Anastasius

ON SAINT ANASTASIUS

BISHOP OF PAVIA IN ITALY.

IN THE YEAR DCLXXX.

HISTORICAL COLLECTION.

From Paul the Deacon and John Baptist de Gasparis.

Anastasius, Bishop of Parma in Italy (S.)

G. H.

The sacred memory of S. Anastasius Bishop

of Pavia, the Tables being cited

of the Church of Pavia, Sacred cult is conserved

at this XXX of May, in the present-day

Roman Martyrology: where Baronius

alleges some things from book 4

of the History of the Lombards published by

Paul the Deacon, who chap. 15 by others

chap. 44 these things has: In the times of Rothari King of the Lombards,

with the Arian heresy's perfidy stained,

almost through all the cities of his kingdom two Bishops there were,

one Catholic and the other Arian. In the city

also of Ticinum even now is shown, where the Arian

Bishop at the basilica of S. Eusebius residing, a baptistery

had, when nevertheless of the Catholic Church another

Bishop presided. Which however Arian Bishop,

who in the same city was, Anastasius by name,

to the Catholic faith converted, Christ's afterward

Church ruled. These things Paul the Deacon. They made mention

of the same Anastasius the Bishop, from the Arian taint to the true

faith converted, Bernard Sacco book 9 of the Ticinensian history

chap. 12, Antonius Maria Spelta in the History of the Bishops

of Pavia, and others. After whom John Baptist de Gasparis

in the year MDCLI, his name being concealed, published a Breviary

of the Life of the Holy Bishops of Pavia, who under the rite

double in the said Church are venerated, and prefaces that he by a long

inquiry from several Writers had collected what he brings forth.

They are of this kind.

[2] From the Arian sect converted, Anastasius the second, at Ticinum of a famous birth sprung,

from his tender years of piety and modesty before himself a torch bore,

so that nothing than his morals more honorable, nothing of the same

life's integrity brighter seemed. As an adolescent

into the Arian heresy he fell. A Presbyter made,

by Rothari King of the Lombards' zeal, of the Arians

Bishop is set over Ticinum, at the same time, at which

Magnus, the Catholic Bishop of the Ticinensians, presided.

But when both of his own accord and by religious men's

discourse the heresy detesting, with divine letters'

zeal inflamed, so much in every kind of virtues

he profited, that the Catholic Bishop dead

Magnus to the Pontificate of Ticinum's dignity elevated

he was. He indeed when of that sacred office the function

by no means to evade could, and made a Catholic Bishop, most prudently

and with the highest powers labored, that the committed to him of the Church

ship in the wished-for shore he might place. Who when

holily and piously very many by the gravity of words and sentences

from the depravity of life to the studies of honesty he led across,

it much more and more excellently with the most illustrious

examples of virtues did. with great piety and charity endowed, In the eyes of the mind to

eternal things' contemplation to be raised

admirable he was: for so much to divine things' consideration

he had accustomed himself, that no ever thing either prosperous

or adverse his mind from the intuition of celestial things

could avert. By charity he was illustrious, wherefore

whatsoever he had, with a liberal hand to the needy he bestowed,

and with so great vigilance to the poor's calamity he provided,

that all, from the grievous of poverty affliction, of their Prelate's

benefit relieved themselves glad testified. Asked

why the sinning are wont an excuse to bring,

when he preached lest anyone's heart should decline into words

of malice to excuse excuses in sins,

them to a sea-beast he compared, which appearing and soon

into the waters plunging itself hides: and said not

to be able anyone himself from sins to excuse, since written

it is; Seven times in a day falls the just man. To the general Synod,

under Pope Agatho in the year six hundred seventy-

ninth celebrated, he was present. At length passed

years twelve of pastoral solicitude, of his death

made more certain, he dies 30 May in the year 680. to contemplate the celestial things much more zealously

himself composed; until on the third Kalends of June, his soul

to his most benign Creator he rendered in the year six hundred

eightieth: and he was buried in the old Cathedral

at the right of the high altar under the Gospel

pulpit.

[3] Some things to Anastasius I are attributed. Thus far the said John Baptist de Gasparis of S. Anastasius

of that name the second, and Bishop the thirty-first:

of whom some things here narrated (especially of his toward the poor and

afflicted benignity, and the excuse of the sinning) by some

are attributed to Anastasius I, whom as a Saint Ferrarius in

the Catalogue of the Saints of Italy related on May XXVIII, having followed

Antonius Maria Spelta and Stephen Breventanus,

who him with the Title of Blessed honor. Which to have noted suffices.

ON S. HUCBERTUS THE MONK

OF BRITANNIACUM IN THE SOISSONS DIOCESE OF GAUL.

ABOUT THE YEAR DCCXII.

PRELIMINARY COMMENTARY.

His, under the Episcopal title obscured, name in the Fasti: his peculiar cult, his age by conjecture elicited from a Life written later.

Hucbertus, Monk of Britanniacum in Gaul (S.)

BY THE AUTHOR D. P.

In all even the most ancient

copies of Usuard in MSS.,

both that which at Paris in the very

author's Monastery at S. Germain

des Prés is kept, Memory in Usuard, the Title of Bishop being added obscured: and

that which written in the XI century, than all the rest,

if not more ancient,

less certainly interpolated judged

Bolland, on February X before

the Acts of S. Austreberta num. 9; everywhere at the III Kalends

of June, in the last place, are read these words: On the same day of S. Hucbertus,

Bishop and Confessor. We fear however, lest the Title

of Bishop, rashly added by someone, has made this

memory seem of the Utrecht of this name Bishop (who S.

Lambert succeeded and Utrecht to Liège the See transferred, nor

on this day anywhere is venerated) for the reason that today is venerated of the same

name another, not a Bishop, but a Monk of Britanniacum:

which place, commonly Bretigny called, since it is distant from Paris

not more than seventeen leagues, could not such an

error creep upon Usuard, if truly here of him he wrote: as

indeed it does not seem that he would omit him, whom the place's vicinity and of profession's

communion commended. For neither can it be doubted,

but that with a recent still fame of sanctity to be celebrated begun

in the VIII century of Christ, as below shall be said, nor far from Paris

situated, to Usuard known he was. Unless perhaps to suspect someone

might wish, that he the months' names had confused, because III Kalends

of May, to have died the holy Bishop he had read; although on November IX

chiefly he is venerated, on account of the then made translation.

[2] Meanwhile Saussay, to conjectures more than fair precipitate,

does not doubt to write in his Gallican Martyrology, which deceived Saussay, that

today is venerated, The Elevation of S. Hubert, the most celebrated Tungrensian

Bishop and Confessor. Tungrensian he calls, from

the more recent Liégeois' opinion, the Utrecht Bishops

to name refusing; whose on this point pertinacity

with a peculiar diatribe, before thirty years published, and a little before

his death again to the anvil recalled, Henschen castigated.

But what to the elevations of that S. Hubert pertains, so that he thought it to be the Elevation of S. Hubert of Tongres.

Bartholomew Fisen of Liège all briefly collects,

in that Church's flowers; and teaches, the first to have been made

under Charles Martel, on the aforesaid day November IX, another

under Louis the Pious, when to Andage, now S. Hubert's

monastery called, was to be translated the body, which thither

came on September XXX, not many before days (as it is fair

to believe) taken away from Liège. Thenceforth a portable coffin always

that sacred Treasure had: accordingly there is not whereby

could have moved, that on this day he should wish of Hucbertus (for thus

anciently the name constantly was written) with the Title

of Bishop to make mention. The true therefore of this day Hucbertus,

but a Monk, we exhibit: of whom our friend

Mabillon, on account of certain Pope Stephen's responses, in the year

DCCLIII to the Monks of Britanniacum given, under the same

year's note in Part 1 of the 3rd Benedictine Century page 720 briefly about to treat,

thus prefaces.

[3] The situation of Britanniacum and the monastery's present-day state: Britanniacum or Brittennacum, to the more recent

Bretigniacum, a Monastery once of the Noyon field,

at the Oise river, by a second milestone above

Noyon a city of Belgic Gaul, in the diocese however

of Soissons situated, of unknown origin is. The place

itself now reduced into a village and a Priory of the Order

of Cluny, on Lihons depending, by two especially

things illustrious once was: namely by the habitation

of S. Hucbertus the Monk, and of Pope Stephen II's responses

to the Monks of the same place: but now besides S.

Hucbertus's relics, nothing keeps of ornament. The church

half-ruined lies; of Monks there an assembly none, one

there a Treasurer Monk with a secular Prior,

who whatsoever there of annual revenue is receives, and yields

to the Treasurer a part of the oblations, which the faithful for a vow's

cause thither flowing together bring. In that place are seen

still vestiges of monastic buildings; and there exists hitherto

the part of the greater altar to B. Peter dedicated. Weighed

once I think those, who, especially for avoiding

the madness from the bite of rabid dogs, thither for a remedy's

cause betook themselves, and betake themselves daily.

So Mabillon, thinking with a certain superstition

observed, to a use by no means superstitious. that when men by any incommodity

laboring continued vows on fixed days, in the more frequented

of certain Saints' seats, daily

they were weighed or balanced in a scale, to this

suspended; about to make an experiment from the weight's decrement,

whether the disease or sickness of the man affected decreased.

For my part in such an experiment a superstition

I acknowledge; but whether anywhere it is or was ever usurped

I doubt. Certainly that do not prove the things which from the History of the Translation

of SS. Arsacius and Quirinus Mabillon adduces as examples;

but a balancing other altogether religious, which expressed

also I see in him whom himself alleges a man, who

with breads and little cheeses there himself weighing, them distributed to the needy:

and so in the very which we give of S. Hucbertus miracles num.

20, is read a certain one freed, an oblation being made of wax to the likeness

of his bodily weight. Such a balancing even now

to be usurped I know, nor another I think it to be than in several

Saints' Acts to have read I remember, when simply is vowed

someone to be weighed in honor of some Saint. It happens

for often even to be expressed that species of the thing to be offered, to

which to be weighed is he for whom the vow is conceived: which then

oblation, equally as the aforesaid breads and little cheeses, either was distributed

to the needy, or was left to the church; in which nothing

not religious appears.

[4] The age hitherto obscure The age of S. Hucbertus equally as his deeds obscure

to be, judges the same Mabillon. I have read, he says, what of him

every year are recited in the ecclesiastical of him Office,

I have read also a certain epistle quite prolix, of the same

Saint's deeds, to Medericus Seposius the Knight and of Britain

Admiral by Fr. Benedict Piso the Theologian inscribed,

in the year MDXXXIX, from the Calmes monastery of the diocese

of Sens. In each narration nothing almost

certain or memory-worthy. So he: then in a few words the whole

history he collects; and in passing correcting the Martyrology

Benedictine (of Menard namely, and so also of him

following Bucelinus the Menology) in which S. Hucbertus's birthday

is replaced on the day before the Kalends of June; Care, he says

with Livy, would not be lacking, if any to the truth a way to the inquirer

led. Now to the fame of things one must stand, where

certain faith abrogates antiquity. The Lessons, which in this century

are recited in the ecclesiastical Office, of more recent fabric to be

I am persuaded, than is the alleged by Mabillon Piso's Epistle,

nay from this taken; in the Life by Piso amplified and therefore I did not labor to obtain it.

The Epistle even itself I have not seen, at least under the form

of an Epistle, with of a name so recent the inscription; but

the Life of B. Hubert of Bretigny, from MS. Codices of S.

Eligius of Noyon I have, before years XL and more sent

to our Bolland, by R. D. John de S. Martin of Foulleuse

at Paris, where the last miracle done is said elapsed

years after Christ's birth a thousand three hundred: in the end

however thus is had: There finish the most illustrious of Divus Hubert

deeds, which wrote B. Piso, of a Burgundian place

born.

[5] Whether these Acts, in the century at least XIV collected, adorned

in the century XVI Piso the Calmes Monk, in the 14th or 16th century, under the Title of a Life,

and to the Britanniacum people and the Noyon people first delivered,

then with a preface Epistolary sent to the aforenamed Medericus;

or indeed Piso himself, in the century XIV lived and wrote,

of Britanniacum perhaps a Monk, which another then

in the Calmes Monastery, as he had found by the Author's name

subnoted, so included in the Epistle, his own name

not expressing, I do not define, nor of the worth it seems to investigate

more curiously: since indubitable it seems, to have existed

perhaps from a more ancient monument, to which consequently were added

certain miracles. But unless the last writer, the scanty

of the life's history matter to amplify into a longer context

wishing, found in the prior Life characters of times

many things had added of his own, beyond the more ancient age's style; not

would have been I believe to Mabillon difficult something certain of the Saint's

age therein to find. it seems to be able to be drawn from the Kings' names; But neither so to be despaired I think, since

the primitive characters in that which we have life seem

to shine forth, as among the sands the filings of gold. For in num. 5 is said

S. Hubert twelve years old the Monachal cowl

to have taken, when Childebert the King of affairs took possession

in France. Then in num. 11 is inferred, that, when twenty

now years he had spent, consecrated he was a Priest. Then

in num. 13 is read, that, after ten years

and months three at Bretigny he had spent, to be imminent

his death's day he found ascertained; and lest by a premature

death, in youthful age he be extinguished, God beseech

the Monks. At length indeed in num. 15 is asserted, with a tranquil

sigh to have breathed out his spirit III Kalends of June,

reigning at that time Dagobert King of the Franks.

But that from these the age of the Saint be gathered, only there is need to find

Childebert and Dagobert Kings, to each other

mutually succeeding, so that under one a Monk to be made, and

under the other to die the Saint could within the eleventh year.

[6] not as expounded by Piso, Our interpolator (who perhaps not but a single

Childebert and a single Dagobert knew) the more famous

of those names Kings to his imagination set, and

to this object the rest he fitted circumstances of the years of Christ

and of the Roman Pontificate, of which among the ancients no reckoning

was had. Therefore Dagobert he took, of that name the First:

he however in Neustria, to which Britiniacum pertains,

only to reign began after the death of his father Chlothar II

in the year DCXXXVIII. Before him in the same Neustria of Paris

indeed the kingdom Childebert of Clovis the great the son held,

and to him could Britanniacum have pertained, if his kingdom

from the of Soissons kingdom of his brother Chlothar of that name first

was divided by the Oise river; but there intervenes a longer of time

space than to Hucbertus can be fitted: but as collated with the decade which Hucbertus in the Monastery passed, if indeed this Childebert

died in the year DLVIII. Very well indeed to the same

Hucbertus agree the times of Childebert III in the year DCXCVIII,

according to the Henschenian Chronology, to reign

having begun (but almost in Title only, Pippin Major-domo all things

moderating) and of his son Dagobert likewise III, who in the year

DCCXI to his father succeeding, the King's bare name as a little child held

unto the year DCCXV. And so if for the year of Christ about

six hundredth (which unskillfully placed of the ancient Acts

the interpolator, carried away by the ambiguity of the royal names) a year

about seven hundredth thou substitute, not only

thou wilt have between of each kingdom the confines the required of the Monkhood

of Hucbertus decade; but also the time at which the Utrecht

Hubert, in the year first DCCVII made a Bishop, could have,

still secular existing and in the Frankish court living, from

the sacred font receive, and from his name call this of

whom we treat Saint, as to have done assert the Acts num. 2. We seem

therefore enough securely the foot here to fix: nor to delay us

ought the of Pelagius the Roman Pope times, beyond the custom of the ancient

in France writers by the interpolator added; nor

the Title "Far the most valiant of Kings," from the first to the last

Dagobert transferred.

[7] It would be indeed desirable to us a first whatsoever

Life, from interpolations pure, to receive: and therefore that Life here is given from a MS. not however

altogether to be despised this later seems. Easily for by

itself the reader will discern the prolix prosopopoeias, which here he will find,

of Piso to be; and what as if by one colloquy transacted are brought forth,

into several meetings by thinking he will divide. Prudently

also he will be able to doubt, whether the Britanniacum Prior the twelve-year-old

boy clothed in the habit, not pre-had of his parents

the consent; and of the Angelic visions he will suspect, that they

can to internal inspirations be reduced, the history's substance saved.

For it must be confessed, an amplification more than rhetorical,

and almost puerile to have used Piso; but if therefore the whole

his composition ought to be repudiated, to be repudiated would be similar

of the Greeks compositions several, which without hesitation we receive

entire: for it makes to a judgment solid concerning the matter itself

to be borne, the Author's ingenium to have from his style perceived.

Meanwhile I observe, that the narrated miracles through S.

Hucbertus alive or dead wrought, in a more sincere far

style are set forth.

LIFE

By Piso the Monk more freely amplified,

From a MS. of the Monastery of Saint-Eloi of Noyon by R. D. John de S. Martin of Foulleuse communicated.

Hucbertus, Monk of Britanniacum in Gaul (S.)

BHL Number: 3992

BY THE AUTHOR PISO FROM A MS.

CHAPTER I.

By prayers obtained from his parents Hucbertus, into the monastery is received at twelve years old.

At Bretigny born of an illustrious family, Of venerable and pious memory the Confessor

Divus Hubert, by an excellent certain gift

divine, both with chief virtues' graces

shone; both nobly born of a place obtained

illustrious birth. Bretigny in the Soissons

Prelacy, this generous stock produced. There Hubert

with the first of an illustrious family born a more honorable

life led, in the same buried earth, with shining

far and wide miracles a blessed in the heavens age having obtained.

His father, of Bretigny the Lord, for a barren mother is obtained in warlike

arms exceedingly strenuous a Knight stood out: and to him

indeed the appellation was Peter, the mother Joanna was named.

These spouses, as of a most noble family, so

with most holy religion flourished, except that of a wealthy

Domain a future heir for a good while was lacking the stock;

inasmuch as barren Joanna was for several years.

They were anguished therefore not a little, that their most ample

possessions to an heir uncertain they were to bequeath. At length

came into the mind a piety more devout, that only this gift

from the best God was to be taken; with vows pronounced

the divine Majesty was to be supplicated; that the kindly Divinity

by its one power could bestow, that a barren womb

might bear.

[2] At that time, in the estate of Bretigny of the Monks

the Prior, by the Prior's prayers, with exceeding sanctity endowed, a most celebrated

fame had procured. Him for the cause of a prayer to be made

the most noble spouses approach. Then it is said

them to Divus Peter sacred more augustly to have entered the temple,

to the sacred altars rich gifts to have brought, more earnestly to have prayed, that the Divine ones

he would entreat the sacred Cenobite, that more quickly

with excellent offspring from on high they might be endowed.

He duly the Sacrifice having offered, more joyful all things having promised,

with which divine breathing he was afflated, first them with immense solace affected;

soon with bland charming sweetness soothed, as

most gladsome from himself dismissed. Let them go alacritous, and well henceforth

let them hope; that it would be shortly that with the desired offspring they would be endowed.

Nor did hope deceive the bidden things. After thence months

nine elapsed, Joanna a male stock brought forth. With the holy

laver dipped the infant, by S. Hubert he is received in Baptism. called by the pleasant name

Hubert was. Godfathers two men of the highest rank by the Christian

custom are summoned; Hubert, the great of Ardenne

was related, and the Count ^c of Vermandois, a man both

in Christian affairs and military among the few illustrious.

How much moreover on the boy Hubert divine favor shone,

an illustrious deed openly declares, of Christ

the Savior the secret saying confirms. As

in the most sacred Gospel is recounted, A city cannot

be hidden set upon a mountain, nor do they kindle

that they who enter the light may see: Piously educated, for what should I Divus

Hubert deem other, than a city

flourishing? Mat. 5, 14. What should I Hubert call rather, than

he flowered, so much with most splendid both benefactions and

blessings he shone, that him even from the womb of his genetrix

full of God to have been thou wouldst think.

[3] Hubert, then as yet a boy still, afflated

by the Holy Spirit, and the church at twelve years entering, benign humility, the clear

of nobility insignia, before himself he bore always, so easy,

urbane, charming toward all, a mild and placid

ingenium he grew; and besides before all more beneficent

to the needy, them with love and means he followed

(which indeed is an excellent of a mind well affected disposition)

nor anything whatever in mind he revolved, except the most holy

things and the same pleasing to the supreme God.

With such beginnings Hubert his boyish age

decorated, so that thou wouldst think him not but celestial things by meditation

to embrace. And he twelve years old, as imitating

Christ's vestiges, an excellent first of all deed

he undertakes. When before by his parents' zeal, by the custom

of the Nobles, at home letters he had learned, the church to Divus

Peter sacred more frequently he approached, and the Monks in that place

at sacred things working quite familiarly he visited. There was that

monastery in Bretigny situated, not far from the citadel

paternal. By the sacred at length allured of the Monks institute

the little boy of twelve years, the paternal home secretly leaving,

to the convent himself led. he seeks there the read things to be explained to him: Now the sacred

church he had entered by celestial captured religion, when

unexpectedly he heard a Subdeacon reading of the Prophets

the vaticinations. There with excellent disposition the boy Hubert,

the eloquences of the Seers more perspicaciously to understand strives: accordingly

blandly inquiring, My venerable Father, he says, what

dost thou deem to be, that now in the sacred things is read? Then

indeed the old man, as if rejoicing, to the questioner in very few words

answered. Beautifully son, whatsoever by the lection sacred recounted

is, it all pertains to the soul's sustenance;

it is bidden then thereupon, that a more continent life be led,

the spirit of this vain world from the voluptuous enticements to abstain.

But Hubert, greater things to grasp striving,

to inquire began, I ask suppliant, he says, lucidly

and perspicuously teach me, Father, what to be thou thinkest

the sustenance of the soul. Nor delayed the old man, but

to the inquirer more clearly he explained. The fear of God a sustenance

of the soul firm is, the fear toward God a nutriment

vital of the human heart is: of holy Scripture

the lection at once and the hearing the soul human nourishes and and of the fear of God instructed,

corroborates: the divine of Christ Jesus saying hold thou,

Not in bread alone lives man, but in every word which

proceeds from the mouth of God. Mat. 4:4, Ps. 110, 10 Certain also and very elegant

that of the royal Seer reflect; The beginning of wisdom is the fear

of the Lord, a good understanding to all doing

it; his praise remains for ever and ever.

