paper to him wrote: Wise Epiphanius, hast thou assented to my

exile? On thy throne thou wilt not sit any more; Epiphanius

indeed wrote back: Athlete of Christ, be scourged, and

conquer: into the place moreover, to which thou hast been relegated, not

wilt thou come. Could these last for false, as necessarily

they are most false, to have held Baronius; and not to see the colloquy

of Epiphanius with the Empress, of the same as author so also of faith

to be? Why therefore him did he oppose to the authority of Sozomen,

as in favor of the Origenists on account of John more inclined?

Each indeed would I wish equally rejected, when

the former Eudoxia's with Chrysostom quarrel, [although it is established that the causes of the deposition afterwards were given.] which

Theodosius the younger's nativity and perhaps even the year

CCCXCI preceded, is established to have been composed: and the later

complaints first to have arisen, when departed from

the city Epiphanius, John in the church words making,

a common against women vituperation instituted,

which the people so received, as if against the Emperor's

wife figuratively composed it had been, as

writes Sozomen, in this conformable to Socrates. Then namely

Theophilus, who alone had been called into the city, to be judged

by John in the cause of the monks; the of John rivals acting

and persuading the Empress, and a Synod against him to be convoked

demanding, permitted was the Egyptian Bishops with himself

to lead: who in the suburb of Chalcedon at the Oak gathered

John deposed declared: but in vain, the people him even

unwilling restoring. But when on account of the silver statue

anew kindled was the indignation of the Empress, in another afterwards

Synod was decreed the Saint's exile, with that only pretext,

that condemned in a Synod, without of a more numerous than that at

the Oak had been a Synod's sentence, his See he had received.

[56] At the extreme in the Acts, with so great right to be reproved, is said

Epiphanius having exhorted in the ship his men, to have stilled by prayers

a tempest three-day, and to have expired. Whose dead

body, finally in the ship deceased to have raised a dead man, whether circumcised it was, to explore wishing the shipmaster,

by a blow of the foot back driven and extinguished, at the same feet placed

revived. And when at Constantia had put in the ship, darkness

indeed the whole pressed on the city; three however blind

to meet having advanced, with the rest themselves by the hand holding, the sight

received: the body moreover embalmed with honey stood out in the church

for days many, in that Longinus and Petronius

Deacons, with the Valentinian heresy secretly infected, a sacrilege to be said

within the city in the church to be buried a dead man: but because

to bury him nevertheless wishing to those they themselves opposed,

at the venerable Deacon Sabinus's, and after a long concerning the sepulture contention entombed Epiphanius invoking,

prayers; Longinus indeed fell in the very place dead,

Petronius indeed, carried thence paralytic and mute, on the fourth

day died. Then indeed sent to Constantinople legates six,

who Arcadius the Emperor's will should inquire: he

indeed them detained, until his, as he called him, father he had mourned

for days forty; and these being completed the same he sent back

with a certain Maximus, a troublesome to himself demon carrying around.

By this moreover, before the sacred body prostrated and freed,

was read an Imperial epistle, in the verse second thus containing:

Him who lived above our laws, we will not

to lie conveniently to our laws: Polybius now being of the Rhinocorurans the Bishop. and so at last

deposited was the Saint in a case for it built, in the very place

where above Faustinian had fallen the fabricator, certainly

months three or four according to this fable, after

the Saint's death. These things moreover, as I indicated n. 5, is feigned to write

Epiphanius's successor Sabinus to Polybius, on the eighth day

of the lasting for the sepulture contention departed from the island, and

after one year's delay in the Thebaid, snatched by Heracleon,

of all Egypt the President, at Rhinocorura then dwelling,

that he should be of that city the Bishop; when he had asked concerning that controversy's

issue to be taught by Sabinus, because from Calippus the Deacon he had heard

him of Constantia the Bishop ordained.

[57] Thou hast, Reader, in these two Chapters comprehended

of the whole prolix otherwise fable the sum, [The book on the Life of the Prophets, although it is not demonstrated certainly supposititious to be,] with this end, that if anything elsewhere

thou findest by us passed over in the first five Chapters

which here also is touched; to discern thou mayest, whether it hence

received to be esteemed it ought not; or indeed, as from a better author

hither translated, faith it merits with the former to obtain.