[4] And at the same time these things having said, as if wondering at the precocious

of the sagacious little boy ingenium and the keen inquiries, and concerning the way of attaining beatitude, thus

he subjoined; I fear exceedingly lest thou, son most beautiful,

who so wisely inquirest, my unwisdom

to prove wishest to go. To the demanding old man most skilled

of speaking Hubert to have answered enough it is established, that these

inquiries he had put, not for tempting's cause, but

that more fully he might grasp the deep-speaking old man's saying: inasmuch as

he not by boyish only age, but of letters also

by the ignorance was impeded, whereby the less the deep-speakings

by understanding he might grasp. Then indeed that good old man,

by that answer soft and sound persuaded, begins with these

words: All men, who the celestial beatitude

to attain strive, to virtue most candid, to excellent benefactions,

and to the rest of good arts diligent work to apply

it is necessary. And since, son most beautiful,

so greatly thou desirest the truth to know thoroughly, my attend

diligently address. The Eternal, omnipotent, and

supremely good God, the soul of reason capable to

his own image from nothing created; with that indeed

law, that if to the divine precepts it should obey, with felicity

it might fully enjoy everlasting; because the first of the human

race progenitor Adam, in that most blessed and very

pleasant paradisiac seat, from the beginning a life to lead

tranquil had been bidden. For indeed thus in the Sacred things

eloquently is recounted; Took God the man

whom he had formed, and put him in the paradise of pleasure,

that he might work and keep it. Gen. 2, 15 But

when less to the saying obedient he had strayed from the celestial law,

into a most wretched exile unhappy he changed soil: for as soon

as the forbidden apple through a nefarious crime inconsiderately

he bit, forthwith into the extreme whatsoever miseries

by an unhappy fall he grew. Thence soon partly with various

diseases to languish, partly with sadness to grow pale all things; whence man through Adam's fall fell away,

and so long shut was heaven, until Christ

Jesus, the equal of the eternal God the father's offspring and splendor,

savage death to seek, at once revived

the enemy triumphed over the starry citadels to approach. Beatitude

by foul gluttony was lost, and by nefarious swelling: it at length

through the Christian faith both the mild and the abstemious by lawful

right to themselves vindicated. Wherefore whosoever for the honor

of God himself with temperate fasting shall have bound, who

vows duly shall have paid, who prayers to God worthily shall have poured, who

himself in the sight of God or men modest shall have borne;

to this who with eager affection by no means shall have loved

gold nor silver, nor garments, nor riches,

nor mundane possessions; and besides

who with due honor shall have affected father and mother and

priests, he at length happily the most ample of the heavens

realms shall obtain. But who with haughtiness by being proud

swell, who at neighbors wrongly rail, who

by sordid are anguished avarice, who by senseless are drawn

cupidity, moreover who neither father, nor mother, nor

priests, nor elders, nor neighbors honor; these

altogether into the Tartarean shall be thrust shades, which to the malign

devil it is reported from the beginning to have prepared God, where,

as the divine declare oracles, weeping will be and gnashing

of teeth. But through those beautiful benefactions, those which

with full faith they are performed, in monasteries however religious

with favoring God both more easily and more splendidly are exercised.

Wherefore, my dearest son, if thy soul

to feed with pabulum celestial thou desirest, with thyself ponderingly

thou mayest consult, what there is need for one who has undertaken,

Christ Jesus me being thy counselor concerning that matter more holily and more devoutly

beseech thou.

[5] to the monastery to be received he demands: After the of speaking end the eloquent old man made,

forthwith the religious boy Hubert, with bent knee

at the old man's feet fell, and in this manner speaks, O truly

from this henceforth day of Christ most eloquent old man, thou

art my father, inasmuch as thou art a master of works most excellent,

and the way into the kingdom of paradise demonstratest;

thou indeed my soul hast acquired, by the author

thee deigned God to summon me from the world fleeting

and profane to religion sacred. I pray to God

more beneficent with clasped hands, that worthy according to

merit a reward to thee he may pay. Lo burns my little soul,

for thy salutary counsel, of this monastery the cowl

to clothe, and with the monastic to be wrapped pallium. Wonders

grave that old man, with so great a boy of twelve years ardor

toward divine things inflamed, exclaims, Well done,

with the highest virtue boy, so for thyself a step thou wilt make into the heavens.

Before therefore the cenobial consortship thou approach, about to do

to me a thing worth the labor it seems, if thee indeed

diligently I admonish, what especially are to the Monks

both the laws and the events. A most beautiful indeed deed

thou contrivest: but in the monastic order with bitter art thou with troubles

to be afflicted. Vigils sleepless to undergo thou hast, to nocturnal

psalms to be sung to lie, about to suffer adverse

things, sometimes objurgations to hear, grave

troubles thou wilt approach. But indeed a victor thou wilt come forth, and from all

dangers thou wilt be quit. But indeed, if among these

all calamitous things both magnanimously and faithfully, received the habit he puts on. for

love toward God, a stable step thou settest, then

at length on thee will square exactly that saying

of Christ Jesus, who shall have persevered unto the end he

shall be saved: and this same to thee may make God to thee willing propitious.

Therefore with constant vigor Hubert from that venerable

Prior, both good, both upright, under the Benedictine

without immense congratulation, in the year of the Incarnate word about

six hundredth ^e; at which indeed time Pelagius,

as to memory has been handed, the Roman Pontificate held. Mat. 10, 12

Then also with Christian piety far the most

distinguished Hildebert the King, held possession of affairs

in France. How much therefore to the monastic disciplines

Hubert grew together increased and strong, incredible

it is. With honorable morals more adorned, he was strong with a face comely,

with speech affable, with colloquy sweet, with more grateful

service, of all he deserved well. How much

moreover shone forth piety toward God, observance toward

elders, benevolent love toward all; so to God to please,

the Brothers' favor to merit, to all dear to be.

Nor indeed only before himself a generous nobility

he smelled, but of the kindly Divinity the grace he savored more odorously.

ANNOTATA.

Nay rather Seven hundredth, as above said; ill therefore hither agrees the name of Pelagius the Pope, whether the first, who sat from the year 519 to 558, to Childebert I contemporary; or the second, who sat from the year 577 to 579.

To Chap. 2 num. 10 Note, that although the Fief's name in the 9th century first to be heard began, anciently however Allodia or hereditary goods were distinguished, from those given in Benefice: of the former, to anyone it was permitted at pleasure to dispose; of the latter, not but the right of the supreme Lord saved. Such a right if the Vermandois Count truly had had, unjustly this to him would have subtracted Peter, by delivering it to the Monks: therefore such a right the Count none had; but on another title relying, namely of nearest consanguinity, an injury to himself done through such an alienation rashly he pretended, although the estate to no one was bound, except to the necessary heir Hucbertus.

CHAPTER II.

The persuaded parents deliver him to the monastery of Bretigny: which lest he hinder the Count of Vermandois by Hubert appearing is prohibited.

[6] A desire meanwhile to the father and mother came, of Hubert

to see, wishing to ascertain, The parents seeking him, what

him in the temple so long delayed. They seek the convent,

about Hubert many things ask. When they ascertained

him the monastic Order to have entered, first

with grave grief they are struck, then having conferred mutually

with the Prior of Bretigny they complain, soon

Hubert they summon. To him standing before her the mother Joanna,

as she who her son with maternal affection more embraced,

with tears risen, said: If to me before a popular assembly,

or to most powerful Kings, or to Magnates

to be had were an oration, tears to be tempered, womanly

complaints to be abstained from I would think. But,

my sweetest son; since with thee as if my grief

to deposit I seem, either by weeping or by

complaining, there is not why I should dread words to make,

with tears bedewed my cheeks. In youthful age while I flourished,

supplication from God thee, son, I and thy father

obtained; God granting into the regions of light brought forth thou wast,

with such indeed hope that of our lineage a survivor by right

hereditary thou wouldst be. Illustrious indeed to be I deem, if

bears; the highest and most preeminent is that at length nobility, and to the mother that home he return exhorting,

which God loves, God worships, God venerates:

this with us also at my command thou wouldst have done.

What dost thou undertake, dear son? what dost thou begin? Thy father

to the religion Christian among the first himself addicts, in praying

to God frequent, in alms liberal, of the needy of the people he deserves

well. Add that with justice he is famed, with probity he is bright, with virtue

he gleams. What, most tender son,

dost thou contrive? If of an illustrious mind the brightnesses so greatly thee

allure, nothing we resist, in the paternal home abundantly they will increase.

The most ample of Bretigny house far and wide

extends: there are to us citadels proud, there are estates

richer, a revenue opulent yearly is paid.

We now in senile age from death not far are,

to thee alone all riches about to leave: thee only

one heir we await. Thus from our hope are we fallen?

Come, son sweetest, the home seek again: have pity

on a mother's tears, have pity on a father's old age.

[7] When the noble matron had finished speaking, to his more indulgent

genetrix Hubert, in disposition excellent an adolescent, reposes Hubert the example of Christ, as if

with the Holy Spirit full, that gravely and accurately to be answered

he deemed with this address. Although, sweet-speaking

mother, thy mournful words and tearful wailings,

both grief and tears to me abundantly stir

(nor for, as commonly is said, blood

can lie) yet from the begun things to be torn I shall by no means be able

ever. Namely an inspiration divine me to this

illustrious deed to be undergone instigated. Nor indeed

is hidden from me what the most sacred eloquences command, Honor

father and mother, that thou be long-lived upon the earth,

and may bless thee God. In turn, I think, thou

holdest in memory, how lucidly in the Gospel

is recounted, the most pious Jesus, twelve

years old, secretly from his mother at Jerusalem in

the temple to have remained, wonderful things to have asked, and to the Scribes responses

far more keen to have given, all wondering

at the prudence and responses of the more ingenious Jesus.

Three days after found in the temple, to Mary his mother, weeping

and querulous, kindly and placidly such bore a response:

What is it that me you were seeking? Know you not

that in those things which my father's are it behooves me to be?

By which response bent the mother, no response

against made. Come, tell me, parent far the dearest,

what thinkest thou? Whether this excellent and divine of Christ

deed in vain to letters' monuments handed

is? Whether for us in vain is read? More ponderingly

in mind revolve, with mind the sacred eloquence embrace,

what is it other than a certain of grasping

piety exemplar? and he seeks that it to follow may be permitted to him, All my life's days

God to serve, the temple to inhabit, to sacred things me wholly

to addict, my mind I have brought: thus to me persuaded,

thus decreed it is. Surely to my mortal mother any

of injury done is gone, if my Maker I follow? mine

O glorious Father my celestial, who of the Virgin most sacred

to be born willed, who a perennial kingdom in heaven

holdest; mayest thou be present to me I pray happy, clement, propitious:

sweetly and supplicating thy help I implore;

the bitter of my parents perturbations remove

far, sadness all keep off, let depart

grief all, nor to me henceforth let them be obstacles whereby the less

to thy sacred things I be addicted. Why dost thou lament? why

groaning weepest, most loving genetrix? why to me

terrestrial wealth and dignities dost thou promise? I

indeed joys, pleasures, pomps of the slipping world

at a trifle value: an earthly inheritance, falling, slippery,

false, vanishes away; the celestial, solid and eternal is held.

God I have chosen, God I will love, God I will worship,

God I will venerate, to God sacred I will be, God for

your all salvation I will ask, nor any of mortals'

suggestion me from these my begun things will tear. and there unto death to remain. For which reasons

thee, good mother, I beseech and adjure, through Jesus

and the rest of the Heaven-dwellers, with your leave here a Monk

let me profess, here to divine things let me have leisure, here Christ

Jesus let me contemplate: death is at hand, old age seeks,

nature's right shortly is to be paid: wherefore

permit only that I begin that, which, as soon as

human life we shall have departed, likewise, my as

dearest father and mother, we are in that celestial

beatitude to do. For in that manner with far greater

and truer I shall be to you a solace. Spiritual of the mind

delights together frequently we shall take. Accordingly return home,

and at the same time a glad life live.

[8] Scarcely those things said he had finished, when suddenly Peter

of Bretigny, The assenting parents the most arms-mighty Knight, as if with divine

afflated power, into these words burst forth: Stop,

son, the discourse longer, to God through thee speaking

let us consent, it is necessary. For nor thy voice

God it thunders. To the divine will earth-born men

to obey both befits, both is fair. An Angel

live, as it pleases thee, celibate; a Monk profess;

our all property common be; for me, and thy mother

for thee God suppliant pray. their goods threefold they divide, These things having said, he himself

likewise and the genetrix the son embraced kiss,

and at the same time the citadel seek again, not without joy

immense. Nor much after, having followed Joachim and Anna,

the ancestral parents of Christ Jesus, the proceeds of money

all they divided: a part to Divus Peter of Bretigny

convent was attributed, a part among the poor distributed,

to pilgrims, orphans, widows, the infirm

is bestowed; but indeed a third to the daily food

store and liberal beneficence they laid up;

these three parts to Hubert they bequeathed. Things in this

manner beautifully accomplished, Hubert in mind free and of his vow

possessed, wholly to sacred things himself addicted. His morals

were most honorable, now to lection to be zealous, now

to prayers' meditations to lie diligently he took care.

At the beginning the Psalter of the royal Seer, he himself a life most piously establishes: then the holy

Scriptures both by memory and most quickly he learned. Thus

to himself and honor he procures. But how great of a most upright

conversation flowed in him purity, the published miracles

declared, which soon a little will be narrated.

And he himself indeed temperate and frugal, his most tender

body he subdued. Thrice in the week through all his life

and the sixth; and on these three days the food portion,

which to him was ministered, to men altogether poor to bestow

he was wont.

[9] On these best deeds the enemy of the human race

the devil envied. the demon's, to defection soliciting, temptations he conquers: To divine meditation having leisure

Hubert fraudulently the demon accosts, openly

confessing of the celestial Angels one himself to be, for that by God's

command from heaven sent down, that more manifestly what the divine

will was, he might open to the youth wavering.

To please exceedingly God that of his parents to the vows he should obey,

nor them with grief lasting to waste away suffer,

lest from a good hope he fall, and an opulent patrimony

disdain. A matter too arduous of imprudent

boys in the manner rashly he had undertaken,

beyond right and good. For indeed what can be

more inhuman, than paternal griefs to hold this way

and that? What (mischief) more demented would be a folly or

rather a stupidity, than great wealth, by paternal sweat

acquired, with insane contempt to squander! Let him return

therefore more quickly to the paternal home, and his own let him fill

with gladness; unless he do divine wraths soon to experience.

Then indeed Hubert in mind to totter began,

and with grand weariness to grow weak; what he should do, whither himself

to turn in a doubtful matter, uncertain. As soon

as the satanic frauds he perceived, and the wiles helping divine

favor he foresaw; the weariness he expels from his breast, and the cogitation

depraved far away he averts; and that not

but first a prayer to God poured.

[10] It happened not so very long after no less a perturbation,

which however itself to Hubert's of praises titles

was added. A rumor grew abroad to the ears of the Count of Vermandois,

with whom alone the supreme power of the Bretigny

Domain at that time was, To the Count of Vermandois, at the fief alienated indignant, that Hubert,

now long ago had been initiated to sacred things, the inheritance paternal

all to the Monks was sacred, accordingly no

in these lands to the Count would be henceforth of homage command.

Bore the most illustrious Prince that very thing quite grievously,

and forthwith that injury concerning the fiefs to be reclaimed

to remove by war he resolved. Forthwith therefore into arms

at once a stipendiary soldiery is gathered, war is declared

to Peter Lord of Bretigny: many mortals to and

fro frequent assembled. When ascertained

he had the Prince of Bretigny by an atrocious war himself to be sought, about to resist the father, his son's prayers demands: as

nor before with arms to contend he thought, but Hubert,

of whom so great a strife was moved, to consult he would address.

He was strong that Count of Vermandois both in bodily

strength and in lofty principality, and in military affairs

very much availed, inasmuch as savage and strenuous in

arms. Peter therefore the noble Knight, about to take a journey

to the duel fierce, the prayers and help of his son Hubert

in the monastery demands, and that with him likewise

he would go earnestly requires. Most sacredly promises the holy Man

himself to be present, and present help to bring; let him go

as soon as possible the father to the field of battle, and with excellent

fortitude and great of mind hope relying,

without doubt due suffrages most sacred to the all-potent

God to extend himself. Go boldly, my

father, he says: indeed for thee suppliant I will pray God,

whom beyond doubt the safest from all peril

had the pious father, and exceedingly glad from his son departed,

and to the appointed of the contest place more quickly

hastened. who to those about to fight appearing, But after that mutual into sight

they came, on both sides they draw up the battle-line, and to a battle

bloody themselves fierce gird: meanwhile

Hubert, on his promise standing, much God with tears

with intent prayer asks. Nor long he delayed to bring aid.

For in the army of Bretigny, Hubert

with an angelic surrounded phalanx seen openly was,

and before all recognized; and that not only by the Count of Vermandois,

but the whole also host. Now indeed

the Count, by the divine vision terrified, a frozen invaded

tremor; forthwith the lance he cast away, from his horse himself to the earth

threw, and at the same time with bent knee Peter of Bretigny

by the hand seized. Thereupon mutually kissing

peaceful they joined right hands: there a perpetual of friendship

covenant in turn they make: swears most sacredly

the Count the entered covenant himself to break never:

and suddenly when they had returned into favor, Divus

Hubert together with the Angels' multitude from the eyes

of the bystanders vanished. an author of peace he becomes. The father with a bloodless victory

exulting, to Bretigny returned, into the lofty of Divus Peter

temple himself betook, rich gifts ratified, immense

to God the Savior and to his son Hubert thanks gave.

To have happened this excellent deed, in the year first that

Divus Hubert the monastic institute to profess had begun,

to memory has been handed. That matter to Hubert

is it that for that benefaction vain glory he was hunting,

that even that all to God acceptable he referred.

Grew abroad his indeed fame through the mouths of peoples,

but daily was increased a sanctity greater: so

far Hubert with virtue most illustrious mortals other

all excelled.

CHAPTER III.

Miracles, after the Priesthood received, in the last of his life two years wrought: his pious death.

When twenty ^a now years both justly and chastely

he had spent, consecrated he was with the assent of all

he was, God openly showed: for Pontiffs three,

of Soissons ^b, of Laon ^c, of Noyon ^d,

by a nocturnal vision through Gabriel the Archangel admonishes,

that to Bretigny they should set forth, the divine man

Hubert to visit (he a sacred thing, first

to the Priesthood consecrated, was about to do) that God willed

that the three Pontiffs to Hubert sacrificing, for the place of singular

honor, should be present. Therefore unexpected the most sacred

Pontiffs to Bretigny came, before 3 Bishops his first-fruits he offers. divinely instigated.

For a miracle the matter was held, especially since no

at all had intervened of one summoned. There were present the three Pontiffs

to Hubert the Sacred performing. But the finished of the sacred

thing solemnity, a marvelous thing happened.

For indeed when to a banquet sat had been, among

the Nobles several and most holy Pontiffs, who

then at the feast reclined, a beggar unexpected

at the tables was present: he before the dining assembly an alms

besought. Christ he feeds in a poor man, Then at length Hubert, with how great of a more liberal

mind munificence he was strong not obscurely made patent:

for the viands all, which had been set

for the new Priest Hubert, the needy one with his own hand

took, and forthwith disappeared. Wonder the banqueters,

at so great a prodigy are astounded, Hubert

with the highest praises extol; at the feast to those present

Christ to the most sacred banquet to have glided to have been, commonly

it was believed. For who would disbelieve, that the immense

God often a poor beggar's person to have put on? he

therefore a poor man to be believed Christ to be without doubt both

could, and ought. Hither accedes a deed far very

memorable, inasmuch as which of excellent sanctity

an opinion generated, not only to the rustic

people, but to the Pontiffs also three. Through the same

light a woman, from the town of Noyon sprung, a possessed woman he frees,

when most wretchedly by a malign spirit she was tormented, before

the feet is offered to Divus Hubert. There is produced a miracle

immense. For as soon as the possessed woman with the Cross's

sign he had illuminated, joined with a hands' imposition;

forthwith the nefarious demon fled away, clearly

also seeing those who then there present were.

So by the prayer of S. Hubert to her pristine health restored

the possessed woman, safe and unharmed to the dwellings

paternal returned. From which things the kindly of his life

sanctity and the illustrious Hubert's virtues, the Pontiffs

three easily knew, and him afterward

with the highest of honor worship held: nor indeed they hesitated,

but that departing of his prayers by the most sacred suffrages

greatly themselves commended to be they wished.

So Divus Hubert venerated back they went.

[12] a dumb and paralytic he cures, A matron likewise from the field of Laon with like fate

an only son had borne, and that boy through nine

years neither to have spoken nor to have walked with the feet's going

was reported, until to Divus Hubert brought

he was. Before the lying boy Divus Hubert,

of faith full, commands, thus saying a word deprecatory.

In the name of Jesus Christ, in whom washed

with the most sacred laver thou art, forthwith rise, and stand thou

erect upon thy feet, and speak. Nor delay,

soon as he heard the commanding Hubert's most potent

voice, with good health gifted forthwith he rose,

and to speak distinctly began. Sick people innumerable, and

with rabid fury raging, and many other sick people, and with various affected diseases

with the most present soundness S. Hubert imparted;

to whom all two holier precepts to give

he was wont: one that far was chief: Go thou, my

dearest brother, home, about to give honor to one

only God; and to the most high of all things Creator

thanks render thou, nor mayest thou dare to anyone to disclose of mortals,

that Hubert thee healed, lest worse to thee

it happen. Then thereupon a law this he gave far

best: Beware lest by God's name thou swear, inasmuch as

it is an enormous crime. For which cause once by the elders'

custom it was received, that the Laon people, whence to veneration also his name is.

of Noyon, of Soissons, by S. Hubert

to swear were wont; so much of that man celestial

excellent shone the sanctity. A constant also fame

from ancient back ages grew unto our age

even, so much of authority and power more than

human to itself the very Hubert's name for the divine sanctity

to have assumed, that wherever this name, indeed

quite venerable and august, inscribed was held,

moreover whatsoever of his most sacred body's

relics shall have been touched, to this same neither lightning,

nor tempest, nor the terrification of satan, nor

madness, nor frenzy to harm could ever. Now

that to be to truth consonant to be believed; fitting and pious

it is; since there confirm daily miracles;

and of pilgrims the concourse, to Bretigny in throngs

rushing, an irrefragable faith make repeatedly ^e.

[13] The parents being dead Grew the divine man's toward God most flagrant

love, and now to the highest of virtue summit

he had come, now nothing but God almost he perceived,

now not but celestial things with his mind's cogitation he embraced,

now nothing except divine things he spoke,

now the heaven's sweetnesses he burned for; when in a few

days the father and mother of Hubert from human affairs migrated,

without doubt felicity eternal having attained.

Nor long afterward Hubert a survivor on earth was.

Increased the parents' deaths sudden to the divine man

both of human things weariness, and of celestial

joy a desire immense. He desires more quickly to die and from mortal

life to depart, to die also he desires, that more quickly the vision of God he might enjoy

both blessed and everlasting. Very frequently with bowed

prayers' demanding God earnestly he asks, that of corporeal

stain free into celestial purity he may emerge,

and a good end having attained into the society of the faithful

he may be enrolled. And so in nocturnal watches at the sacred altars

to the holy Man, to prayers' meditations lying,

sent down from heaven Michael appeared; to bid

God that Hubert as quickly as possible into heaven

from earth depart: and obtains, accordingly consolation in mind he should take,

nor with longer sadness languish; about to be

beatitude he be gifted. These things he says, and at the same time the celestial

messenger on high returned. Then indeed Hubert

with incredible joy his twin hands clasped

congratulating, from the bottom of his breast thanks

gave, immense praise composed to Christ Jesus. Therefore

after ten years and months three at Bretigny

in the convent the man Apostolic Hubert had spent; in the 11th year of monastic life:

and of virtues with the summit lofty and of miracles

with glory distinguished, devoutly and religiously conversant

had been; to be imminent of his day of death by divine revelation

ascertained he had. Accordingly the known death

to his Brothers, lest by a sudden fear they be struck,

amicably he disclosed. Then indeed with atrocious grief

are wasted all, lamentation and mourning arises,

tears everywhere from eyes flow. Thence weeping together

Hubert, with a bitter fever lying on his little bed,

surround: there earnestly to beseech God they began,

lest by a premature death, in youthful age, blooming

Hubert fall. Therefore in flowery youth's

age a precocious death would he undergo? Thus with a nobler

excelling disposition, his dear Brothers deserted to be would he suffer?

And so God suppliant they prayed, lest he should die

the good Hubert, so sweet, so benign, so

amiable, so clement.

[14] When so mournful a clamor resounds; when he perceived

Divus Hubert with bitter grief consternated

the Brothers, and the mourning Brothers having consoled, them all to be consoled he held;

and with the mind's alacrity and the cheerfulness of a smiling face,

is said blandly to have addressed them, whom sad

for his of one passing he perceived; lastly he made

of all things founder good Jesus, my soul

to thy clemency commended to be suppliant

I would. And indeed love toward me thy very great

to be easily I perceived, especially since through a celestial

Angel thou commandest from this world to be by me departed.

Unhappy too much would be the command, unless one an unclean

heart to purge should strive. Yet to the supreme

mandate to resist never is permitted, since

by us all once it is to be died; with such therefore

merciful and clement God, to thee alone I confess and of crimes

pardon I pray suppliant. Whatsoever by me

ever has been sinned, pardon being asked from God for his sins, and whether by perverse thought, or

by swelling pride, or by envious spite, or by inert

sloth, or by torpid carelessness, or by indignant bile,

against thy divine majesty has been

offended, that wholly all on account of the bitter of thy death

passion, for the unstained faith in thee mine, forgive thou

clement and propitious abolish thou. Moreover, good

God, I pray, have mercy on my most wretched soul.

This placidly and cheerfully receive thou, as soon as the dead

body shall have gone out, and by thy alone liberal gift

with the celestial kingdom's glories may it be adorned. Lastly this one thing

from thy beneficence to be obtained I strive vehemently

again and again, evil, peril all,

at once and sadness by thy alone gratuitous gift from

these Brothers Monks keep off: Bretigny

and the kinsfolk, from evil beasts, hail, lightning, he commends to him the monastery, diabolical

illusion, free thou: and besides, if anyone with the falling

disease labor or with insane madness rage, and he

to Bretigny of help to be obtained for the cause shall have betaken himself,

he from the cruel disease as free as possible be; grant

willing and propitious, that which to my godfather ^f thou gavest,

whosoever of my name the patronage shall have implored,

forthwith from him the rabid frenzy avert thou.

Of the supreme trinity, and of the virgin mother Mary at the same time

and of all the Divine ones the help I implore, that my

soul with serene countenance they may receive, and in the everlasting

rest's pleasant bosom may place.

[15] and placidly he expires, With several other of that kind of prayers' supplications

demanded God Divus Hubert, under

the impending death's hour the sacred of Christ's body

Communion he tasted, and the rest of Christian piety's

sacraments by the custom of the elders received: soon

thence when on his bed reclining, as if a slumber

sweetish he were taking, the Monks meanwhile hymns

and canticles around composing, with a tranquil sigh

he breathed out his spirit, and forthwith the paradisiac

rest he sought; on the third Kalends of June, reigning

at that time Dagobert ^g, far the most valiant King

of the Franks. But after that Divus Hubert his soul

had expired, at Bretigny suddenly so sweetly smelling

an odor wafted, just as if a divine power all

of the vernal mildness flowers into that place had gathered.

From which thing what is to be thought other,

than that of paradisiac fragrance a sweet pleasantness

to the obsequy of the funeral had breathed for most holy

Hubert? Soon Hubert from life to have departed

grew the rumor; there is a running to the obsequies. and indeed quite noble the fame of him

not only the neighboring shores went, but through the whole

also of the Belgic region's circuit his sanctity

far and wide was divulged. They rush thence in troops,

by so great a sweetness of odor allured, of peoples

wedges of the faithful; and from everywhere through all

the paths of the ways they run up. They contend each one to touch

Divus Hubert's holy body, for the soundness salutary

by those present to be obtained: nor of those asking anyone

empty departed; all that which by Hubert's

name they had demanded not reluctantly obtained.

For which things God most beneficent openly

showed, with how great of virtues dignity glorious

Hubert, or with what of supernal honor privilege he was endowed;

inasmuch as the more God, when on earth

he was, with entire charity he loved, the more with a more potent endowment to curing

diseases he excels. But that more manifestly that

all may grow clear, with a veracious recount examples splendid

I will subjoin.

ANNOTATA.

CHAPTER IV.

Miracles done after his death.

[14] A few days afterward elapsed, when the holy Body

of the venerable Hubert at Bretigny in an honorable

sepulchre was deposited, The health of a dead arm from S. Hubert the Bishop demanding. Namaramus,

warlike most celebrated, although in piety conspicuous

and in probity he was, his arm however the right half-dead

and bloodless very many days carried about. He health

to obtain from Hubert the Great, Ardenne

sought: and when nine days, and as many nights

with the pious of sacred things rite in the church of Divus Hubert of Ardenne,

just as by a most grievous struck disease, by night he lay;

that he should rise swift, and the supreme should perform oracle.

Go, openly it says, to the eminent of Hubert

the Monk of Bretigny temple: he is bidden it at Bretigny to seek. for it has divinely

placed a gift by his merits kindly thee

altogether of healing, with whom alone the same which

to me toward sick people all the highest power is. Nothing

delaying the pious man the command celestial obeys, and under

of night untimely the silence rising with great

journeys to Bretigny hastens, and there

with corporeal health is gifted, suffraging Divus Hubert

of Bretigny. What than this work notable can be

more evident? what with so great power for driving away sicknesses

stands out more excellent? Equally therefore Hubert

of Bretigny for averting diseases potent is, as

that most celebrated Hubert of Ardenne; which

indeed ingenuously we ought to confess, even compelled by the things'

more manifest argument.

[16] Are cured a lunatic woman one, None the less worthy of narration I would deem, although

less of excellence before itself to bear it may seem. When with various

exceedingly both miracles and virtue to be effected the Most Blessed

flourished Hubert, by so many signs led a Lunatic woman,

from a Village this side of the Aisne ^a sprung, herself betook to Bretigny.

The woman of Petronilla the name bore. As before the most sacred

body she came, to pray with tears indeed most abundant

she began Divus Hubert, that he would confer to her praying

the joys of health. But when nine days at

the altars of Divus Hubert with insane brain wounded she had lain,

at length the health for a long while desired by the patronizing

of Hubert's suffrage she merited to obtain. Wherefore

healthy now the woman her paternal borders seeking again,

magnificently praised God far the most pious

Christ Jesus, who for the kindly Hubert's prayers wonderful things

wrought. Far the most marvelous to seem to all

it is fair, the deed now to recount it is settled in mind. and 13 possessed.

Thirteen men, by demons unclean seized,

after one passed year that Divus Hubert

from human affairs had departed, to the church sacred to Divus Hubert

led were, are reported their origin to have drawn from

of the Soissons city a district (by the old appellation Turris-Comitis

called) days nine before the most sacred

of Divus Hubert body, with iron manacles bound

they stood; while meanwhile with daily fasts and prayers'

supplication diligent work they had applied, on the ninth

at length light amid the Mass's solemnities they grew well: thence

their Soissons homes congratulating they returned.

[17] How much sincere of a feminine mind faith avails,

very richly a witness will have given the example

subjoined. In the year 1234 a woman by a miracle across the Oise carried, In the two hundred thirty-fourth above

the thousandth of the Lord's Incarnation year, on the third

Kalends of June, on the day to B. Hubert sacred solemnly, a wonderful

thing happened. A woman to be present at the annual solemnity

greatly when she desired, the Oise river

(as is wont to come to pass) at that time more wavy was an obstacle.

Now to the brink of the river overflowing she had come; but

who the foreign woman should ferry across, appeared of rowers

none: then indeed of human helps destitute,

the help of Divus Hubert with a lamentable wailing to call

she began, earnestly beseeching that at the feasts to be present worthy

she be held. What more to have related should I try? an offspring she brings forth before the altar, Wonderful and

the same almost incredible I am about to describe. For indeed

to ferry over that woman without any whatever

support rowed over. And so the ship boarded

the woman, and without a rudder and without danger any

the river crossed; and so into the church sacred of Bretigny

with a swifter course to honor Divus

Hubert proceeded. There a wonderful thing happened: inasmuch as that

woman, since now for a while pregnant she was, nor by the long

fetus was freed, unexpectedly with all looking on, who

then at the divine Sacrifice before stood, near the greater

altar a boy bore indeed most beautiful. Of this kind

the religious matron referred, inasmuch as whom amid praying

concerning a childbirth happy more sweetly she had besought. to another a shoulder is healed. Hither accedes

deeds more splendid heap up. Under the same hour amid

sacrificing, a matron exceedingly noble, of Magnicampus

She her right arm as it were dead pendulous

had borne years three, not small wealth on physicians

she had expended, nor for that good health

had she attained. And so full of faith and piety, an excellent

deed she undertakes. She washes her bloodless arm

in those waves, with which a little before the sacred of Divus Hubert

head had been washed: and that she did openly before the popular

gaze. There how much of Divus Hubert could avail the authority,

with a help manifest to all was shown.

On the spot the feeble arm lively and robust

came forth.

[18] robbers 2 condemned to death, Come now further let us narrate that also

one thing, which the human races may wonder at and with perennial

praise extol. There is in Belgium far the most celebrated

two, with a notable theft notorious, there given into custody

to have been confessedly is reported, and thereupon to death

condemned for nefarious crimes. Which when ascertained

they had, forthwith celestial aid to be

fled to advisedly they thought. Inasmuch as

of things the extreme necessity wretched mortals to this

sometimes impels, that of human helps destitute,

then at length divine protections suppliant they implore.

Therefore their deploring trouble, with whole mind's

devotion S. Hubert they proclaimed. Happened

forthwith a wonderful thing and rather divine. For indeed

while with the highest effort the patronage of Hubert they demand,

suddenly themselves at Bretigny before the doors of the temple

by divine help to have been translated they knew, and with irons

also and bonds (as captives is wont) bound.

The temple's threshold having entered they persisted days nine, from prison and bonds miraculously they are loosed.

the Hubertine help beseeching. At length

the grave of Hubert intervened authority, by which more quickly

the bonds broken into liberty themselves they vindicated.

A pact namely with the adverse faction entered, without

of harm damage mutually they came together: soon

their paternal homes returned, the happy event commonly narrated.

About which things by no means it is to be said

with how many of praises proclamations, and those magnificent, the supreme

and far the loftiest they extolled God concerning

his glorious confessor Hubert. Nor indeed only

to the best Bestower God immense they gave thanks,

but Divus also Hubert with great veneration

for the conferred benefits they affected: inasmuch as nothing

before itself bears needy mortality nor more excellent nor

more ancient, than deserved honors to bear to Divine Patrons.

O thee most blessed! O ineffable heaven-dweller,

Divus Hubert! who with so magnificent of virtues prerogative

art strong. The world's slipping vain pomp

with a lofty indeed mind thou despisedst, but celestial

riches thou burnedst for. Now though joy thou enjoyest eternal,

nor yet wretched mortals to aid dost thou cease.

[19] Elapsed years after the Christian birth a thousand

three hundred, In the year 1300 a virgin of noble sprung progeny of corporeal

members altogether was unequal. She

was called Agnes, from a town ^d Laschenium

her drawing origin. A triennium perpetual with an unhappy

sickness ill affected at home she lay, she is cured after a triennium bedridden when

from neighbors she hears the fame of the glorious Hubert of Bretigny.

Soon from the inmost of heart affection herself to Divus Hubert

she devotes, and the help of the Saint greatly beseeches:

nor long she delayed, but venerating

Hubert's most sacred church she sought. And therefore

to Bretigny to the most sacred of the Hubertine body

mausoleum herself to be carried she took care.

And when through days nine continuous on the temple's

couches she had lain, and an oblation votive daily

making at the sacred thing present she was; pristine health

she attained, and into her own citadels without of bearers

help she returned.

[20] Not so long thence after age, on the day

to Divus Hubert festal, much the most marvelous deed

happened: the feast violating, for the solemn feast by Christians,

by most indeed, but especially by the Bretigny inhabitants

then to be kept is wont. But a Bretigny certain

native far otherwise did: more desirous for a house

to be built, scarcely the ground to dig out for the foundations to be made

he had begun; when at once lo by the malign

spirit seized the wretch, unspeakably is tortured, and into

he is covered: the boys several, who then the brute herds in

the open pastures along that irreligious man's

estates were pasturing, the sudden precipitation having beheld,

swift run up; at once the unhappy cases to the neighbors

and kinsmen announce. Then indeed in troops

they rush, to the man dying fraternal help

to bring. Forthwith digging out very much earth,

in the deepest trench half-dead a little man, and now now

dying they find: a black moreover

mark on his forehead, as a livid scar

they discover, so hardly him the evil enemy had struck. and therefore punished,

What they should do, or what they should undertake,

long they hesitated; at length, as divinely afflated, with a dire

wound wounded the little man into the temple upon

the table they brought. Thence abundantly weeping

almost dead before the most sacred of Divus Hubert bier

they set. by the Saint's help he is healed, Three days that rustic man in that state

pitiable remained: after three however days he grew well

indeed safe, but that enormous mark forty

days fixed on his forehead appeared. But indeed,

altogether sound he came forth. And so for the obtained soundness

thanks indeed greatest he gave, both to the most beneficent

God, both to Divus Hubert with a few

good.

[21] For which things both of the most holy life the conversation,

and the stupendous of miracles immensity openly

show, And these suffice to the praise of the Saint, eternal with the blessed God felicity

Divus Hubert now long since to enjoy. For what

than this most evident declaration more manifest? Whether

indeed anyone by a sacrilegious error so is impious, that

he should go to deny, Hubert of Bretigny neither prodigious

great things to have done, nor in the Saints' roll

to be inscribed? Felt the husbandman profane the divine for

the nefarious impiety vengeance; felt likewise the help

present for the worship religious: about which matter

how much of honor, how much of excellence to Divus

Hubert attributes the eternal and supreme God, how much

his most candid prayers he values, with so great

of prodigies a heap, with so many miracles clear he came forth.

Therefore far the most worthy Divus Hubert with the best

right is to be deemed, to whom with sonorous strains let us sing together

all; O of Divus Hubert splendid proclamations,

O ineffable ardor of charity, who while of the perishing

world the fleeting pomps he despised, the perennial of the eternal

kingdom glory he attained. There remain innumerable

almost other miracles, which by a divine certain and

singular privilege Divus Hubert published: but all

in order if to recount indeed I should wish, the other innumerable being omitted. a work

inexhaustible to contrive with an insane I shall seem daring, from which

things these very small both not to my only littleness, but

to the most avid also of the faithful Christians zeal

enough abundantly they will have done. May grant to us Christ

Jesus, that by the salutary of Divus Hubert intercession

both from all adverse things we be freed, and the eternal of the celestial

fatherland rest we may obtain, perpetually about to praise

God three and one. Amen.

ANNOTATA.

ON S. FERDINAND III

KING OF CASTILE, LEÓN, ETC.

AT SEVILLE IN SPANISH BAETICA.

IN THE YEAR MCCLII.

TO THE MOST REVEREND LORDS THE DEAN AND CHAPTER OF THE PATRIARCHAL CHURCH OF SEVILLE

DANIEL PAPEBROCH OF THE SOCIETY OF JESUS HIMSELF AND HIS STUDIES OFFERS AND DEDICATES.

Ferdinand, King of Castile and León, at Seville in Baetica (S.)

There returns to You the Holy King FERDINAND, your Founder,

whom before these three years in a singular Volume

to precede you wished the last Volume of our May,

by its own mass and by the multitude of the Saints impeded,

and therefore more slowly than your vows suffered hastening;

and whom to the Throne of the Royal Catholic Majesty

yourselves then conducted. There returns however with second,

nay third, cares more increased and more polished all our concerning so august an argument

lucubration, in a grander work, by the common of S. D. N. INNOCENT

XI Pope the Roman Pontiff, and of the most powerful Monarch CHARLES II

of the Spains and Indies the Catholic King auspices at length now completed;

with surrounding the Holy King the Saints, into the same Month concurring,

more than a thousand six hundred, by name expressed. My prompt zeal

toward your Most Reverend College's honor not less I hope you will recognize

from this second and better edition, nor with a more sparing it you will receive

benevolence, than from that prior one you approved our to You of obeying

endeavor.

PRELIMINARY COMMENTARY.

Ferdinand, King of Castile and León, at Seville in Baetica (S.)

BY THE AUTHOR D. P.

§ I On the prior of this Commentary and Acts edition, hitherto separately prepared, now revised, and not a little more augmented.

The True Effigy

of S. FERDINAND

King of Castile and León

This Alexander's countenance thus perhaps Apelles

Would have painted: but his mind that thou mayest know read his acts.

[1] Since to our Belgium this honor

befell, that a Governor from the Spains it should receive

the Most Serene

Cardinal Infante Ferdinand

of Austria, The name in our age begun to be frequented in Belgium, the brother-german

of our then King in each

orb most powerful Philip

IV, of whom an immortal among posterity

glory remains; Ferdinand's name, of a rarer otherwise

among the Belgians use, more frequently to be heard began, and of happy

omen for the cause at Baptism to be used. No one doubted,

but that great that and illustrious it was, which so great

and so dear to all a Prince bore; especially since at the same

time the Roman in Germany Empire held

Ferdinand II; and his son and then successor, Ferdinand

III, by the title of the Hungarian Kingdom was famed; the same he

with whom the aforesaid Cardinal Infante, in the year MDCXXXIV,

VIII Ides of September, with a happy at Nördlingen battle the Swedish

enemy routing, prefaced the victories, with us to be related

over the confederated of the French and Hollanders power. When

moreover on the III Nones of November Brussels having entered, the following

year was received at Antwerp on the XV Kalends of May, and

thereafter in the rest of the Royal Provinces' cities, with apparatus

so great, as to any ever Prince, possession

itself entering, done no men's memory had known;

nothing now in all Belgium more frequently was repeated, nothing was heard

more willingly, than the name of Ferdinand. Who moreover higher

wished to rise to past times' lights, recalled

Ferdinand, the first of this name Emperor,

who to the incomparable of fame hero Charles V brother had been, as very glorious,

and at the same time with him grandson of Ferdinand the Catholic, of whom

by the happy with Isabella marriage the coalesced of the Spains kingdoms,

into one with himself Monarchy had drawn, whatever of Provinces

was united to the Crowns of Aragon and Castile in

Belgium, Italy, and the very Indies. He was among of Castile, of León

the Kings of his name the Fifth, four for before

he numbered Synonyms, of whom the First the surname

of Great had merited. But as all those, as howsoever many

with them in all the world either could be named then, or

once had been in Histories named Princes Ferdinands,

an excellent indeed to that appellation brightness to procure

seemed; but whose splendor vain could be judged,

unless to it acceded of true and Christian Sanctity the light,

which even alone clear makes the bearer's name, even in a humbler

condition.

[2] Not was lacking indeed that light to the Ferdinandean name in

Spain; for the said among the Castilians and Leonese the Third,

with the surname of the Holy King was distinguished from others. not likewise as a saint, But

the same Sanctity so little known was held by the vulgar, even

the Spanish, that, except the of the Seville city inhabitants and dwellers-near,

scarcely anyone to the Patron Saints of the Spains to number

Ferdinand was heard. Nay John Tamayo de Salazar,

(whom if all the rest had been silent, here it would have behooved

most eloquent to have been) to the Gallican of Andrew Saussay Martyrology

of two volumes, his of six volumes Spanish

about to oppose, when from everywhere he drew together Saints, howsoever many

either he suspected to be able to conduce to augmenting the number,

he did not think of the Holy King Ferdinand. So that

the French, even after the edition of that Martyrology, so much more copious

than his, in their S. Louis, before four almost centuries

canonized, seemed to themselves to be able the Spaniards to despise, as

no hitherto to show able a holy of their nation

King (for Hermenigild, a Prince only, for the Kingdom

Martyrdom had obtained from his father) or at least such

Bore that grievously many pious faithful, to whom the glorious

Ferdinand's appellation from the sacred had befallen font, wishing

with annual cult they might follow, little laboring once for him the Spaniards, according to the now received among

Catholics custom, most laudable indeed and to many

most useful. For although in some places was found

which they call Legends, before a hundred fifty

years with Seville types in Spanish published, were found

the Life and miracles of the glorious King Don Ferdinand,

who Seville recovered; not however but by Spaniards

to be read that book could; nay even the Author, with the title of the Glorious

King content, abstained from the elogium of Saint, although by old use

among the Historians of his nation prescribed: nay even he reproached

the Seville people, that a new in Ferdinand Patron

having obtained, whose sanctity, within so brief

had manifested, not yet for him to be canonized a supplication

they had sent.

[3] Of this kind a reproach seemed against all, not only

the Seville people, but also the Spaniards so much more justly to be hurled;

by how much with greater and more lucid benefits, if by a manner

human things be estimated, them to himself had bound Ferdinand,

than his cousin Louis the French.

He indeed, for Christ's religion against the infidels fighting

in the East, although more to it obliged, than the French for S. Louis. not one of land a foot restored to the Commonwealth

Christian, which was not lost within a brief time,

himself still living and seeing: but Ferdinand

the Saint, so expelled the Moors from almost all Baetica, through years

five hundred by them occupied, that never into its possession

to return could they. The ancestral also and paternal kingdom

with immense augmenting accessions, of the faith also Christian

the worship far and wide propagated, in those parts no more

to be eradicated: and that while he does, and the Barbarians' forces

holds off and wears down, to the rest also of the Spanish Kings the faculty

he afforded of equal things doing, against to themselves bordering

Saracens. But who all things by their moments and times

prudently disposes God, to Louis judged to be hastened

of the Heaven-dwellers honors legitimate, for that which to him he had not given

of prosperous successes glory on earth; to Ferdinand

however then first them he willed by authority Pontifical asserted,

when of the wars more happily by him waged the memory, worn

by the times' antiquity, more sluggishly affected the oblivious

of past merits minds. For he stirred up of the Catholic

Kings and of the Chapter of Seville the zeal, Ferdinand lately such being declared,

of this, as to its Founder; of those, that to their Progenitor him they should seek

that cult in the Church universal to be decreed, which from a time

immemorial rightly to the same delivered in the Seville one, so many

and so great God daily declared by miracles, as many as were

in public Processes known and approved. Thenceforth more holily

and more venerably to be held began, not by Spaniards only,

but by foreign also nations several, Ferdinand's name,

whose merits that more quickly and more widely might be divulged,

to be persuaded to me I suffered, that in the year MDCLXXXIV, I should allow

in the last Volume of May to precede separately the same's Acts; the Acts published in anticipation,

and by the same reckoning I should satisfy the curiosity of many,

to whom of so many volumes as our work concerning the Saints

comprises and will comprise, either to be read leisure

or to be bought-together convenience is lacking; there is present however not

to whose contriving now almost sixty years spent

they hear, nor fewer to be spent to remain, before

the whole sacred Year, with that with which it began foot, runs down

to the end, in fifty or more Volumes

unfolded.