Similarly to thy judgment I leave, whether thou wouldst for a genuine S. Epiphanius's

offspring hold with Bellarmine the book on the life of the Prophets

and their sepulture, although unknown to Photius,

his interpreter Petavius, ψευδεπίγραφον to believe, on account of

six hundred of lies trifles, with which book that crammed

is. To Petavius Sirmond and Labbe subscribed,

the holy Father's honor favoring: and their opinion from the same

motive more gladly I hold, although sufficiently I understand with Labbe,

there to be who think, not all things from the ancient Fathers to be subtracted,

in which Talmudic comments and Hebraic certain deuteroses are contained.

[58] So the book on the Life and death of the Just, by Baronius in

the notes to the Roman Martyrology I May and XXV, (for also S. Isidore some such thing to have written is known and is excused) of someone

other rather than S. Isidore to be seems, in that

in it very many are found, of Isidore unworthy,

joined together lies: concerning it however does not allow us to doubt

S. Braulio in the prenotation of his books: so that this

to excuse another not is available, than with Labbe either to acknowledge

by some interpolator corrupted, or ingenuously

to confess, that too credulous, what by others written he found,

less discussed, not so much his own as another's brought forth

faith. As long as however either to say, for defending the under

Epiphanius's name controverted book, better however it is not received, of similar weight not

compels the authority, well of it all to deserve I judge, who that

which of his gravity unworthy to be reasonably they think, by

himself written to be not gladly believe; ill on the contrary, who

obstinately it to sustain wish, that by his authority, as also S.

Isidore's, to be propped they may seem, what there concerning Elijah the Prophet's birth

are read. Indeed I judge those Fathers, if such things they themselves in fact

wrote, merely of interpreters and collectors to discharge the office

to have wished, no moreover to them from themselves weight to add: whether moreover

in fact worth the trouble it was of the Rabbis concerning the Saints old

dreams, with which they all the sacred Scripture's histories interpolated,

either already formerly collected in Greek and Latin to have rendered, [as not sufficiently worthy of S. Epiphanius and from Rabbinic figments sewn together.] or in

their books several dispersed into one little book to have collected, of the more prudent

let it be the judgment: to curiosity certainly and to delight not a little

serve those things, nor to anyone harm can they who to them faith not

great shall have had, understanding with Theophilus Raynaud our,

concerning good and bad books n. 352, of them the much mendacity

and fabulosity; and that (as the same n. 348 notes)

to the Rabbis proper in a fourth way it is to fable, and what

never were or will be ever, as true

to propose, so crassly and stolidly, that not of ingenium even

a crumb is detected in devising dexterously and aptly,

and feigning probably and aptly to persuading.

It agrees indeed not so much to consider who what wrote,

concerning those things which before most long ages done are reported, by certain

no of authors contemporary monuments testified: but whom he

leaders in writing followed: these moreover, in that which we touch

argument, others than the Rabbis were not, and they probably

than the Jerusalem destruction later all.

[59] But, since the book divulged under the name of Epiphanius,

first in the last century in Latin to be read began, just as also that which to S. Dorotheus was in Latin supposed. deservedly are presumed

the writers Latin, especially those whom Greek not to have known is established,

while anything of this kind concerning the law old's Prophets in writing

they touched, not that under the name of Epiphanius book, but

another under the name of S. Dorotheus, in Latin only extant,

before their eyes to have had, as in the treatise concerning B. Albert of Jerusalem

on VIII April I indicated. This moreover book, much earlier

and more certainly, than that other to Epiphanius, denied to Dorotheus

was, as soon as through printing made it was of more public right:

the Synopsis I understand concerning the life and death of the Apostles, Prophets

and Disciples of the Lord, which under Dorotheus's name

was printed, both separately and in the Libraries of the old

Fathers; this for, as noted Labbe, already long ago as with fables

crammed and of no among the Learned authority,

with an obelus marked, Molanus, Baronius, Bellarmine and other

Catholics, to whom the heterodox subscribed: that of

Theophilus Raynaud I be silent, by whose judgment the book is infantile,

swarming with fabulous narrations. which perhaps by other synonymous ones were written. To which since similar

are in the two already above indicated little works, S. Isidore indeed

so is excused, that however better it would have been to his own honor about to consult,

if with a precaution at least some used he had indicated not great to them

by himself faith to be had; Epiphanius moreover nor an excuse even

needs, as long as by no old and ineluctable testimony is proved,

these truly his to be writing. Add that several Epiphanii were

in subsequent centuries even in Cyprus Bishops, of whom

some as is wont to happen commonly, to a more principal of this name writer

could have been attributed, just as those orations which, by Epiphanius's

name a disguise already long ago make, by Petavius's judgment, both with

the style itself and other certain indications, of another either Epiphanius

or author themselves to be declare.