[4] For indeed with the same of investigating and holding antiquity

care, with the same method of discussing ambiguous and obscure things to be illustrated, as a specimen of the whole work,

with the same liberty and sincerity of discerning false

things from true, doubtful from certain, with which here are treated the Holy King

Ferdinand's Acts; my predecessors also the RR. PP. John

Bolland and Godfrey Henschen of all

the Saints, howsoever many in all the world are venerated or by Catholic

writers are celebrated, the deeds and

memorials, which indeed to their notice had come,

to be treated to themselves proposed they themselves, and to me to be continued

left. Those lucubrations would that either be read, with that

with which them we write mind, that is, from prejudices free; or

read all not able or not willing, to themselves let them allow

to be persuaded, to that which they hold specimen similar to be the rest:

since, against whatsoever at length detractions, that is the best

defense, which is not insinuated by words, but is furnished

by works. Now from such of anticipating a singular edition

counsel this also emerged convenience; that, while all things

through my hands and others' passed more often, before

to the principal among the very May Acts impression it was come;

the work itself came forth in various places more polished and more adorned,

corrected also errors some, which our prior diligence

had escaped; or now even me would lie hidden, unless those I had learned

by a friendly suggestion of the Spaniards learned, and of a closer

of things, places, and persons notice imbued.

Of such by the judgment and censure to be taught as sincerely I sought, so

I esteemed in part of felicity; now revised ingenuously professing, not to be

I of their number, who glory; as if at the first effort

all things they had given most perfect; and that of Pilate they seem to have assumed for a token, What I have written, I have written. All things

to do most rightly, and in nothing to fail, of the Gods is, said that one, not of men. And more willingly that of another

Wise man I would use, I grow old always learning something every day.

But if "the second thoughts are wiser," as the current

among the Greeks proverb says, there come forth much more correct. to teach, that the second

every cares wiser than the prior are: how much

more the third and fourth will add something of perfection to a work

to which they shall have been spent? But these also elsewhere by me to be spent,

and to be spent thenceforth, in afterward to be made of the Acts

now published Supplements; and whatsoever I shall have recognized less

rightly written, me in the same faithfully to retract;

more easily I thought to be believed, if to that also peculiar treatise,

in the very first edition, before it plainly was completed,

I should subjoin an Appendix of things to be added, to be changed,

to be corrected, as I did; and there noted each in their own

places now I add, change, correct, far more copiously than there

I promised.

§. II On the antiquity of the Ferdinandean name, and its then brightness and etymology from the old Gothic.

[5] Now that from everywhere known thou mayest have the name, with so many

titles venerable; I find that the first, Of the name no indication before the 10th century. who Castile

with the dignity of Count held, by the favor

of Garcia the King of León toward the end of the IX century, was called

Ferdinand: an earlier indeed none I find in the Spanish

History worthy to be named. For what to S. Ferdinand,

the Cajacensian in Campania Bishop,

pertains, on June XXVII by us to be recalled; no one easily

will say in what century he lived, although from Spain to have come into

Italy enough likely an opinion holds. But who from

the figments of Higuera, among veracious Historians never without

commiseration (for I would not say, indignation)

to be named; who, I say from the figments of Higuera Ferrandus,

DXL, dragged to Cartagena in Spain, that then

they might make him a Toledo Archbishop, on May XXXI among

the Saints to be held, nor refuted indeed deserve to be. True

however it is, that in the time of S. Ferdinand the King, for one

and the same name were taken Ferdinandus and Ferrandus;

as is plain from the subscriptions of a royal charter, communicating

the privileges of the Toledo Fuero to the Seville city, from which diverse plainly the Latin Ferrandus.

under which are read Ferrandus Gonsalvi and Munio Ferrandi;

and from the Epistles of Pope Honorius written, to Ferrandus

the Illustrious King of Castile; although he his name

in Latin not otherwise than Ferdinandus signed; in Spanish

however Fernando, for which in Italian almost is written Ferrante.

But these notwithstanding I judge most diverse to be the names

Ferrandus and Ferdinandus, as are Ignatius and

Ynecus; Theodorus and Theodoricus; Ignatius namely

by the Latins, Theodorus by the Greeks instituted; while

Ynecus and Theodoricus are Gothic, and plainly another

etymology having names. And Ferrandus indeed to be said

I judge from the Latin Ferrare, as Amandus from Amare;

although on account of a certain similitude of letters it is confused

with Ferdinandus, and for the same is taken. But Ferdinandus'

name I judge, either in Spain first composed

to have been, or thither brought, by some external nation,

other than were the Carthaginians the Phoenicians' offshoot from

Africa, or the Romans from Italy conveyed; although by the vulgar's acceptation confused with Ferrandus. and so its origin

to owe either to the Goths, in the North arisen and

in the year CCCCXII Spain having entered; or to the Saracens, whom

into the Goths' extermination the same sent Africa, about

the year DCCXIII.

[6] Double therefore from one or the other language I find to be drawn of the name

Ferdinandean an Etymon, each most auspicious.

The first from the Arabic of the Moors of Spain language suggests

Charles Macer, An onomatopoeia happy from the Arabic, in his additions to the Hierolexicon of Dominic

his brother, teaching, Ferh-din-handu, in that language

the same to be, as, The joy of the faith has he himself, or, The joy

of the faith with him; than which I know not what more apt could be devised

for him, who the restored in so many kingdoms of the Faith Christian

worship, joy about to perceive was, not only in time,

but also in eternity, and itself to all Spain about to make

common. Indeed the Saracens, although nothing less hold

than the true faith or God's law, in each however wonderfully

they glory, and themselves alone of the Faithful by the appellation

to be reckoned wish; whence also their Emperor they call

Miramolinus, which entirely to be written would be Amir-almunim,

that is, Commander of the Faithful. Nay even in this

our age's history I find Fekhred-dinus a certain one

(which the Glory of the law is interpreted) who of all the region

between Carmel and Damascus lying Lord, very many

to the Turks losses brought in Syria, and thence to Rome came

to Paul V, and at last at Constantinople was struck

in the head in the year MDCXXXIII. But howsoever much this from

the Arabs taken Ferdinandean of the Name derivation, happily

devised, may flatter the ingenium, to the honor of the Holy King

from his name to be sought inclined; shudders however the mind

from it to be undertaken. For scarcely can I be led to believe,

that the Spanish Princes, the truer from the Gothic of their ancestors' language, the genuine of the old Visigoths

offspring, who having possessed through three centuries of the Spains the empire

driven by the Moors, and into the mountains of Cantabria reduced,

there the ancient manners and faith kept; and little by little growing strong,

yielding in turn the Moors, the Galician, Leonese,

Navarrese and Aragonese kingdoms founded, and of the Moors'

hatred as with maternal milk had drunk: these, I say,

Spaniards, to believe I cannot, to have loved a name,

from elsewhere taken than from the Gothic of their ancestors' language;

and indeed from a language not simply foreign, but of a most hated

to them race. If it could from the Greek or Latin be sought a likely

etymon, we ought with it to be content: for these tongues

could not the Goths greatly disdain, after

Christ's faith taught by the Greeks, at the beginning of the IV century; but under

Valens into Arianism with their still Gentile Kings

drawn, in their old at the Danube seat, the error in

Spain they laid down, teaching them there the Latin Bishops,

S. Isidore and others. Now while it is established Ferdinand's

name, neither of Greek, nor of Punic, nor even of Latin origin

to be; less however credible it may seem to have flowed from the Moors;

it remains that its composition and original signification from the Goths

be sought.

[7] To this moreover investigation's way to be found, to know

it is fitting, much similar to the Swedes' language, the Goths or Gotths, either from Divinity, or from

Goodness, in their language a name for themselves having fashioned (for Got

both Good and God to them signified) to have proceeded

from those of today's Sweden parts, which unto the present

day with the interposed lake Wettern divided, of Westrogothia and

Ostrogothia, that is of Western and Eastern-Gothia

the names retain; which then names afterward

resumed among the Italians and Spaniards, to these Visigoths, to those

Ostrogoths gave; inasmuch as Italy the East, Spain

the West to regard are said, referred to each other mutually.

The Goths therefore from the North, through the Baltic sea, into those

passed over provinces, which now are reckoned Pomerania,

Meissen, Bohemia, and Hungary, at the Danube finally a seat

fixed (where now the Transylvanians, Wallachians and Moldavians

dwell) there known under Constantine the Great; under whom

now some among them a Church of the nation sent a Bishop, to the Fathers

of Nicaea numbered. To him succeeding some of the same

nation by name Ulfilas, the sacred books translated into

the Gothic language, the letters most borrowing from the Greeks.

But when the Princes of the Goths, even then Gentiles all,

with internecine hatred to be at variance had begun and with arms to clash; from whose now kingdom once advanced to the Danube the Goths,

the weaker part, of Valens the Emperor Arian the help

about to merit, Christ's law to embrace promised, but such

as with the Emperor was. This therefore part by the Imperial helps

made stronger, the other also part compelled Arianism to follow,

not without of many Martyrs the glorious death, of whom

by us is instituted a discourse at March XXVI and April XII.

So infected the whole of the Goths nation, the dismissed

habitation Danubian into Italy and Spain poured

itself, thither carrying Arianism, together with letters, both those

which Ulfilas had invented, in some part Greek; both Runic,

which from Sweden first they had conveyed; and with the original

Gothic language, not so altered, but that still much

they retained affinity to that, with which to this day the Swedes

and Germans speak. This is plain from the names of the Gothic

in Spain and Italy Kings and Princes,

Athanaric, Alaric, Sigeric, Theodoric, Amalric,

Erric, Witeric, Roderic; Ataulf, Aistulf,

Sigulf, Sigenulf; Athanagild, Leovigild; Trasemund,

Rosemund, Veremund; Kindaswind,

Regiswind; they retained names akin to the Swedish Ranemir, Richemir; Adalwald, Grimoald,

Rodoald; Gundebert, Cunibert, Liutbert,

Ragimbert; Asprand, Luitprand, Hildebrand;

Garibald, Gondemar, Recared, Sisenand, and of many

others; to which singly an etymology to fit from our

Northern languages would not be difficult, and so

to demonstrate, with how great reason can Ferdinand's name

by this way be traced.

[8] But lest on conjectural only ratiocination to rely I may seem,

there is to be adduced some of the old language Gothic monument,

and the very of the nation into the Spains entry more ancient. There is

moreover of the Gospels a translation Gothic, by the above named

Bishop Ulfilas in the time of the aforesaid Valens composed, to be explained as also the name of Ferdinand,

and perhaps by the Emperor himself to be written caused and as a gift

sent to Fritigern the King, his confederate, and by his work converted,

shall I say? or perverted. Imperial certainly a majesty bears forth

the purple of the membrane color, and the splendor silvery of the letters,

with elegance altogether exquisite written: which in

writing prerogatives credible it is the Eastern Emperors

to have used, as the Chinese Emperors use with vermilion to print

books, which the rest do with ink, and on the covers

of the same to use a yellow color. That Codex, I know not by what chance

brought into Sweden, the first of the old Goths fatherland,

the Royal now keeps Library, but more than by half a part

mutilated; and with formed to its example types Gothic,

whatsoever of it survived, into light gave Henry Junius,

at Dordrecht in Holland in the year MDCLXV, with received thence

of the Gothic language a Glossary; certainly to be ampler, if all

four Gospels entire had had the author, or even

the Bibles of the old and new Testament all. In that Glossary

I find Fair (which of the Anglo-Saxons, Germans, and Belgians

with softer somewhat dialects Far, Fer, A hand from afar prevailing signifying, and Ver

is uttered) the same to be as Far or At-a-distance: Thein

(which by the same Dialects Thin, Dein, Dyn is pronounced)

Thy, thy, thy is rendered: Handus finally, by others Hand

or Hant, signifies a hand: and so Fair-thein-handus

and by a softer pronunciation Fer-din-andus and contractedly

Fernhandus or Ferhandus, most properly would be, Thy hand

from afar; or he whose hand, that is, power, strength,

virtue far and at a distance prevails, is stretched, or is felt;

according to that of the Poet,

Or knowest thou not that to Kings long are the hands?

[9] A long certainly Ferdinand's of the pair, namely the First and

the Third, hand experienced in wars the Moors; nay even the fame

of this one, into Africa about to cross, more far had run before, a new

to him there Empire promising, had it not pleased God the happy of his victories

course with a happier death to stop at age middle,

and to of eternal beatitude the well merited crown his Saint

to call away. Not the same was the fortune of Ferdinand II:

for over León ruling, and no around him Moors border-dwellers

having, nor however able from arms to rest, his hand

he extended into the Christian neighbors and most nearly consanguineous

Princes; first indeed against his nephew a boy

Alfonso IX, whose almost whole kingdom into his he reduced

power, by the same afterward grown happily expelled from Castile;

then, with a juster far title, against the new and first

of Lusitania King Alfonso, his father-in-law, and

of his great-grandfather Alfonso namely VI grandson, whom in battle he routed, and indeed several times fulfilled,

and led captive. But in him whom the Catholic

we call Ferdinand V, (for the Fourth, the Holy King's

great-grandson, in the very of affairs against the Moors to be waged beginning,

the occupied by them Alcaudete besieging, death contracted

of Charles V the Emperor the Grandfather, again the force of its signification

exerted the Name: when he almost all the of all Spain provinces

with his most powerful hand having embraced, with each Sicily

and the Balearic islands, the same across the Atlantic Ocean

extended into that new world, which by his auspices Columbus

found, and further to demonstrate proceeded Americus, and

America called it; there together with the Castilian and Aragonese

insignia the Cross planting, in the Kings so called. to which so many barbarous nations

little by little were subjected. So in our orb great now long ago

Ferdinand's name, in these last two centuries greater

even came forth in the other: which under so many most glorious

Ferdinands' Grandson Charles II more gloriously even

may render he, from whom and in whom all true greatness a beginning

has, and an end receives, or rather without end perennates.

The same to Leopold I the Emperor, of three Ferdinands

of Austria the Son, Grandson, Great-great-grandson, and through as many degrees,

as our Spanish Monarch, the Castilian and Leonese

Ferdinands touching, may he grant; as much as

he in the other Orb of lands possesses, by his ancestors acquired

and to Christ brought almost without arms and blood;

so much in this our to snatch from the Turks and to the worship to restore

orthodox, with Mars happy; and from the foundations to overturn,

what now before him to fall has begun the Ottoman

Empire, Constantinople and the very Jerusalem recovered.

§. III On the ancient of the Acts here to be given writers: and on the book, which is reported in the age of the Saint under a rock found.

[10] The same Moors, who the most famous under the Roman Emperors

and Gothic Kings Seville, Rodrigo of Toledo and Lucas of Tuy, contemporaries, in the year

DCCXIII with the rest of Baetica, of which itself the Metropolis

was, reduced into their power; as the sacred and profane

all things to their own conformed pleasure, so also the name

they changed, and called it Sevilla; which in their

language a House opulent or in riches abounding

to signify, we learn from the description of Andalusia inserted

in book 17 of the Atlas or Geography of Blaeu. This when

from the Moors had snatched in the year MCCXLVIII the King Ferdinand,

of his name the Third, by surname the Saint, resumed by those Latin

writing the prior appellation is, the later in the use of the vulgar

remained. The citizens changed, was not changed also the fortune

of the city and the opulence: above all however its riches to be esteemed

is he himself, who after the restored in it Christian

Religion, and the endowed most munificently Church, not

only the Kingdom's seat there chose to have as long as afterward he lived,

but also a sepulchre, the most precious itself treasure of the city.

He reigning, before those things were done, flourished in Spain

two noble writers, Rodrigo Ximenez, Archbishop

of Toledo in Castile, from the year MCCVIII unto

MCCXLV; and Lucas, of Tuy a Deacon, afterward also

nine his On the Affairs of Spain books brought to the year

MCCXLIII; the second, when still a Deacon he was, of the world

these Rodrigo, of greater faith is to be deemed, by how much of more

things which he writes a witness more certain, inasmuch as the Royal camp often

having followed, and of all the Kingdom's affairs a participant: nor however

to be despised the second, to whom more proposed to have been

it seems the holy King's virtues to pursue. Of each therefore

the context here we give: and, for those years which to each are lacking,

his own to each we add a supplement, from more ancient,

which to obtain we could, they are supplied from the Old legend and a more ancient Chronicle: Spanish monuments. To the deficient

about the end of Tuy's context (which in the first place to give

it pleases under the title of a briefer Life) will succor a Legend

old, which we found in a book Flos-Sanctorum called,

of the Seville edition of the year MDXXXII. Rodrigo's words

unvaried, from the Frankfurt of the year MDCIII edition taken,

we have interwoven into the more prolix Acts of the Chronicle, in

as far as need was into Latin rendered, according to the edition

of Valladolid of the year MDLV, taken from another more ancient,

perhaps of Seville, of the year MDXV, as appears from

the Prologue.

[12] That Legend in the time of the Catholic Kings

Ferdinand and Isabella, this under Alfonso the holy King's son, and so before the end of the XV century

or at the beginning of the following composed to have been, is gathered from Miracle

XI, there related. The Chronicle much more ancient is,

and almost by a contemporary Author written; which is understood,

not only because thus consequently written were

the Chronicles of the Kings subsequent, of Alfonso the Wise,

of Sancho IV, of Ferdinand IV, of Alfonso XI (of which the latter

two also we have, printed with the same types about

the year MDL, the other two vehemently we wish to obtain)

but also, because Alfonso the Wise wrote himself, or in his name

to be written caused, in the vulgar of the nation language, a Chronicle

of Spain general, which similarly is said printed

to be had in the year MDLI, and by us equally is desired.

For from various places of each Chronicle, among themselves collated

by Alfonso Morgado, below to be praised, manifestly it appears,

with the same almost words the Chronicle each to proceed,

so that one from the other taken to be it behooves; which, not

easily I shall discern, to whom the other only at hand is. Christopher

Bagnez de Salcedo, the Particular from the General

and from Rodrigo of Toledo compiled, judges. Moreover

since in the Ferdinandean Chronicle Chap. 74 is treated of the Mosque

greater of the Moors, after the taken Seville into a church

Cathedral, under the title of S. Mary, by the command of the King the Saint

converted, and Chap. 78 of the same there sepulture;

no at all is made mention, either of a new church, more august by which

now it is seen fabric to be begun to be constructed; or of the body on such

an occasion translated to another of the old Mosque little chapel, to the new

church contiguous. And yet Morgado writes, not many

after the Saint's death years of that matter to be thought begun;

Spinosa indeed expressly asserts, under King Sancho, the Saint's

grandson, who in the year MCCXCV departed from the living, given to have been

to the work most august a beginning. Which set down superfluous it is

to speak of the four gilded spheres, above the tower of the church

once shining, which are described in num. 114, as then

when the Chronicle was composed still standing; although it is established

from Morgado, that in the year MCCCXCIV, or at least under the same's grandson Sancho written it seems. by an earthquake shaken off

and shattered they were, nor replaced any more. I would add

however, that if truly so ancient is this Chronicle,

it behoves it by transcribing to have been in some places interpolated

and vitiated, as in the Annotata we observe.

Likewise I observe, of the old edition the author Sebastian

Martinez, in the Proem to the reader, to protest, that faithfully

he had adhered to the words of the MS. Codex; except that some, by use

altogether obsolete, to be changed he thought into other then more usual;

which in the Chronicles of Ferdinand IV and Alfonso XI

done by him we do not read.

[13] After the Toledo and the Tuy one, among the Writers

Latin of S. Ferdinand, the third to be named comes

Alfonso of Cartagena, from Bishop of Zamora after

the year MCCCCXII unto XXXIV of Burgos Prelate,

in the of Spanish Affairs Anacephalaeosis chap. 83, where in his manner,

as of the rest of the Kings, Image from Alfonso of Zamora. so also of this one the image

setting forth, "He is depicted," he says, "Ferdinand armed

on a horse, near the city Seville, a certain Arab

giving to him the keys: because that city, by a long and

strait siege by him afflicted, into the surrender

of him came." He is silent of the diadem and the title of Saint:

but similarly of each he was silent in chapter 26, treating of S. Hermenigild.

The fourth among the Latins comes Rodrigo

Sanchez, after the Oviedo and Zamora Episcopates administered,

made in the penultimate of life year, of Christ MCCCCLXX,

of Palencia Bishop, I know not why in Baronius and in

the Summary several times called of Girona: who a History

Spanish into parts four brought. He in part 3 chap.

40 says, that none before him (namely Ferdinand)

in wars more happy or in peace more moderate was. And this same

from the preceding chapter excellently can be proved, where is read,

that asked, why far more the kingdom's borders

he had increased than many of his progenitors, inasmuch as he

recovered what they lost; he is reported to have answered

worthy: My fathers, he says, perhaps

in mind bore a principality earthly to exalt rather,

than the faith to plant; to augment for themselves a people

great, but not to stabilize the divine worship: wherefore

they were deceived in their devices. And so to heaven

his eyes turning, Thou Lord, Elogium from Rodrigo of Palencia: who knowest the hearts and

reins of men, thou knowest, that not my, but thy

glory I seek; not so much of fleeting kingdoms,

as of thy faith and the Christian religion the augmentation

I desire. So he, which place in the Summary of the Processes

is attributed to Michael Mauclerus, as inserted in his book,

on of each Monarchy the sacred covenant: but this German

writer more recent is, and the Palencia one transcribed: unknown

however to us are the Annals Spanish, alleged

by the aforesaid Rodrigo Sanchez; and Martin Cusentinus,

from whom the same says himself to have received what follows.

[14] Of this glorious King's time, a certain wonderful thing,

to our Catholic faith's exaltation, Prophecy of him from Martin Cusentinus, to have happened

is reported. For (as Martin Cusentinus writes)

when at Toledo a certain Jew, for the grace of enlarging

his vineyard, a rock had broken up; in the midst of the stone

written with three tongues, Hebrew, Greek, and

Latin; the writing indeed as of one psalter seemed.

This book of a triple world discoursed, from Abraham

unto Antichrist; the beginning indeed of the third

book thus began, from Christ thus beginning: In the third

world the Son of God shall be born in the world from the virgin

Mary, and shall suffer for the salvation of men. Which

when the Jew beheld, at once with his family

by the sacred font was reborn. In the end and so of the book it was said,

that in the time of Ferdinand the King it ought to be found,

The same are read in the Chronicle of Nicholas Trivet

and inserted in the Acherian Spicilegia vol. 8, as if they had happened

in the year MCCL, it does not seem to be of greater faith, and there are interposed the words within [ ] related.

Much however by the Spaniards more recent these things are weighed,

as also in the Summary of the Processes num. 17, as

five at the least centuries before he was born,

revealing to him, who that very book there to have hidden is presumed

at the entry of the Moors into Spain. But, that

ingenuously I may confess, while I consider, in that so wonderfully, as

it is pretended, found book, as of an author than Christ prior,

nothing found for which it would deserve to the notice of posterity

to be transmitted, except that of the Messiah about to be born place, and a note

of the time at which it should be found; vehemently I fear, lest

in S. Ferdinand's age that book was first hidden, and

soon dug up by a Jew, another than is fair gain through Baptism's

reception aiming at, and so the whole matter a mere fable

be.

[15] Certainly by a similar fraud buried, and in the century higher

at its end dug up again were, as the tablets and books near Granada found, in the caverns of a certain mountain

near the city of Granada, plates certain

leaden and parchments, in Arabic speech and

character written, in which, from Arabic into

Latin speech faithfully turned, found it was

to be contained the books below written:

The book of the foundations of the faith.

The book of the venerable essence.

The book of the ordination of the Mass of James the Apostle.

The prayer and defensive of James, son of Samech of Zebedee,

the Apostle, against all adversities.

The book of the most blessed Apostle James, son of Samech

of Zebedee, on the preaching of the Apostles.

The lament of Peter, the Apostle Vicar.

The book of the things illustriously done of Our Lord Jesus, and

of his miracles, and of his mother Mary the holy

Virgin.

The book of the history of the certification of the Gospel.

The book of the gifts of the reward.

The book of the great mysteries.

The book of the colloquy of S. Mary the Virgin.

The book of the sentences concerning the faith.

The book of the history of the seal of Solomon.

The book of the attainables of the divine power. under the title of S. James and his disciples,

On the nature of the Angel and his power.

The book of the relation of the gift of the house of peace, and of the torment

of the house of vengeance.

The book of the things illustriously done of James the Apostle,

and of his miracles.

The second part of the book of the things illustriously done of James

the Apostle.

Which indeed books, to the Apostolic See's judgment formerly

brought, and in the year MDCXLI severely forbidden to be read,

explained, or defended, in the year at length MDCLXXXII absolutely

condemned were; as those which falsely are attributed to the most blessed

virgin Mary, and to the holy Apostle James

the Greater, or himself dictating to his disciples Thesiphon

and Caecilius; nay are pure figments human, and deservedly condemned; to

the destruction of the Catholic faith composed; and respectively

contain heresies and errors, by the Church Catholic

condemned; and oppose the letters of sacred

Scripture, and the exposition of the holy Fathers, and

the use of the Church; nay even many things savor of Mahometanism,

nor a little to induce seem the faithful

to the sect of Mahomet, from whose Koran, and other of the Mahometans

most impure books, no small of them

[16] By a similar also fraud, to Prosper a certain Augur

of Fiesole, who in the times Sullan and Tullian had lived,

were ascribed of Etruscan Antiquities fragments,

in which the city of Rome's and of other nations' beginnings,

manners and deeds are indicated, by Curzio Inghirami

found at Scornello near Volterra and (as

falsely is pretended) printed at Frankfurt in the year of salvation

MDCXXXVII, but in the Etruscan MMMMCCCCXCV.

Meanwhile the edition it is established to have been made at Florence, and all things in that

book contained to be invented, they do not say, but cry, or the antiquities Etruscan dug up at Scornello.

the speech not enough Latin, of the Greek language the unskillfulness, of the autograph

itself the characters discordant with ancient times, and other

very many arguments, by erudite men, Paganino Gaudenzio

and Leo Allatius weighed abundantly: who also the true

author detected and demonstrated, Thomas

in his age among the most erudite esteemed; but to whom (to

to be procured) it pleased much of labor and industry to bestow,

in those to a certain of highest antiquity appearance to be feigned,

and with a various from above drawn covering thus to be fortified,

that to endure under the earth for howsoever many centuries

uncorrupted to have been able, likely it would seem. Of a like meal

with fabrications to abound is judged the history of the Suevi,

with the Life of a certain John Cala, as Blessed published at Naples

in the year MDCLX, and therefore by a most severe judgment reprobated.

These however and other similar things admonish, The matter indeed itself does not lack an example: cautiously to proceed about

of this kind subterranean finds; lest to a proof historical

easily they be received, unless with more certain from elsewhere known things

duly they agree. For my part to the Holy King's honor I favor vehemently;

nor in that that name his so many centuries before

to someone was divinely revealed, anything of absurdity

I see; nor altogether the matter lacks an example. For S. Theophanes,

in his Chronography at the I year of Constantine and

Irene (which was of Christ DCCCLXXX and of the very writer,

as at March XII before his Life I showed, the year XXXI

of his age) narrates how about the same time a certain one at

the long of Thrace walls digging, a tomb found,

which the earth and dust cleaned and opened, a man

within lying, and letters on the urn engraved in this

sense they found. Christ shall be born of Mary

the virgin, and I believe in him. Under Constantine and

Irene, O sun! again me thou shalt see. But this between

that, and the other case there is a difference; that the inscription that

of the urn Grecian, alone found, to no other thing faith made,

than that the body that there had lain before Christ born:

the beginning however that of the third, which the Jew found, book, if

with those to whom to be brought it was fair the Bishops, men erudite

and prudent, faith found; faith also to make ought

to the very book, as with a mind divinely illustrated written; but suspect it becomes through the book probably bad suppression.

which accordingly it would have behoved both zealously to be kept, both by many

to be read diligently, and (which is consequent) on various occasions

to be alleged by those who had read. While however nothing of these

we find done, I am compelled to suspect, that the aforesaid

Bishops, the book read judged nothing other in it to be contained

than Jewish impostures and Rabbinic fables, more recently

feigned, to which its author faith to intend to make

by imitation of that Byzantine everywhere divulged vaticination; and therefore

there buried it, where quickly he knew it to be found: which

however to the finder (if not he himself the book buried) a cause was

of salvation; as sometimes from a false miracle can follow a true

conversion; and through a supposititious Relic, on account of the faith

of the believer, to be made a true miracle. Wherefore, as of the aforesaid book,

so also of its pretended antiquity, judgment I proceed suspended

to hold: not however do I blame him, who simply to believe the matter

preferred, than more scrupulously to examine.

§. IV That Berengaria the mother's primogeniture before Blanca S. Louis's mother, and on it founded the right rather of Ferdinand to the kingdom of Castile, by authority and reasoning Chronological confirmed.

[17] That Ferdinand the King divinely was granted to the Spaniards,

Whether the mother Berengaria was the firstborn of Alfonso, that we may be able to believe, there is no need of a presage

which before Christ to have written someone and to have buried

is pretended. Enough clearly that demonstrate of the arms

his against the Moors successes, by which the faith at once and the kingdom

he amplified; and also of his life the sanctity, by which celestial

honors with posterity he merited; happier in one, in the other

similar to his cousin, Louis IX of France the King, who

by waging against the Saracens arms of Saint also the name

and cult merited. For these two most holy Kings,

of two sisters Berengaria and Blanca, by Adelfonso

IX of Castile the King begotten, the sons were;

and by their manners most similar demonstrated, a similar altogether

education themselves to have drawn, from most similar virtue's mothers:

between whom and their sons no is known to have been concerning the kingdom contention.

It arose first under the grandsons; by which of the parties

the rights thus were confused, that now even it is doubted, whether Castile

by a nearer of succession right to Ferdinand, or

to Louis pertained; because it is doubted, which of the

mothers prior was born. Nay even three of great name

writers Spanish, Garibay, Mariana, and Zurita, although

the succession of Ferdinand as just they defend, a scruple to themselves

none they make Blanca elder in birth to acknowledge. There went before

them a certain of Histories, or rather of Examples a compiler,

who Valerius Maximus to be followed proposing, Valerius'

name to his book put, and it divulged under the name

of Ferdinand Perez de Guzman; it is thought however to have been the Archpresbyter

of Burgos Diego Perez de Almella, in the time

of Alfonso of Cartagena Bishop after the year MCCCCL;

so little of the matter's truth instructed, there doubt the more recent, even Spaniards: that from the past

of Blanca right grave wars to have existed he says between the Holy Kings:

which is a Chimaera, to each nation's historians altogether

unknown: since on the contrary the first S. Ferdinand's wife through

France honorably was conducted, the second sought from very

France. Mariana afterward the error corrected in the Catalogue

of the Counts and Kings of Castile: but even had he not corrected it,

to him and to all the same thinking would stand in the way the most grave of the two

contemporary writers authority, of the aforenamed namely

Lucas of Tuy and Rodrigo of Toledo; who a matter so

of recent memory and before their eyes engaged, neither to have been ignorant

could, nor to hope that of their own accord by lying obscure

it and doubtful to posterity they would make. Spondanus indeed

in the Continuation of the Annals does not fear to write at

the year 1217 num. 12, by them more from the zeal of parties,

than from faith to have been laid down, that Berengaria the firstborn

was. But with how vehement a zeal of parties Spondanus

himself from time to time is carried away, enough know the French. Howsoever much

however in this he exceeded, never will I believe to him

enough of front to have been about to be, there assert the contemporaries, if perchance in his age against Louis

XIII the King had prevailed a faction of the Nobles, to Gaston

his brother and the Queen Mother Mary de' Medici

adhering, that he should dare to feign, not Louis,

but Gaston, to have been Henry IV's firstborn, with a lie

not even to the very factious tolerable about to be. Wherefore neither

would I wish to the two most holy of Spain Prelates so impudent

all to them to justify arguments; I would prefer to believe,

their books to have been by audacious interpolators' hands adulterated,

long after the death of themselves: as necessarily we are compelled

to confess to Rodrigo of Palencia's writings to have happened, lest of the same

matter to have written contradictory things he be accused.

[18] Tuy and Toledo. The Nobles of Castile, says Tuy, the Kingdom

to Berengaria the Queen delivered, because she was

the firstborn of Adelfonso. Toledo indeed, after that in book

7 chap. 24 he had said, that Adelfonso of Castile the King to Conrad,

son of the Emperor Frederick, whom with the military belt

he had girt, his daughter the firstborn Berengaria

betrothed: in book 9 chap. 5 of S. Ferdinand's succession

about to treat, writes, that the Magnates and Soldiers

of Castile, by common consent, the Kingdom of Castile

with fidelity due to the noble Queen, namely Berengaria,

delivered; and soon adds: For to her, the sons dying,

since she was among the daughters the firstborn, the kingdom's succession

was owed, and this same by the father's privilege was proved,

which in the chest of the Burgos Church was kept:

and also the whole Kingdom, before the King

had a son, twice by oath and homage this had confirmed.

Could there be so great impudence of anyone, not to say

of a Prelate perhaps an octogenarian, likewise Rodrigo of Palencia in one place. and the first in the Kingdom

in authority conspicuous, who within four lines as many

would feign lies, of all who then in Castile

lived by the hands palpable? To the Toledo and Tuy ones

manifestly adheres Rodrigo of Palencia, in part

3, chap. 30 thus speaking: Ferdinand in the kingdom of Castile

succeeded, from D. Berengaria, the daughter firstborn of the most renowned

King of Castile, without children male dying

(inasmuch as namely the boy Henry, to his father only

for a biennium surviving, is not reckoned but under tutelage to have reigned)

and so the kingdom of Castile to the said D. Berengaria by natural

and best right was owed. It cannot be that

these things had read Spondanus, and so asseveratingly (as he does in the place

aforementioned) had asserted, the Palencia one in contrary altogether

to stand opinion. I would prefer to think, of another's, and not good faith

rashly himself to have believed, that other of this matter nothing in

the Palencia one was read, than the words which are found in part

4 to chapter 4 added, to persuade, that Louis

was the son of D. Blanca, the firstborn of Alfonso; on the contrary

indeed Ferdinand the son of Berenguela, the daughter second

born of Alfonso aforesaid. although in another place vitiated, Of one and the same author

to be cannot two so from the diameter contrary opinions:

it behoves therefore that the place one or the other spurious be and adulterine.

This however of the latter persuades the name of Berenguela,

from the vulgar and more recent use written beyond the custom

of the Palencia one, in all his history's course more often and constantly

Berengaria writing. Add that the prior assertion

in the middle of the context is found, in a place altogether its own, where not so

easily is it through additions an author some to be vitiated: the latter

indeed outside the context in the end of the chapter is placed; and

probably by someone of the French parties zealous only

added to the margin, then through the copyist's negligence to the text

itself joined, either in some his MS. or at least in the vulgate

impression.

[19] But why to the Spanish writers do I adhere, and to the objecting

against them Spondanus, as to domestic witnesses,

do I cease the ear to dull, by the testimony of a writer French, and finally Alberic, French and contemporary to each King, and of the same

S. Ferdinand a contemporary, of Alberic, I say, the Monk

of Trois-Fontaines in the Châlons diocese, who his Chronicle

with living still the Holy King each, finishes with the year

MCCXLII? There exists that Chronicle in MS. in several of Gaul

Libraries; wherefore, although it I have not, nor to have

easily can, the lost being the copy which here at Antwerp

very much used Christopher Butkens, I would not have doubted

his words to take from the Vindiciae Hispanicae

of Jean Jacques Chifflet page 176, since in this part

no one of his adversaries, sharp by Jove and erudite,

and in their hands the Chronicle's words having, would have presumed

him in this part to convict of a text wrongly alleged. The words

of Alberic of the little Alfonso S. Ferdinand's grandfather, because a boy

to reign he began, thus sound: This therefore King small, of

the sister of the King of England Richard (who was called Eleanor,

and was also a sister on another side of the Countess Mary

of Champagne, asserting Blanca only the third of the daughters to have been. begot Henry, who a youth

died, and five sisters of his. The first was called

Berengaria, who to the King of León that is of Galicia

bore Ferdinand, the successor of the King small

(Henry) in Castile and Toledo, and the brother of his,

and her whom the King of Jerusalem John for a wife

most lately took. The second was Urraca, the Queen

of Portugal; the third was Blanca, the Queen of France:

Eleanor was called the fourth, of Aragon; the fifth

Constance, a nun. By this testimony from everywhere

irrefragable and the others aforementioned relying Chifflet,

confidently the opinion for Berengaria says; and to the Sammarthani,

the Nobles of Spain's letters to the contrary alleging,

aptly answers, that those letters Blanca the firstborn

to have been do not prove; and only witnesses they are

of the turbulences, which against Berengaria elder in birth the men

Princes excited, and for which to be fostered, the cast

of right a false appearance, the French they called; who however to vain

writings listening were not. Nor stand in the way the epistles of the rebellious Nobles, There are however letters

those altogether nine, of the same tenor all, to

Louis VIII and his wife Blanca, and,

they are kept, say the same Sammarthani, in the History of the house

of France book 13. page 535 in the treasury of the titles

of France, in the chest "Castile" inscribed, under title I. Would that

also their very tenor to us they had brought forth! Meanwhile to the French

faith I will believe, that by those letters the aforesaid Nobles

their son of Louis and Blanca, their King to be

declare; and him to themselves to be sent ask, for the reason that Alfonso

Blanca's father by his testament had wished to Henry his son, without

children male dying, to succeed by right hereditary

the sons of Blanca.

[20] But this, if it was not of Alvaro the Count and of the factious

to him adhering a figment (for nor of the very testament

it commanding the copy they sent, but they seem the will

by words alone indicated to have pretended) this, I say, if

truly written it is, that at most it would prove Alfonso to have

made void the will first, by a public instrument and double

homage before years about thirty confirmed,

as writes the Toledo one. This however to have done he could as by a right

his own using, lest the Castile Kingdom should be devolved to Ferdinand,

of the Leonese kingdom the born and designated successor,

still under his father's arbitrament constituted; and lest to the victorious

more often Castilians should domineer the Leonese, in vain, if not also falsely pretexting the last will of Alfonso. by

himself conquered otherwise and always hostile: as from the same cause

Alfonso the Leonese, against the same Ferdinand

his son, now of Castile King, to his daughters from a prior

bed born the kingdom bequeathed, unwilling it to be subjected to the Castilians:

which equally of success lacked, as equally unjust it was.

Each however to each Alfonso so could just to seem,

as afterward of each from S. Ferdinand grandson and

great-grandson Alfonso X just to be thought, the disinherited son

his Sancho, to substitute from his son Ferdinand prematurely dead and

Blanca S. Louis's daughter grandsons. This however disposition

of Alfonso X true and the only to have been seems the cause and origin

of the dissensions, between France's King Philip of Blanca

that one the brother and the aforesaid Sancho, notwithstanding such

was in the year MCCLXXXIV: and when of their rights it was disputed,

and the title of primogeniture in Ferdinand, of Blanca

the younger the husband, was pretended by the French in favor of the surviving

sons, as the father representing; the Castilians

indeed on the contrary argued, that by him who himself never

indeed and immediate of the King deceased the son; nothing easier

was, than that a later age's writer someone

foreign (such Ptolemy of Lucca was, who in the century

XIV flourished in Italy) of an uncertain rumor should snatch something,

among the similar of the Blancas, of the Ferdinands, and of the Alfonsos

names groping. But that Ptolemy that one

of Lucca, both in the printed Annals at the year MCCXIV,

and in the History Eccles. in MS. book 21 chap. 15 and 16, thus to have erred

could, nor only Berengaria to make the Elder

Blanca, but also by a graver of memory lapse in the aforecited

MS. History to say, in the pacts matrimonial added

to have been, that if there should die the King without an heir male,

Blanca in the kingdom should succeed: that, I say, thus to have erred

could Ptolemy, no one will wonder, who shall understand how

on May XIX, in the Sylloge historical of S. Peter Celestine

num. 22, we saw him in assigning the year of death,

by whole nine years to have been able to be deceived, then, when the matter in Italy

was carried on, living and writing; elsewhere however perhaps dwelling

in the first six or seven years of the successor Boniface; and so

deceived by some vain rumor, thence born, that Boniface

not to be a true Pontiff some seditious men strove to persuade,

inasmuch as to the living Celestine superinduced.

[21] The authorities related and weighed, on which rely

howsoever many the primogeniture's prerogative to Berengaria

asserted or taken away now wish, Berengaria to Conrad the Swabian betrothed, if further the Chronological

reasons thou wilt consult, all thou wilt find for Berengaria

against Blanca to stand. Of Berengaria thou wilt read

in the Toledo one book 7 chap. 23, that in the same Court

(of Carrión namely, in which Aldefonso the King of León,

by Aldefonso the King of Castile girt with the military belt,

his hand it was in full Court kissed) the same

Noble King of Castile, Conrad, son of Frederick

the Emperor Roman, girt similarly with the belt

military, and to him his daughter the firstborn Berengaria

betrothed. But the very Conrad into Germany

returning, the aforesaid Damsel to the betrothal forthwith

contradicted, in the year 1198 and through Gonsalvo of Toledo

the Primate, and Gregory the Cardinal of the Apostolic

See the Legate the divorce being celebrated, the girl

Berengaria remained unwed. At what precisely time done

this being silent Rodrigo, uncertain we would divine by conjecture;

and as much indeed as from that it is, to say other we could not,

than about the beginning of the kingdom of León,

by Aldefonso begun, the matter to have happened: but it began with the dead

father Ferdinand, of whom Rodrigo book 7 chap. 23

says, that in years thirty-one in the kingdom completed

he died, in the Era one thousand two hundred tenth eighth,

where by a typographical slip the omitted ten rightly

to be supplied, that there be had the year of Christ MCLXXX, the whole

preceding history speaks. Hence however it would follow Berengaria

(who in the nearest hence years that should have had

age, that to her betrothal she could validly contradict)

born to have been not long after her father Aldefonso of Castile's

marriage, in the year MCLXX with Eleanor the English contracted:

The beginning however of the kingdom, which Alfonso the Leonese

for whole fifty years held, more loosely taken,

could even to a whole decade be extended, within which

by his Cousin Aldefonso King of Castile and

Sancho King of Portugal infested, she ought to have been born about the year 1171, little by little from them

himself extricated; and matters composed at home and abroad, of each

at length the friendship obtained; from one indeed the Belt

military demanding, the other's indeed daughter Tarasia

to wife receiving. But lest about the year in which done these things

were, and so in which Berengaria was to Conrad betrothed,

an ambiguous to us should waver conjecture; to the year

MCLXXXVIII by the hand in a manner us leads, and certainly

in a step fixes Garibay himself unmindful, book 12

chap. 24, alleged two instruments, of the aforesaid girding

and betrothal a memory making, and in the following

§ to be brought forth. These however all to that make, that never

so young to be conceived Berengaria could, but that she is among

the first Alfonso's children born in the year MCLXXI, or a little after.

What? that that very solicitude about Berengaria to be married off

which demonstrated the father for whole XV years before

it was thought of Blanca to a husband to be joined, an indication indeed not

small affords of a greater in her than in Blanca

age.

[22] But what of these? She was delivered in marriage

to Louis VIII, [had she been the elder, Blanca, in the year 1200 first married, in 1209 made a mother, and unto 1225 fruitful,] still a boy and years only

thirteen old, as write the Sammarthani, in the year MCC, nor

before the year MCCIX, began to him children to bear, and the last

of them or the penultimate Stephen she brought forth in the year

MCCXXV. If therefore her thou place than Berengaria elder,

it will be to be said, years XXX almost old to have come into the hands

of a husband, so unequal that the mother of him she could have been; to have begun

however to bear about forty years old, and far

beyond the fiftieth of her age year fruitful to have been.

Nor these only would follow, but also that

her son S. Louis crossing the sea against the Saracens,

and to his mother the kingdom to be administered committing, she would have been

herself a septuagenarian and more: this for was done in the year

MCCXLVIII; and she herself died with her son in Syria absent in the year

MCCLII. He indeed, that death understood, ought not by such

himself he could accuse and be accused by others, that in that

age of his mother, in which of her near funeral to be thought

it was, from the Kingdom he had departed into a far and long peregrination,

to its government so ill providing. Which

if these are said absurd, absurd also that whence they follow.

But indeed Alberic the Monk's Chronicle, there would follow very many incredible things to the very French, Blanca

among Alfonso's daughters the third numbering, expedited to us

makes all things. For thus setting out into Syria her son she would have been

of years about fifty-six; which age in counsel

especially avails, nor is unfit for the labors of government howsoever

great: and of her marriage the conciliatress Eleanor,

her grandmother maternal, and the same mother of the King of England,

between this one and Philip France's King peace through the same

marriage about to conciliate, and for that into Castile having set forth, from

her granddaughters, of Alfonso and Eleanor the English the daughters, her

would have chosen, whose form and age to the future spouse's age would accede

most nearly. Of the form however a doubt moves an author

French more recent, Gilles André de la Roque, in a treatise

on the origin of names and surnames, asserting from a History

of his nation, I know not which, before Urraca more beautiful,

but an ungrateful and difficult name to the French having,

chosen Blanca less beautiful, on account of the prerogative

of a name of sweetness full. But this same, from wherever

received, for us makes; while it is established, that Urraca,

afterward of Lusitania Queen, nor but in the year MCCVIII

given in marriage, was than Berengaria younger by much; and from that

credible it becomes, not far dissimilar to have been the age of Urraca

and of Blanca, between whom was given to the Legates the choice.

[23] Blanca certainly, quite young when she married, to us

describes Gilles of Paris, those asserting, to a thirteen-year-old Prince to have married a little maiden, in a book which Carolinus

is inscribed, and to the aforesaid youth Louis is dedicated in the year

MCC, of the arriving his spouse and of John King of England,

dead Richard the brother peace about to compose with

the French, thus singing:

--- Who has grown strong if true whispers

the Rumor, to him (Philip) in of land about to yield a part John

By a certain marriage the King will appease; and his

Niece (from a sister) from the Spaniards will be present, with a covenant of peace,

Candida (i.e. Blanca) who may marry the Youth our little maiden.

This authority (than which I know not whether more convincing any could

by anyone be desired) against himself for the Spaniards suggests

our P. Philip Labbe, as sings Gilles of Paris in the Genealogical Tables of the House

Royal page 54. Let it remain therefore, that the little maiden

Blanca, if not below puberty, yet at the most twelve years was,

when to a thirteen-year-old Prince she was betrothed; and so by whole

thirteen or fifteen years younger than Berengaria,

now before a triennium a mother, and before years twelve demanded

for marriage. That however of each spouse younger age,

in the year ninth into light came; in the year however fifteenth

S. Louis. Similar almost, but as to age to be defined

less efficacious, has William Brito the Armorican,

of nearly-equal age a Poet, book 6 of the Philippid, thus singing of John

the English; and indicates William Brito, then living.

And while he sees with countenance to himself the fates to favor benign,

He obtains in the same of peace time, that his niece

His to happy Louis by a happy covenant may marry,

Candida, glowing with the whiteness both of heart and of face;

By name the thing signing, within in which she is strong and without;

Who Royal stock drawing from each parent,

In nobility however of mind excels both.

Nor to maintain Blanca's primogeniture would suspect

perhaps anyone, of so unequal an age the spouse, as consequent

it would be, to a youth although a Prince to have been chosen, on account of

of another far cause of Blanca to be chosen, above by the French

historians alleged; had the King the father then a son Ferdinand,

still living; nor did he despair others to beget;

as in truth after years three he begot Henry, and him

had as successor; and this first dead, succeeded of the same

from the sister Berengaria the grandson, Ferdinand

the holy.

[24] Now so much younger Blanca that the daughter of Berengaria

to have been by age she could, And therefore Blanca deservedly despised the offered by the rebels kingdom, not a wonder it is that she would not

to Alvaro and the rest of the rebels, the kingdom as by the father bequeathed

offering, to consent; although, living still her father-in-law

Philip Augustus, not yet Queen of France, and now

then of a double son Philip and Louis the mother, of whom

one she could into Castile to those demanding send, if to her sister's

better right she had wished herself to oppose. To move also

the same she could, lest anything of this kind she should attempt, the known of the Count

Alvaro insolence and perfidy, not a King for the Kingdom, but

and confirm a tyranny still new, nor in that one year,

in which lived the boy Henry Blanca's brother, enough confirmed.

Another of refusing cause feigns Spondanus,

of his genius worthy, namely; Not in that then state to have been

the Kingdom of Castile, that of a most powerful and also most religious

King, only to be conquered the Infidels and to peace

between Christian Princes, even with of his affairs

detriment, with whole of a most pious mind and of a most flourishing

Kingdom forces intent, the desire, with damage of Christendom,

in Spain should solicit. How flourishing

was Castile's state when there died the boy Henry,

and how much more flourishing the same state God made for Ferdinand,

added to him, besides the Leonese kingdom, of almost all

Baetica the dominion, enough will appear from this history. Not

however but after of each Queen mother and of S. Ferdinand

the death, S. Louis is feigned by the French, to his grandson Ferdinand delivered and owed. to his son

Alfonso to have moved a controversy, to no of that time historian

known, which he had necessity to lay to rest, the daughter

of Louis Blanca seeking as wife for his son Ferdinand,

and hence to-be-born children the kingdom covenanting, even

with injury of the other son Sancho: of which however nothing

either from the matrimonial tablets or from writers is proved.

But how little becomingly is said of the holy King Louis,

that of this kind a controversy then at last he moved;

so is it injurious equally to the Holy King Ferdinand, that

it be maintained, to the other the owed Kingdom through years five and

thirty without scruple to have usurped. For what says no one,

the prerogative of age and the laws of Spain for

Blanca indeed to make, but, the rights of reigning, not by the lawyers'

tablets to be contained, but rather by the zeals of the people,

and the Princes' dexterity, virtue, haste, felicity,

what in the present happened, this of politics savors

not enough Christian, and which far be it that to the Saints even

by thinking should ascribe anyone.

§. V. The order and Births of the children of Alfonso of Castile, from the Royal and public instruments proved, according to which Blanca among the Sisters the third, of the eldest in birth Berengaria the daughter by age could have been.

[25] To the Spanish Kings, especially Alfonso, the holy

King's grandfather, Of the Castilian Kings in signing the years the accuracy, a custom singular and proper was, to his Donations

to ascribe the names of his wife and children,

howsoever many in the place present were; and of his kingdoms'

years, not so much by number to sign, as by some thing to

all posterity memorable: whence it comes that for explaining

of Chronological questions the knots the greatest in of-this-kind

clauses a help today find the erudite Spaniards. Of these

one, D. Christopher Bañez de Salcedo, a man of the equestrian

Order honored, and much in Spanish history

versed, at the request of D. John de Loyasa, in the Metropolitan

church a Prebendary, or (as they call) of the Rationary,

our first edition to be revised to himself taking,

among other of this second edition aids, a notice

compendious to me sent of those charters, which more opportune

to be he believed, to the argument in the title proposed

to be explained. Therefore for certain laying down, of which no one hitherto

doubted, the marriage of Alfonso and Eleanor the parents,

contracted to have been in the year MCLXX; Berengaria, born

he says on XXIV August following, in the month perhaps XI after

the celebrated nuptials, through whom is understood in the year first of the Royal marriage 1171, so that another earlier offspring at all to be conceived

none could. He proves this by a Charter made at Ramaga,

in the Era MCCIX, that is in the year 1171 of Christ, on the IX Kalends

of September, by which the King for all the inheritance and all

that right, which the Jerusalem Hospital had

in Mataplana, in exchange delivers Ascubilla,

thus beginning: Be it known &c. that I Aldefonsus,

by God's grace King of Castile and Toledo, together

with my wife Eleanor the Queen, and with my daughter

the little Infanta Berengaria &c. The whole charter has Manrique

in the Cistercian Annals at the year 1174 chap. 6; and in the aforesaid

King's History the same to have is said, to me otherwise unknown

Don Alfonso Nuñez de Castro chap. 14 and 38. Is praised

he in the Spanish Library of Nicolás Antonio, as one who other many things

wrote, about the year MDCLX of Philip IV Physician at once

and Historiographer: and his aforecited History much

himself confesses aided he, who a similar History at Naples

in the year MDCLXXX in Italian published Michel Angelo Lauretti;

so that a wonder it is, born the firstborn Berengaria, by what reckoning he could on page 71 and 109,

Blanca the Elder in birth to believe and to write. By a similar

beginning, by which the Charter preceding also begin made

Charters at Segovia in the Era MCCXVIIII, that is

of Christ year 1181, of which one to the Bishop and Chapter of Segovia

are confirmed the Tithes of royal right, the other is confirmed

to the same the church of S. Martin de Grajal, on the V Ides of September,

in the year fifth, since Aldefonsus the King most Serene

Cuenca to the Christian faith manfully made over,

in the year first in which the same King Aldefonsus the Infantado

from the King Ferdinand his uncle acquired,

but for each Privilege entirely to be read,

are alleged Diego de Colmenares in the History of Segovia,

and the aforenamed Alfonso Nuñez de Castro.

[26] Meanwhile born had been sons, Ferdinand and Sancho,

and some perhaps others, but earlier dead than Blanca

was born. Of Ferdinand makes mention a Charter made at

Medina in the Era MCCXI, then Ferdinand, of Christ year 1173, so that likely

it is the nearest from Berengaria born him to be. That

Charter to exist is said in the Archive of Calatrava in chest XI

to the Genealogical Relations of the Counts of Torres Vedras

and Marquesses of Trucifal, Scripture 23:

and through it is granted, to Martin Pérez, of the Order of Calatrava

the Master, and to all the Brothers, that every

Castle, which from the Saracens henceforth in whatsoever

manner they shall have been able to acquire, in inheritance they may have

always. Of that Charter however this is the beginning: I

Aldefonsus &c. together with my wife Eleanor, and with

my son Ferdinand, the father namely a partner of the Privilege

to be given wishing to have a son, the hoped successor of the kingdom,

although still an infant, that he made more grown more firmly

it might protect as his own. The notice of Sancho, as

in the year MCLXXX born, is had first from a donation of places

of S. Peter de Fitero, granted to Pedro Sanchez, for the reason

that his wife D. Stephanie, says the King, nourished

my daughter the Queen Berengaria. Notes however

here D. Christopher Bañez, at that time in use not rare

to have been, that Kings the royal title even to their children communicated,

of which thing by ignorance often by Historians to be erred

he admonishes. However it is, in that year born a son, whom I have said the other,

proves the aforesaid Charter, made at Burgos, in the Era

MCCXVIII, on the Kalends of May, in the year fourth since the most Serene

King Aldefonsus Cuenca to the Christian faith

subjugated… after born was at Burgos

the King Sancho, of the aforesaid Alfonso the illustrious King of Castile

the son. So that one, witness Alfonso Nuñez de Castro chap.

29, authentically transcribed fol. 16 of a book, existing in the Rota

of the Commendators of the Royal Hospital outside the walls of Burgos.

Is continued however the same Sancho's memory,

even for the year following, in Colmenares aforesaid chap.

18, §. 3, in a Charter made at Carrión, then Sancho in the year 1180, in the Era

MCCXVIIII, on the day before the Kalends of June, in the year first,

in which the King most Serene aforesaid Aldefonsus the Infantado

from the King Ferdinand his uncle recovered.

Through this the King to the Bishop of Segovia Gonsalvo, in exchange

of the Alcázar, delivers the Villages, Mojados and Fuente-Pelayo, thus

beginning: I Aldefonsus &c. with my wife

Eleanor the Queen; and with my son the King Sancho:

and such it behoves originally to be found in the archive of the Bishops

of Segovia. Again however of Berengaria alone

(probably because alone she was present) makes mention a donation of the Villa

of Vallartillana, in favor of the Abbot and Monastery of Our

Lady of Ovarenes, made by a charter at the monastery

of S. Cyprian de Villa Mesquina, in the Era MCCXX, that is the year

1182, on the seventh Ides of May: of whom the former still lived in the year 1184, and so says it Alfonso

Nuñez de Castro to exist in the archive of the aforenamed monastery

of Our Lady of Ovarenes. Lived nonetheless then

still her brother Ferdinand, I know not whether also Sancho:

for a writing a certain of the year MCLXXXIV, in favor of the monastery

of S. Peter de Arlanza, as it there saw Alfonso

Nuñez, signed is said, Reigning the King Alfonso,

with his wife the Queen Eleanor and his son Ferdinand,

in Toledo, and in Logroño, and in Burgos, and in all

Castile; made the Charter, on the fifth Kalends of February

in the Era MCCXXII.

[27] Of the second daughter Urraca the mention first, which indeed

into my hands came, had died however each one occurs in the foundation and endowment

of the Royal of Burgos monastery under this beginning: I Aldefonsus

by God's Grace King of Castile and Toledo, and my wife

Eleanor the Queen, with the consent of our daughters

Berengaria and Urraca. Had therefore now age

some also Urraca apt for affording consent though

scanty, when made was that charter at Burgos,

in the Era MCCXXV, which is of Christ the year MCLXXXVII,

on the Kalends of June. But why is not added the consent of the sons?

I think that there had died both; since it is not

likely from Burgos the city royal they would have been absent if they had lived.

They had died certainly the following year, when Berengaria, as

with none surviving males heir primary, was promised

to Conrad the Swabian, according to an Instrument, which

from Volume 3 of the Privileges of the Count of Mora into light

drew Antonio Suarez de Alarcon, born now for a while Urraca of the daughters 2, in the Appendix

aforesaid, Scripture 99: of which instrument a good

part worth the labor it will be here to transcribe. In

God's name. Amen. Divine providence procuring,

it pleased us Frederick, by God's grace of the Romans

Emperor ever Augustus, and you Aldefonsus

by the same grace King of Castile and Toledo, to contract

ours Conrad Duke of Rosemburch, and in the year 1188 Berengaria promised to Conrad the Swabian, and the Illustrious

your daughter Berengaria: to which thing's

and marriage's consummation, I Frederick of the Romans

Emperor ever Augustus, with the consent of the same son

Conrad, promise, that I will send my son Conrad

to your Kingdom in the next Litany;

and he will betroth and lead in lawful wife the aforesaid

your daughter Berengaria, and will give to her donations

on account of the nuptials, which commonly is called among

the Romans Donaire, among the Spaniards Arrhae; namely

the whole allodium &c… and he will remain with you

in your Kingdom from time to time when he shall have wished, and will return

into his land when it shall please him. And I the aforesaid

Aldefonsus, King of Castile and Toledo, promise,

with the consent of my daughter Berengaria, to you

the Emperor, that the said my daughter Berengaria

I will deliver as spouse and wife to your lawful son

Conrad, and from the next feast of the Nativity

of the Lord unto two years will go my daughter Berengaria

to the land of the Emperor, and will carry with herself XCII

thousand of gold pieces; so that the Emperor aforenamed

upon this through the space of nine months before

the term prefixed should make, that be assigned a place where

to her to meet he could. These however are the pacts below

written, with the right of succession into the kingdom. which ought to be kept on each part of the Emperor

and of his son Conrad. If the aforesaid Aldefonsus

King of Castile shall have a son male lawful,

that son let succeed to him heir in the kingdom of Castile.

If King Aldefonsus without a son male shall die,

let succeed to him in the kingdom his daughter Berengaria, and the husband

of her Conrad with her &c. If King Aldefonsus a son

male lawful shall have, and that son

without offspring lawful male shall depart, the aforesaid

Berengaria the King's daughter let have the kingdom of Castile, and

the husband of her Conrad with her &c. Likewise from which the son

of the Emperor Conrad to the kingdom of Castile shall have come,

let him receive the benediction with the King of Castile's daughter;

and when he shall have come to Castile unto three

months, if the King new sons should not beget, or before and after he her thus lawfully

shall have led, they will make at once security the men of the land

of the King of Castile of the kingdom for his daughter Berengaria

and Conrad her husband &c. Made is the Charter in the year

of the Lord's Incarnation MCLXXXVIII, in the Indiction

VI, given at Seligenstadt, by the hand of Ruodolph

of the Imperial court the Chancellor on the IX Kalends of May, in the Era

MCCXXVI. happily. Amen.

[28] According to these pacts came Conrad into Spain,

and the betrothal in the same still year celebrated was, in days

few after XXII December, which is proved from a donation

of certain villages near Quintanilla, granted

to the Order of Calatrava, in whose archive the very instrument

found D. Antonio Suarez de Alarcon, and inserted

into the Appendix aforesaid under the number of Scripture 52, Under the beginning of the year 1189 is celebrated the betrothal; with this

express clause: Made the Charter at Toledo in the Era

MCCXXVI, on the eleventh Kalends of June, in that year,

in which… the Lord King of Castile and Toledo the Lord

King of León with the belt of soldiery girt,

and the King of León himself kissed the hands

of the said Lord King of Castile: and consequently in that

year and in those days, in which the aforesaid Lord

King of Castile and Toledo, of the Roman Emperor the son,

Conrad by name, into a new Soldier girt,

and his daughter Berengaria delivered in wife

&c. Proceeded then the King, in the years following two,

as by the same Chronicle notes, as to his name most glorious:

and so in Yepes in the Appendix to vol. 1 of the Chronicle

Benedictine Scripture 27, in a Donation, which he with his wife

Eleanor the Queen, and with his daughter the little Infanta Berengaria,

made to God and S. Mary the monastery of Valle-venera,

is found made the charter at Burgos, in the Era

MCCXXVII, that is in the year of Christ 1189. On the seventh Ides

of May, in the second year after the most Serene Aldefonsus

King of Castile and Toledo Aldefonsus King

of León with the belt of soldiery girt, and the same Aldefonsus

King of León kissed the hand of the said

Aldefonsus King of Castile and Toledo; and consequently,

the illustrious King of Castile and León, of the Roman Emperor

the son, Conrad by name, and it is assumed into the Epoch of the years following: into a new Soldier

girt, and his daughter Berengaria to him delivered

in wife. Of a similar altogether tenor a clause, in the same

Era and on the same day noted, is found under a donation, to

the very Berengaria's instance made to D. Elvira another Nurse

of the very Berengaria, which Alfonso Nuñez de Castro to exist

says in the Arlanza archive, in chest f num. 944. From the same

Epoch proceeds a Privilege, which the following year of the Spanish

Era, and so of Christ 1190, to the city of Segovia

dispatched the King, made the Charter at Palencia in the Era

MCCXX, on the VIII Kalends of April, in the year second after

&c; which charter whole from the Segovia archive

reports Colmenares. Similarly in the same Era is given something

to the Abbot and Monks of S. Dominic of Silos on the II Ides of October,

in the village of Berlanga, begun now the year third of the aforesaid

girding and betrothal. This Charter, together

with above indicated another in favor of the monastery of S. Mary of

Valvanera, since alleges Garibay, in that very place where

Blanca he makes than Berengaria elder, notable is greatly

the negligence of the man, not considering only of the daughters

in both places to be named Berengaria, and indeed as now

to a spouse joined; no indeed to be made mention of Blanca, who

at least somewhere earlier was to be named, if earlier born

she had been.

[29] But of Blanca soon about to treat, here I note, in the aforesaid

Privileges more than once to be said, that a few days

elapsed, after the soldiery's belt to the King of León given,

him together with his daughter given also was to Conrad, perhaps

of the Birthday feasts on one. The same instruments certainly to us

prove, unto, dead in Syria each Frederick, Conrad Frederick's son (whom with the earlier

born Frederick, a little after the father in Syria dead, at the year

MCXC wrongly confused Baronius; since he was only

the third born, witness Otto of S. Blasius, Otto of Freising's

Continuator, then living and writing) prove,

I say, Conrad, not at once from the received belt military

to have returned into Germany, but unto the year MCXCI

to have remained in Spain, under the King his father-in-law received from him arms

handling, in honorary against the Saracens soldiery; after

whom finally, himself into Germany returning, to the betrothal

forthwith contradicted Berengaria, indeed still

untouched by a husband. But what cause could persuade of the contracted

now marriage the consummation, or rather of the same

solemnly covenanted, but not yet ratified and with the wonted of the Church ceremonies

blessed, the celebration to defer? I think

no delay in Conrad to have been, but Berengaria,

years now old XVII, when of the future marriage faith

her father so willing she gave, to try first to have wished, whether her mother,

who not so long before Blanca, as soon we shall say,

had borne, at length should cease children to bear; for if still

she should bear, and should bear a male, it seemed done concerning seeing again

ever Spain, after once into Germany

she had gone. Nor vain that fear was or imprudent caution;

scarcely for elapsed from Blanca's birth a year, began again

of November, on the day of Mercury, a son she bore, to whom, and born in Castile another Ferdinand, for the memory

of the prematurely dead by a quadrennium son she put likewise the name Ferdinand.

So is had in Colmenares chap. 18 page 7, in favor

of Gonsalvo Bishop of Segovia and Rodrigo Bishop of Palencia,

made the Charter at Palencia on the XVII Kalends

of April in the Era MCCXXVIII, that is in the year MCLXXXX, in that year

in which born was happily in the city Cuenca the King

Ferdinand, son of the Illustrious King Aldefonsus, and

of his wife the Queen Eleanor &c. where the year to be understood

is the natural, from the preceding November drawn:

for that in the civil year preceding born was the boy, to be established

says Mariana book II chap. 17, indeed from a similar some

instrument, nor anyone of the Spanish Writers doubts.

Through that moreover new Infant's birth now was vanishing

for Conrad, or at least greatly attenuated was the hope

of about to yield to him at some time with Berengaria of Castile: not yet

however a proper any great state having or

hoping elsewhere, deservedly still he remained in Spain, whatsoever

hope of a Kingdom dotal fostering, or at least notable

in the same of increment by such a marriage mediating. But

soon a just cause he received all delay to break off,

when announced to him was the death of his father and brother firstborn,

in Syria died in the year MCLXXXX, and the election of the second born

Henry into the place of the father; and so he understood in himself,

now in place nearest, to fall back the Duchy of Swabia, which

his father and brothers two successively had possessed, returning into Germany the spouse to follow would not Berengaria. until higher

they should be elevated. A new therefore and nearer hope shining from

Germany, if anything to the new Emperor Henry humanly

should happen; and inviting the acquired now to himself there right;

deservedly he hastened to return into Germany, and the same addicted

to himself wife he invited. But she equally deservedly refused to go out

of the kingdom, about to return to her, if the boy more quickly should die;

as to the prior two, therefore in history scarcely known, had happened:

especially since there were not lacking in the vicinity Princes, to whom

to marry within Spain she could, than Conrad more powerful.

Perhaps also the King himself the father, to the future providing, and not

wishing his daughter from himself to dismiss, first of industry delays

interwove to the celebrating and consummating marriage, and then

to the same his daughter the author was of contradicting. Certainly he unwilling

nothing I would believe Berengaria to have done.

[30] Now what to Blanca pertains, the notice of the year in which

she was born, bestows on us D. Elvira aforenamed, in a donation

which she made to the monastery of Arlanza, by an instrument

there originally preserved together with its authentic

transcript, to whom the sister another Blanca first was born in the year 1188, which there is had under the letter V num.

124. It in its original old Castilian language

wholly recites Alfonso Nuñez, chap. 38 of his Chronicle,

and so into Latin it can be rendered. In the name of God omnipotent,

I D. Elvira, who educated D. the little Infanta

Berengaria, offer to the monastery of SS. Peter and Paul

of Arlanza my body, and I give to the aforesaid monastery,

for the refreshment of my soul and of my parents'

mine, all the substance which I possess in the Villa

green &c. Made the charter on the fourth day of the month of March,

in the year MCLXXXVIII, reigning the King D. Aldefonsus

with his wife D. Eleanor at Burgos and in his other kingdoms,

and in that very year in which born was at Palencia D.

Blanca from the Queen D. Eleanor. Where note, in a composed

by a woman in the vulgar language instrument, and the day in the vulgar

manner numbered from the beginning of the month, not however in the Roman

manner and retrograde from the Nones; in the order of the daughters the third. and the year of the Era

to be said, not the Spanish, but the Christian; which that in Castile

also universally be received, at length established John

I in the Assembly of the year MCCCLXXXIII. Finally, that

an end I make of to-be-produced for the most ascertained now truth

instruments (very many for other to be found

without doubt could, if anyone of each Castile the archives

more diligently should search through) there exists in D. Antonio Suarez

de Alarcon, in the above cited Appendix Scripture 54,

and is alleged by Alfonso Nuñez chap. 45, a Privilege to the Burgos

city granted, with these in the beginning formal

words, the Royal children unto the year MCXCIII

surviving, in their both of dignity and of age order all

numbering, I Aldefonsus King of Castile

and Toledo, with my wife the Queen Eleanor, and

with my son Ferdinand, and with my daughters

the little Infantas Berengaria, Urraca, and Blanca &c. made

the charter at Zorrilla in the Era MCCXXXI, on the sixth

Ides of December. the last Eleanor about the year 1209. What pertains to Eleanor or Leonora,

to the King of Aragon James married in the year MCCXXI,

on the VI of February, on which day the King, Zurita witness, was entering

of his age the year XIII, was she without doubt

of all the last, nor long before the death of her mother

about the year MCCVIII or X born: of whom nothing from authentic ones

suggested to me was, nor of great import it is more scrupulously

to inquire into her birth.

§. VI The of Alfonso of León endeavors vain, to his son both of the grandfather's and of his own succession to deprive: his Sanctity, and posthumous Glory: and why to this is adjoined the history of the Caravaca Cross.

[31] Now not now first by the of glory and of virtue Spanish

detractors this to Ferdinand, 31 The father Alfonso the kingdom of Castile to his son envied, long ago dead

and among the Saints related, a controversy is moved,

upon the of the Castilian Kingdom title. His father, Alfonso of León,

him to his son envied and snatched away wished; pretending,

that the failing in Castile of the stock male, from Alfonso

the Emperor through Sancho the firstborn drawn,

he himself, from Ferdinand the second born of the same Emperor

under pretext of the Castles, which by the right of war once from him had snatched

his father-in-law, and to his daughter Berengaria in dowry had given, and which she herself,

as her and her son Ferdinand's possession, proceeded after

the divorce to retain. Adds Michel Angelo Lauretti to me

above named, page 211 of the Italian Life, to have wished Alfonso,

since Castile he could not, León at least from Ferdinand

to snatch; and to him to substitute the second born likewise

Alfonso, often in the Holy King's history praised; who

prudently refused to snatch beforehand from his brother, what neither if he wished

to retain could he, he and the mother unwilling. But this elsewhere

not yet I have read, nor do I understand by what of right an appearance it could be palliated.

If however this thought Alfonso the father, of this kind

deprecating, and of the whole Castilian kingdom forces to the father's obedience

offering: which also, the litigations at length well composed,

faithfully exhibited the Saint in war, both against certain

rebelling Nobles, both against the Infidels to be waged.

The son's however and of the Castilian kingdom the increments never

enough with fair eyes to behold the father could: and therefore under

life's end tablets he composed, by which he instituted heirs two

from the prior cohabitation daughters, I know not what new right, and in

of supreme powers successions unheard-of having devised,

against the right of the sons from the latter bed born. So

namely Prince that, by the same lust of mind by which the sanctions

of the Church he had despised in leading wives; afterward of the Leonese also him to deprive he attempts. even the rights

of reigning he feigned and re-feigned, first from the Castile kingdom

excluded wishing the females, the male failing; then in

his Leonese to be excepted them wishing, even with surviving males

his sons two; only that the Castilians, whom he hated,

over León might not rule. Nay even Jerome Zurita

book 3 chap. 10 asserts the King, before he died, to have dealt

with James of Aragon the King, who under consanguinity's pretext

to him his firstborn Sancha, with the right of succession

into the kingdom Leonese; which however lest further he to aspire

should dare, the swift death of Alfonso made, and the great of Berengaria

diligence in asserting her son's right, before for Sancha

anything to be moved effectively could.

[22] Otherwise indeed Ferdinand, of God only (as above

said) the glory to be augmented zealous: whence also it happened

him to grow, even in temporal power. But not

from this his increase do we wish to prove the justice of the cause.

For many Kings, robbers, unjust, adulterers, of their domination

the bounds most widely and most happily propagated:

but among the Saints never has been numbered anyone, who was

of another's Kingdom a usurper unjust, and in that usurpation deceased.

But the Saint I say Ferdinand: His cause also proves the sanctity, for to him this

title, not only the prescription of time immemorial

and old paintings, and of authors as much more ancient as

more recent the consent vindicate; but also, which the highest

is on earth, the authority of the Apostolic See, the weighed of the Processes

upon it formed Acts, of which the Summary,

at Rome printed in the year MDCXXXVIII, we obtained, and from

it we give both some of this age miracles (for the old ones

exhibits the Flos Sanctorum) both arguments chief, by a Pontifical decree confirmed, by which

at length was induced the Pontiff Clement X, that in the year

MDCLXXI, he decreed an Office and Mass, through all

of the Spanish Monarchy provinces, to be recited and celebrated of him

to be able, as truly a Saint and such always held. Before which

definitive sentence it seems the author of the Spanish Martyrology

John Tamayo de Salazar a scruple to himself to have held, him

to number to the rest of the Spanish Saints; far more prudently

about to do, if that his work he had not filled with figments

innumerable, from Pseudo-Dexter and to him substituted of authors

supposititious a crowd received: by which to Spain are ascribed

several, The name I know not why passed over in the Spanish martyrology. who not only to it at all nothing

pertain, but neither by any likely authority are asserted

at some time in the nature of things to have been, as more often in this work

we have demonstrated, and several times further to demonstrate we are. But

dismissed Tamayo I make, in good probably faith, but

with scanty discretion having used in that his work; to Ferdinand

I return.

[33] His more ancient and more recent miracles, of which

now I have made mention, of the double Translation the Acts, and whatever

the Canonization to the extreme almost term brought

pertains, I will give in a Treatise particular, which the Glory posthumous

I will call, by a Title hitherto by me often used in

such things. To which Treatise to be composed, not only of great

to me use was the Summary now said, but also

the same who useful many things for the Annotata suggested, D. Diego

Ortiz de Zúñiga, of the Order of S. James a Knight, author

most recent of the Annals of Seville, in the year MDCLXXVII

published: whence also we received the history of the inspected Body

incorrupt, with the judgment of physicians concerning that miracle;

and also a description brief of the solemnity twofold, of which

the first then was kept, when to Seville were brought the Remissorial letters

of Urban VIII, the process in general and in special

for to be informed at Rome the cause to be made permitting: the other

most recently celebrated, The posthumous Glory is given after the Acts, with the Mass and office, by the authority of Clement

X, as now I have indicated; which description last that

fuller might be, helped a notable work of D. Baltasar de Torre-Farfán,

by which the whole apparatus, in that matter by

the Church Metropolitan made, he comprised, whatever

to the typographic art was lacking by the help of the chalcographic supplying,

through many figures in copper engraved, of which also most

we will give; such, to of an edition particular whatsoever

the measure, in the greater (as they call) octavo, to be sculpted

we took care, with a more elegant not a little graver than they had been

at Seville full in folio first engraved; added some

from elsewhere received, and very much to our argument

making. Finally the whole matter will close a Treatise

on the history and miracles of the holy Caravaca Cross, in the manner of an Appendix adjoined to the Treatise of

S. Ferdinand. and finally the History and Miracles of the Caravaca Cross, Not because that demand his Acts (for in

these no of it mention) but partly because he reigning,

that Cross to have been brought by Angels has the common

opinion of the townspeople, and on this leaning of Writers old

and more recent the narration: partly because in the prior edition

so I examined that tradition and corrected it, the rejected

fabulous of Higuera fabrications, that itself inconsiderately I confirmed

for the year the Holy King's nativity preceding,

as a presage of to-be-exalted by him in all Baetica the Cross.

I had done that I from the faith of an interpretation, which the Licentiate

de Luna had presumed to give to certain Caravaca

Inscriptions, as Arabic; now however the matter more fully

examined I understand, nothing them to have with the Arabic

affinity; Runic in some part and Gothic characters

with the Latin rashly mixed to be; and which nothing less

could, than what the Licentiate feigned, signify. Pertains

therefore to the faith of a writer ingenuous, to unweave what badly

was asserted; by that reckoning, by which neither to the holy that

Cross's esteem be detracted anything, nor the reader

from one error led into another, in the same be confirmed

by my dissimulation. Each would be done, if the whole Appendix being rescinded,

I should choose in this Volume of that argument silence

to hold: others about to judge, me therefore that to do, to the Holy King's times to be referred. because with changed

mind to the very history nothing or little of faith I attribute; others it

to the sole zeal of brevity about to ascribe, nor about to suspect anything

there to be which corrected I would wish, but me to the prior edition

simply to acquiesce, and the book's mass increased to be unwilling

by a not plainly necessary accession of matter elsewhere pertaining.

Meanwhile neither will it be able from the Month of May, foreign to seem in this its

last Volume the illustrated history of the Cross, by all Spain

nay the orb Christian so greatly celebrated; since in the first

its Volume from fabulous narrations we have unfolded the very

of the Lord's Cross Finding, on the III day of the month

wont to be recalled: nor from the Holy King's history altogether to be separated

ought that Cross, which, if his origin it did not illustrate;

from a tradition however popular, two hundred fifty

after years by authentic consigned writings, to be demonstrated

can among the first of his expeditions against the infidels undertaken

endeavors, of all Spain the recovery, by himself

and James of Aragon his brother-in-law all but to be accomplished,

to have portended.

[34] Now, that partly the things said in this preliminary Commentary,

partly in the course more fully to be said may be grasped more easily;

receive a double Scheme, Genealogical one, Chronological

the other.

GENEALOGICAL SCHEME OF THE KINGS OF CASTILE, LEÓN AND LUSITANIA,

Inasmuch as to the Holy King's History they pertain.

Ferdinand, King of Castile and León, at Seville in Baetica (S.)

BY THE AUTHOR D. P.

Alfonso VI son of Ferdinand the Great.

[34] Thou seest here how from Alfonso VI, son of Ferdinand

the Great, Alfonso of León incestuous is declared proceed, hence indeed the Kings

of Castile and León through Urraca, from the first

with Raymond Count of the Burgundians nuptials (for nothing

hither make the second nuptials with Alfonso of Aragon,

except inasmuch as from such a cause he among the Castile Kings

is numbered VII) thence indeed the Kings of Lusitania through Tarasia,

to Henry Count of Portugal joined. Thou seest

moreover, how Alfonso of León, Tarasia

of Lusitania in the second, Berengaria of Castile in the third

degree touched: Henry indeed the boy, the holy King's

uncle, Mafalda his spouse only in the fifth

degree, of whom however the marriage by Pontifical command and

with Berengaria intervening was dissolved. And by this reckoning

most conveniently corrected remains, on account of a marriage contracted in the 2nd degree, whatever elsewhere erred

by me in this part is, confusing itself the memory in so many

Synonyms Kings and Kings' children, mutually consanguineous.

A wonder however to seem not undeservedly can, that

Alfonso of León, of the Roman Pontiffs Clement

III and Celestine likewise III the severity having experienced,

in urging the dismission of Tarasia; did not fear in a similar again

difficulty himself to involve, by leading Berengaria,

by one only degree of consanguinity more remote. But

I think to have believed, them now dead, milder to himself about to be

their successor; both because a lighter impediment

it was, both because he judged to it about to prevail the public

good so grand, as great as was of two Kingdoms

the pacification, from those nuptials about to follow. But his

hope deceived him: for, as Roger of Hoveden writes, at the year

MCXCVIII, Dead Celestine, Innocent the Pope

III substituted, again suspended Aldefonsus

the King of S. James, and all his land, from the celebration

of the divine Office; another in the 3rd degree he contracted, on account of his wife, the daughter

of the King of Castile; for they were consanguineous in

the third degree. And although that King of S. James had offered

to the Lord Pope and the Cardinals twenty thousand

marks of silver, and had offered to hold at stipends

two hundred soldiers, through one year's space, for the defense

of the Christians against the Pagans, with such

through three years; would not however the Lord Pope Innocent in

this to them consent.

[35] Mariana in the similar of Alfonso of Aragon and Urraca

of Castile divorce, at the year MCX, of so great severity

the cause seems to think, because not yet by manners received

it was, that with the Roman Pontiffs' leave,

the law of kinship loosed, marriages between kinsfolk

should be entered. And so everywhere, he says, we consider through

these times, marriages of Princes to have been dissolved, without a Pontifical dispensation,

with the kinship between the spouses illegitimate and unjust.

Rare that to have been I confess: but not therefore the Pontiffs thou shouldst think

not to have acknowledged their power of dispensing in that law.

Why therefore that in the aforesaid are not? I believe: because each

Alfonso aforenamed, the Apostolic See unconsulted and

as it were despised, had contracted of-this-kind marriages;

so that not so much of dispensing the sparingness, as of vindicating the severity

displayed in the aforesaid cases to seem; then indeed rare, lest of a perverse

license an example from Princes to subjects should flow forth.

Otherwise the power of dispensing at this very time

in the Roman Pontiffs to have been acknowledged, and at some time

exercised, by an evident we know example in the

then living Continuator of Otto of Freising, called

Otto of S. Blasius, for the year MCCIX, in which Innocent

III, to remove of the Empire the schism, not only

indulged, but also commanded Otto the Saxon, but not without examples King of the Romans

elected against Philip the Swabian, that he should take

in marriage of the same Philip now dead the daughter,

which otherwise without the Apostolic See's leave to be done

was not lawful, kinship impeding: for the father

of Otto the uncle was of Frederick the father of Philip.

There is however even in so evident a utility of Christendom

all with this caution proceeded, that in the Assembly of the Empire,

before the Apostolic Legates for that cause at Würzburg celebrated,

rising the Abbot of Morimond, of the Order

Cistercian, and of all the Abbots and other

Claustrals of each Order, of Cluny namely

and of Cîteaux, the person assuming, the offense

by this marriage against the custom of the Church,

howsoever dispensatorily, to be committed,

to the monastic Order by Apostolic authority imposed,

by prayers namely and penances to be expiated: and nonetheless

to the King on account of this enjoined a penance,

that of monasteries and other churches according to his power

he should preside, and a monastery of the Cistercian Order

in his own ground he should build, and after these things in his own

person to the Church of Jerusalem he should subvene:

which all the King humbly and gratefully to be fulfilled undertook. but in which great caution was applied.

I know not whether so great in a similar case caution applied

Gregory IX in the year MCCXXXVI, about Robert Count

of Artois and Alfonso the brothers of S. Louis the King to whom

that the daughter of the Duke of Lorraine and Brabant, to Alfonso

that of the Count of Toulouse the daughter he should lead: this I know, Bzovius

at that year n. 8 to allege the very Pope's Briefs,

at Terni given on the XIV Kalends of February and the VI Kalends of June,

by which to each the power is made of celebrating a marriage of this kind:

more perhaps we would understand from the original letters, if they themselves

came forth into light. To be known however that the defect

of Pontifical dispensation in cases of this kind impeded

indeed lest a bond indissoluble be contracted, not however was reckoned

to be an obstacle to the legality of the children, standing such

civil, of consanguineous nuptials beyond the first degree

not prohibiting: and so nothing stands in the way, whereby the less S. Ferdinand

through his mother, but also of León through his father: who himself

by no other right reigned, inasmuch as born of consanguineous

in the third degree, and therefore also separated; preferred

however to the children, from the second bed of Ferdinand of León

and Urraca Lopez more canonically born. Meanwhile thus received offspring was reckoned legitimate, Moreover

at least the Princesses themselves excusable were, and in good faith

the marriage had contracted, to which no one of the Bishops of the Kingdom

himself had opposed: and that especially of Berengaria I judge;

scarcely doubting, but that after she was certain not to be able her marriage

with the Church's peace saved to subsist, from her husband's bed herself

she abstained, in a plenty of concubines easily that suffering, and him

at length impelled to a divorce to be celebrated, and so

to be restored to the Kingdom the Sacred things. Add that most similar were

younger, than that a scruple to themselves to hold they could a conjunction

by the parents approved: it is wont moreover even now in such a

case good faith of the mothers to suffrage the offspring, lest illegitimate it be reckoned.

[36] Of others moreover whatsoever it be, for Ferdinand, now of Castile

the King, and that for S. Ferdinand by name, that not only pacific should be of the ancestral kingdom

the possession, but also of the paternal the succession incontestable; provided,

at his and his most prudent mother's instance, Honorius

the Pope III; and at the same time declared all hitherto

to that to be stabilized publicly done, ratified and unshaken

to be held himself to wish, even on the part of his father; who

alone to the son to remain to be feared seemed, from an innate against

the Castilians hatred. To Odoricus Raynaldus, of the Ecclesiastical Annals the Continuator after Baronius, to be rendered

thanks, that the Brief, by which are taught those all things, from the Register

Pontifical to us he transcribed in these words, to Ferdinand,

the Illustrious King of Castile, directed: The Royal dignity's

sublimity, not only in those things which mere justice

contain, but in those also which grace

savor, favor ought Apostolic to find.

Which attending of happy memory Pope Innocent,

Our Predecessor, when, the discord laid to rest,

which once between our dearest in Christ son

Alfonso the illustrious King of León

thy father, and of memorable memory thy grandfather

Alfonso King of Castile, (on account of the father's oath, on the occasion of the divorce

between thy parents, published upon this a Constitution

Apostolic celebrated, most perilously was turning;

peace between them, through the concession of the Kingdom

Leonese by thy father himself, thee according to

the Royal custom solemnly receiving

as a son, by which to have wished he seems thee

his to be legitimate successor, with prior mind

and will free to thee made; by Innocent 3 approved of the concession

itself at no time to be revoked an oath being taken,

as in his letters we perceived to be contained;

was by the counsel and consent of the Prelates

and Barons of that Kingdom voluntarily reformed;

to the same peace, on account of the evident utility

and urgent necessity, the strength of Apostolic

authority he expended, that grateful holding

and ratified; and upon this, at each King's

instance, his of confirmation letters granting.

We therefore, declares Honorius 3. to thy and of the dearest in Christ

daughter Berengaria the illustrious Queen thy mother

prayers inclined, the deed of thy father himself (since

to his salvation it is expedient, that what he swore an unshaken

obtain firmness) grateful holding and ratified;

it, as providently done it is, by authority

Apostolic of special grace we confirm, and

the aforesaid Writing's page we fortify, thee his

successor legitimate declaring … Given

at the Lateran on the VI of July, of our Pontificate in the year

second.

[37] By a similar discretion to have used I find Honorius's successor

Gregory IX, in the year MCCXXIX, in favor

of Alfonso of Aragon the Infante, born from James

the King and Berengaria's Sister Eleanor, of Alfonso the Emperor

great-great-grandchildren, whom the father before the Sabina

Bishop the Pontifical Legate, to know the divorce's cause sent,

and of the Spanish Prelates to the same

convoked an assembly, protested in good faith born,

and instituted and sworn heir. as afterward Gregory 9 for Alfonso of Aragon the Infante. But why the same those

Pontiffs, who the divorce of Berengaria from the Leonese

so fervidly acted, in a similar in Aragon marriage

so never themselves interposed, that, if concordant

enough that had been, by the Apostolic See dissolved never

would have been, I confess indeed not enough I grasp. Garibay

indeed by Honorius commanded the separation writes:

but who would believe, the matter by him judged, by Gregory by many to be sought

to have been, nor but the cause through a Legate known to be granted

to the King, it greatly desiring, as Zurita

asserts, an author far more accurate and more certain than Garibay?

[38] Now since of the questions hitherto treated and

of the history further to be drawn the understanding very much depends

on the reckoning of time; I will not be loath here also, as in

the first edition I did, it more zealously digested to spread out.

THE FERDINANDEAN CHRONOLOGY.

Through the years of the Lord's Incarnation spread out.

Ferdinand, King of Castile and León, at Seville in Baetica (S.)

BY THE AUTHOR D. P.

In the year DCCXII.

Seville, with the rest of Spain Baetica, is occupied

by the Moors.

MLXV. Dies Ferdinand I, by surname the Great,

King of Castile and León, with a similar by which afterward the King the Saint

piety and humility, on XXVII of December, to whom succeeds

his son Alfonso VI.

MLXXXIX. King Alfonso his daughter Urraca, still below puberty,

with the dowry of the County of Galicia betroths to Raymond,

brother of the Count of Burgundy and of Guido Bishop of Vienne,

afterward Pope Calixtus II; his natural daughter indeed

Tarasia to the Count of Portugal Henry, whence born Alfonso,

there the first King.

MCII. Dead in battle against the Moors the Infante Sancho,

Alfonso's only-begotten, Urraca, by her husband Raymond widowed,

marries Alfonso of Aragon the infante.

MCVII. To Alfonso VI deceasing, succeeds Alfonso

VII, Urraca's husband, as his stepson's tutor,

now before King of Aragon, called thenceforth Emperor

of Spain.

MCXXVII. The Castilians and Leonese, the Aragonese being abdicated,

now for a while separated from Urraca, hers and Raymond's son Alfonso VIII, the Holy King's great-great-great-grandfather, to the kingdom

elevate.

MCXXXV. Alfonso VIII, subjected to himself the kingdom of Navarre

Emperor of Spain is crowned, in a public of the Kingdoms

Assembly at León, by Raymond Archbishop of Toledo

Primate of Spain, assenting (as they wish) the Pontiff

Innocent II: he moreover his wife also

Berengaria, Empress in his diplomas names.

MCLVII. To Alfonso the Emperor dead succeed his sons,

Sancho in Castile, Ferdinand II in the kingdom of León

and Galicia.

MCLVIII. Dies Sancho of Castile, leaving

grandfather maternal.

MCLXV. Dead Ferdinand of León succeeds

his son Alfonso, the holy King's father to be, from Urraca

of Lusitania born, in vain against striving his stepmother, Urraca

Lopez.

MCLXX. Alfonso of Castile, years XV old,

and of Eleanor, from William the last Duke of Aquitaine

born.

MCLXXI. Is born Berengaria, the Saint's mother to be,

of the children of each sex the firstborn.

MCLXXII or III. Comes into light Ferdinand,

of the Castilian the son, to the year of age XI or XII about to come.

MCLXXV. Born it seems Urraca, the Holy King's aunt,

Queen to be of Lusitania.

MCLXXX. Is born to the Castilian Alfonso a son second, called

Sancho, dead within a few years.

MCLXXXV. The sons of Alfonso being dead, only the daughters two are named

in the paternal charters of whom the Elder Berengaria,

in the kingdom's Assembly as heir is acknowledged.

MCLXXXVIII. Is born Blanca, the future of S. Louis

King of France the mother, than the sister greater so much younger, that a daughter

to have been, by age she could. In the same year going out, Alfonso

of León from Alfonso of Castile takes

the belt military, a little after about to lead as wife Tarasia,

daughter of his uncle Sancho King of Lusitania. In the same

still year Berengaria is betrothed to Conrad, third

born of Frederick the Emperor, with hope of succession

into the Kingdom of Castile, where now not but females remained.

MCLXXXIX. At Cuenca in the month of November is born to Alfonso

of Castile another Ferdinand, his father equally as the two prior

about to predecease, when to the XXI year he shall have come.

MCLXXXX. Die in Syria Frederick the Emperor,

and the firstborn of him also Frederick Duke of Swabia:

for whom of Germany King is elected the second born Henry

II.

MCLXXXXI. Conrad, the future Duke of Swabia into Germany

migrates back, of the succession Castilian cast down:

him thither to follow unwilling Berengaria, from the betrothal is absolved.

MCLXXXXV. Alfonso of León is compelled to dismiss Tarasia

his kinswoman, after received from her a son Ferdinand

quickly dead, and daughters two to himself about to survive,

Sancha and Dulcia. By the Moors about Arcos is conquered

Alfonso of Castile.

MCXCVII. Berengaria marries Alfonso of León,

years old about XXXIII, herself of years XXVI.

MCXCVIIII. To Alfonso of León bears Berengaria

her firstborn S. Ferdinand, on a mountain a certain,

says Lauretus, between Zamora and Salamanca; a worthy

place (if true that is) which by more certain monuments

be illustrated, and by a special of the Saint cult. Is born moreover this one

XVII years before S. Louis: and that nativity

of the Licentiate de Luna a foundation in a true of times

reckoning had.

MCC. Blanca of Alfonso of Castile the third born only twelve years old

is betrothed to the thirteen-year-old Louis France's Prince,

to a youth a little maiden (as in this very year sings Gilles of Paris),

and soon led into France to the same she marries on the next

feria II after the feast of the Ascension, peace with the English reformed:

there are however who the marriage's celebration defer

to the year following.

MCCIV. To Alfonso of Castile is born another son, called

Henry, his father about to survive. About the same time Alfonso

of León, by a Pontifical bound command, a divorce

makes from Berengaria his consanguineous, now of three children

from him the mother.

MCCVIII. Urraca of Castile, among the sisters the second born,

marries Alfonso of Lusitania then Prince and after

Constance, this of Olcas Abbess, that the future of Aragon

Queen, nor long after survived their mother the Queen

Eleanor, of whose death and burial I wonder nothing to have read.

MCCIX. The Palencia Schools by King Sancho about the year

MXXX instituted, by Alfonso of Castile into a University

are erected. To S. Ferdinand a boy sick health

at the Mother of God of Oña is restored, at the vow of his mother Berengaria, about which matter the successor son afterward a hymn composed.

Blanca, years XVII or XVIII old, begins to her husband

children in France to bear.

MCCXI. Innocent III, by letters on the VIII and XIII

Kalends of March given, praises Alfonso of Castile and his

Son Ferdinand, on account of the undertaken against the Moors

war: in whose readiness dies an excellent youth,

wrongly by some confused with the Holy King his nephew:

he dies moreover a triennium before his father.

MCCXIII. Between the Kings the Castilian and the Leonese

right to the succession into the Kingdom, through the oath

of the father and the Pontiff's assent. The Saracens by the Christians, in

MCCXIIII. Dies Alfonso of Castile, the Saint's

grandfather maternal: succeeds his son eleven years old Henry I, under

the tutelage of his Sister Berengaria: but her the Count Alvaro

compels the tutelage to dismiss, and to the boy King joins B. Mafalda

of Lusitania, in the fifth degree consanguineous, and

in age far greater: who by the Pontiff's command from him separated,

MCCXV. Is born S. Louis, the future King of France.

MCCXVII. Dies Henry K. of Castile, succeeds

of his Sisters the firstborn Berengaria: who the crown

transfers to her firstborn S. Ferdinand, years

XVIII old, on XXXI of August.

MCCXVIII. Honorius III confirms to Ferdinand

the right into the succession Leonese, to him by his father sworn, and

approved by his predecessor Innocent III. Is taken

the Count Alvaro to the King rebel on XIX December, and the usurped

yielding to León he betakes himself.

MCCXIX. The same Pontiff the Holy King and his Kingdom

received into his special and the Apostolic See's protection.

He himself toward the end of the year a wife leads Beatrix,

daughter of Philip Duke of Swabia, kinswoman of Frederick II

afterward Emperor, and himself with the belt military girt.

MCCXX. Rodrigo de Camberiis, to the King holy refractory,

is curbed.

MCCXXI. Gonsalvo de Molina similarly resists

and is coerced. Eleanor, the holy King's aunt, to James

King of Aragon marries at Tarazona on the VI of February.

MCCXXII. S. Ferdinand aids his father Alfonso

of León against certain rebels: and on XX November

the Sword and the blessed Labarum against the Moors

from the hand of Maurice Bishop of Burgos receives.

About MCCXXIIII. Is painted the Tablet of the Confraternity

of S. Matthew, whence received the effigy of the Saint. Is born

B. Isabella, sister of S. Louis. Ferdinand in his first

against the Moors expedition the Baeza and Úbeda borders lays waste,

takes Quesada: when also Zeyt Abuzeyt, of Valencia

and Murcia King, to Cuenca to the Saint comes,

and into his clientage himself gives.

MCCXXV. The same King at Teruel with James of Aragon

makes a pact for the fifth part of the revenues to be paid: Blanca

Q. of France, about of her age the year XXXVI, bears Stephen,

among the children eleven the last or the penultimate,

according to the Genealogical tables of our Philip Labbe. In the second

expedition to the Saint himself subjected King Mahumad

of Baeza.

MCCXXVI. Comes into Spain a Legate Apostolic,

by Honorius IV sent, the Kings against the Moors to animate;

MCCXXVII. A third time against the Moors running the Saint,

certain towns takes. Zeyt Abuzeyt, Murcia lost,

King of Caravaca and Valencia seems in this year by a miraculous

of the Cross apparition converted.

MCCXXVIII. S. Ferdinand signs a charter of the convent

of Preachers of Madrid. The Jaén borders by an expedition

fourth lays waste.

MCCXXVIIII. Zeyt Abuzeyt on account of Christianity's suspicion

cast out by the Valencians, Zahen the King assuming,

into the faith of James of Aragon himself delivers, with his son,

received Baptism called Ferdinand. The Queen Beatrix

at Cuenca sick, by a miracle of the Mother of God grows well, present

her son Alfonso, who afterward about that matter a Hymn composed.

S. Ferdinand, a fifth time running obtains Capilla:

of the new Cathedral of Toledo the foundations he lays: his father again

arms moving by a written epistle somehow appeases.

James of Aragon the King a divorce makes from Eleanor

of Castile, by the title of consanguinity, saved however the right of the born

from her Alfonso the son.

MCCXXX. Dies toward the year's end Alfonso of León,

heirs instituted two from Tarasia of Lusitania

daughters: but in vain; Berengaria Ferdinand

leading into the Kingdom.

MCCXXXI. The King of Navarre Sancho now decrepit,

and James of Aragon a youth, mutually themselves adopt into

the succession of the kingdoms, war about to bring on the Castilians, with success

none, on account of the death of Sancho soon following.

MCCXXXII. Berengaria, the Saint's Sister, to John of Brienne

King of Jerusalem, the lost in Syria affairs help

from Europe seeking, as wife is delivered.

MCCXXXIIII. S. Ferdinand K. of Castile and León

occupies Úbeda: dies to him his wife D. Beatrix.

D. Alfonso, the Saint's brother, the Moors at Jerez conquers.

Peace with the Aragonese is patched up, assigned to Eleanor dismissed,

the Saint's aunt, a dowry competent.

MCCXXXV. The Christians occupy the suburb of Córdoba.

MCCXXXVI. Córdoba surrender to the Saint makes: the bells

of the year DCCCCXC by Almanzor taken away, on the Moors'

shoulders are carried back to Compostela. Heretics at Palencia

caught chastises Ferdinand. Zeyt Abuzeyt, by Christian

name Ferdinand, at Zaragoza a wife Christian

leads, whence born a daughter, of the Arenós family the origin.

MCCXXXVII. S. Ferdinand a second wife leads,

D. Joanna, of the Count of Ponthieu the daughter. Lucas of Tuy

finishes his of the world Chronicle: in which he has the Life

of the Saint, hitherto drawn.

MCCXXXIX. The Palencia University to Salamanca is transferred

by the Saint: who dead Alvaro Prefect of Baetica,

to Córdoba sets forth: thence to Burgos returned, of Biscay

the Lord curbs. Finally he himself and the Queen mother

through their Legate, the Abbot of S. Facundo, full of reverence

letters, direct to Pope Gregory IX,

and to him commends his second born Frederick,

for the maternal inheritance to be received sent to the Emperor

his kinsman.

MCCXXXX. The King of Murcia into the power of the Holy King

himself delivers.

MCCXXXXII. Is taken Arjona; are laid waste the Granada borders.

MCCXXXXIII. The King of Granada, into the clientage of the Saint himself

subjects, and to him Jaén yields. Rodrigo of Toledo

to his History an end puts: he himself however not long survived,

dead on the confines of Aragon and Gaul, returning from

the Council of Lyon in the year MCCXLV on the IX of August; or by another

occasion according to others, XXIII months later.

MCCXXXXIV. S. Ferdinand goes into Baetica, never

more Castile about to see again.

MCCXXXXV. Frederick the Emperor excommunicated,

in the Council of Lyon is deposed; and then at least Frederick

the second born of the Saint, of the maternal inheritance

to be recovered frustrated, by him from Italy into Spain returns.

Dies Berengaria the Mother of the Saint, on the VIII of November

(decreed now the siege of Seville) LXXV years old.

MCCXXXXVI. Alfonso, the Saint's firstborn, a wife

leads Violante, daughter of James of Aragon, at Valladolid

in the month of November.

MCCXXXXVII. Seville on the day XX August is besieged, the towns

most round about now occupied. Dies the King

of Valencia; and to him into the bare title succeeds his son

Zeyt-Abomahomad, not yet a Christian.

MCCXXXXVIII. It is agreed between the Infante of Castile

and the King of Aragon concerning the limits of the conquests on each

side to be made. S. Louis K. of France, into the Holy Land

setting forth, the rule to his mother Blanca commits,

then keeping the LX year of age. Valencia for whole four

years assailed on the day XXVIII of September, to James of Aragon

by Zahen is delivered. Seville, in the month XVI of the siege

begun, to the Holy King is surrendered, on XXIII of November.

MCCL. S. Ferdinand communicates to the City of Seville

and augments the Privileges, to the Toledo city by his Grandfather and

Great-grandfather granted, and by himself confirmed: in the same year is said

found by a Jew a book on the triple world,

with a prophecy of S. Ferdinand, of imposture suspect.

MCCLI. Berengaria the Abbess, daughter of the holy King, the body

of her Grandmother to Burgos to be transferred takes care.

MCCLII. Dies at Seville and there is buried S. Ferdinand.

Dies also Blanca the mother of S. Louis, in

Palestine absent.

MCCLIII. Alfonso the Wise K. of Castile and León,

the Holy King's firstborn, composes tablets on of the city and

of the field of Seville among the Christians partition.

MCCLXIII. Zeyt-Abomahomad, ex-King of Valencia,

called in baptism Vincent, of his and his son's

and two grandsons' conversion to Urban IV writes;

who answering, them into the Apostolic See's tutelage receives.

MCCLXX. Dies S. Louis K. of France, cousin

of S. Ferdinand.

MCCLXXXIIII. Dies Alfonso K. of Castile and

León, the Saint's son, under whom or the successor son written

the Chronicle of the same Holy King. Sancho, excluded

from the prematurely dead brother Alfonso and Blanca the French grandsons

Alfonso and Ferdinand, to whom the Wise

had bequeathed the kingdom, it for himself claims and retains.

MCCLXXXXV. Dies at Toledo Sancho, Alfonso X's son,

S. Ferdinand's grandson, under whom were cast the foundations of the new

Cathedral of Seville: succeeds his son ten years old

Ferdinand IV.

MCCCXIII. Ferdinand IV K. of Castile and León

dies: succeeds his son a year old Alfonso

XI.

MCCCLVIII. Frederick, Master of the Order of S. James,

Alfonso XI's bastard son, by his brother's command is slain:

the body with the body of the Holy King, is translated in the year

MDLXXIX.

MCCCLXII. Dies María de Padilla, concubine of Peter

the Cruel, the body to the Royal sepulchres is transferred:

afterward with the same also translated into the new Chapel.

MCCCLXXV. The History and Miracles of the H. Caravaca Cross,

by command of García Cárdenas the Commander, first

authentically are described.

About MCCCLXXXVI. Happens a Miracle of S. Ferdinand,

the first of those which notes the Flos-Sanctorum.

MCCCXCII. Is added a new little Appendix to the aforesaid

miracles.

MCCCXCIII. The town and church of Caravaca,

by the rebellious of Granada Moors are taken and burned,

saved the H. Cross and the writings aforesaid.

MCCCLXXXXV. The spheres four of bronze, on the Tower of Seville

placed by the founders the Moors, by an Earthquake are cast down.

MCCCCVII. Is completed the structure of the new Cathedral

of Seville, begun before the year MCCLXVI.

MCCCCXXXIV. Dies Alfonso of Cartagena, from

Bishop of Zamora Archbishop of Burgos, Author of the Anacephalaeosis

of the affairs of Spain, in which is described the King

the Saint.

MCCCCLXX. Dies Rodrigo Sanchez, Bishop

of Palencia, Author of a History Spanish, against

his mind clearly explained in part 3 chap. 39, foully

interpolated in part 4 chap. 4, where again of Berengaria,

the Saint's mother.

MCCCCLXXX. The History and miracles of the H. Cross,

by mandate of the Episcopal Vicar for the Cardinal of Valencia, lawfully

are transcribed.

MDVIII. Ferdinand the Catholic of the Spains

King, the Sword of S. Ferdinand, in a procession

carries.

MDXV. D. Fernando Enríquez, carries the Sword

of the Saint, and to him is inscribed the same's Chronicle of the first edition

from a MS. of the Church of Seville.

MDXXXII. Is published in Spanish the Flos-Sanctorum, to which inserted

the Life of the Saint, composed before the year MD.

MDXXXXVI. Doctor Antonio Oncala causes to be printed

at Alcalá his Heptaplon, in whose Tract. 30 Apophya

called, for the first time in types struck is read the sincere

relation of the H. Caravaca Cross; a witness himself an eye-witness was

of the anniversary in rain to be obtained miracle.

MDXXXXVIII. Dies on XX February the Venerable P.

Fernando de Contreras, Chaplain of the Church of Seville,

of whom to be canonized the cause is engaged in the Roman Rota.

The Murcia Inquisitors inquire into the truth of the history

and miracles of the Caravaca Cross, and how

it through a Sacristan from Toledo sent by theft taken away, and miraculously

restored was.

MDLI. Is printed at Valladolid the Chronicle General

of Spain by or under Alfonso the Wise composed. In which

since a good part of the Ferdinandean Chronicle almost word for word

written is found, it behoves the one from the other taken

to be: we however the Ferdinandean more ancient to be opine

by conjecturing, the General others prefer.

MDLVI. Again, at the request of the Sacristan of Caravaca, the History

and miracles aforenoted from paper to parchment

are transferred, no thing new added.

MDLXXV. Is completed the fabric of the new Chapel Royal in

the church of Seville.

MDLXXVII. Jerónimo de Gudiel at Alcalá divulges

of the Holy King.

MDLXXVIII. In the Cathedral of Seville is translated

the image of Our Lady de la Antigua, which before the Moors'

coming honored, by them neither to be abolished, nor to be broken

could; and with a wall covered over, and this collapsing uncovered,

Religion.

MDLXXIX. The body of the Saint, with other Royal bodies,

solemnly is translated into the new Chapel.

MDLXXXVII. Alfonso Morgado publishes at Seville a History

of Seville, which of great to us use was.

MDLXXXX. The Lessons for the Dedication of the Church

of Seville are approved by the Congregation of Rites at Rome.

Is founded a Mass for the Anniversary of the holy King.

MDXCVIII. Authentically is transcribed the testimony of the inquisition

aforementioned of the Caravaca Cross.

MDCXVI. Juan de Robles, Presbyter of Caravaca,

in Spanish prints in books two the history and miracles

of the Caravaca Cross; a work of much correction needing,

on account of the admixed of Higuera and de Luna figments.

MDCXXVII. Pablo de Espinosa publishes the History,

Antiquities, and Great-deeds of the City of Seville,

often by us to be alleged.

MDCXXIX. From Rome are dispatched Remissorial letters in order

to the Processes for the Canonization of the Saint to be formed.

MDCXXXI. At Seville is taken Information of the Miracles

of the Saint.

MDCXXXIV. The Chapter of Seville a Deputation

from its body institutes for the affair of the Canonization desired,

its direction and expenses all upon itself taking. Is inspected

duly the body of the Saint.

MDCXXXVIII. At Rome is printed the Summary of the Processes.

MDCLV. There is declared the ancient of the Holy King

cult to be excepted from the Decrees of Urban VIII.

MDCLXVIII. Again is inspected the holy King's incorrupt

body.

MDCLXXI. Clement X confirms the cult of S. Ferdinand,

and to him decrees an Office and Mass. Baltasar

de Torre-Farfán describes the Feasts at Seville on this occasion,

and in this year celebrated.

MDCLXXIII. The Feast of S. Ferdinand, before at pleasure,

is bidden in all the Kingdoms of the Spains to be made by the rite

Double.

MDCLXXV. The Lessons proper, for the Office of S. Ferdinand,

by the Congregation of Rites are approved.

MDCLXXVII. Diego Ortiz de Zúñiga publishes the Annals

of Seville, in which the Feasts of the Translations of the year 1671

he describes. Cornelius Galle a notable of S. Ferdinand

image at Antwerp sculpts, dedicated to the Archbishop

of Seville, D. Ambrosio Ignacio de Spinola y Guzmán.

MDCLXXIX. The bodies of the Queen Beatrix and of King

Alfonso, hitherto with S. Ferdinand's body within the same

tomb shut, into proper translated coffins, are replaced

at the sides of the Chapel Royal.

MDCLXXX. Michel Angelo Lauretti, from the Order

of the Clerics Ministering to the sick, at Naples publishes an Italian

History of the Saint, dedicated to D. Ferdinand Marquess

de los Veles Viceroy of Naples.

MDCLXXXV. The Acts of the holy King separately are published

at Antwerp, printed at the expense of the Dean and Chapter

of Seville.

[39] At length, before to the very of our Divus Acts to be illustrated

we gird ourselves, from oblivion to be withdrawn is a Conatus

Poetic of a most friendly man, and of the Saints' Acts in the Propylaeum

of May to be adorned best deserving, R. P. Emmanuel

van Outers S. J. before this also published in the first of the Collection

Ferdinandean edition, under this title.

ODE

TO S. FERDINAND.

When his Life's Acts and posthumous Glory, inviting and exciting Seville, in a singular volume were divulged.

Ferdinand, King of Castile and León, at Seville in Baetica (S.)

Ferdinand, greatest of Kings; greatest,

Ferdinand, of the Divine: whom the laid down Iberian,

From servitude vindicated

Barbaric, venerates at altars.

By thy counsel and hand the recovered

For so long Cities behold; and the courts

Of heaven left, whom thou hast blessed

With empire, the peoples revisit.

All strive the Prince's renowned

Name with consecrated to raise honors:

All triumph. Thee Toledo,

Córdoba thee adorns with trophies.

To the enemy proved thee of faith mindful

Arjona, thee not before tamable

Of the Moors the asylum, thee of thy

At last conquered by the souls of thy Grandsons

Granada with its gifts follows:

That, that to the Iberian to yield obstinate,

To be conquered never, now Granada

Glad thy ashes adores.

City none spares expenses: emulous

Virtue the clients and zeal seizes.

With unwonted the temples pomp,

And the crossways, and the fora are clothed.

But conquers all Seville, Seville

Preferred to all. She thy loving,

Ferdinand, virtues, and wishing

Through titles and mindful fasti

To those-to-be-born conspicuous to be given,

To be elucidated brings to Papebroch,

Through the Acts of the Saints famous, and

Of the Austrian name a client

Chosen so many among; while to Thee she constructs

An altar herself, with much light splendid;

And thy battles she paints with gold,

And with solid thy wars gems.

She arms all the artificers' hands,

About to spare none. Nothing similar either the prior

Age shall have beheld or the future.

All the monuments of thy pomp,

Ferdinand, yield. Lest the zeal of the pious

City thou wonder; more to thee Seville

Redeemed owes: more she will render,

Impatient in love to be conquered.

Nor you the friendly let it repent, of my

Hero, Cities, in praises to Seville

To have yielded conquered, Ferdinand

Whom with zeals equal you have cultivated.

As she conquered, all may have conquered Seville,

With gold and gems and wealth powerful:

To have conquered she ought, by the favor

Of the local-hero and by his merits a victress.

Her to all the cities he preferred,

The kingdoms left, both his Father's and his own,

Ferdinand: to her himself and his

He entrusted dying his corpse,

After so many centuries run lively,

And neither eaten through, nor violable

Sparing to none by the corruption of death.

A deposit more precious

To gift the citizens he could not his own.

Though he should enrich the altars with gifts

Benign eternal; the perennial

Riches surpasses the corpse,

Illustrious with a hundred prodigies. Worship

The King faithful suppliantly; worship,

O City grateful; Ferdinand favors

For cults innumerable will repay.

Ferdinand the black corruption from bodies

Will put to flight sick: will subject his own

Death repelled the scythe to Ferdinand:

The lifeless a new life again

Will enter the limbs. But neither sad

Hereafter wilt thou fear battles, nor wiles:

Unconquered thou wilt stand. Ferdinand

Himself of his own watchful, himself the walls

Will defend of the city: with President

By whom the barbarous Moor from all Iberia driven,

Of burning the farthest recesses

Failing of Libya sought.

OF THE BRIEFER LIFE

Ferdinand, King of Castile and León, at Seville in Baetica (S.)

FROM LUCAS OF TUY.

PART ONE.

From the Chronicle of Lucas of Tuy, Contemporary.

[1] In the Era MCCLV ^a Ferdinand, son of Adefonsus

King of León, Made in the year 1217 King of Castile, in Castile (to him his mother

Berengaria delivering the Kingdom) most happily

to reign began. Since the Nobles of Castile

the Kingdom to Berengaria the Queen delivered, for the reason

that she was the firstborn of Adefonsus King of Castile:

and she, as is said, delivered the Kingdom to her Son.

But this King Ferdinand, with a most grave adolescence

graced, not (as that age is wont) the lasciviousness

embraced of the world; but pious, prudent, humble,

catholic, and benign, with senile manners himself decorated.

For so he obeyed the most prudent Berengaria

the Queen his mother, with virtues to a King congruous he excels: although he was on the kingdom's summit

elevated, as if he were a boy most humble under

to whom both himself and his Mother all their counsel

committed. To such a degree, the kingdom to himself subjected,

kindled with the fire of Catholic truth, strenuously

he ruled; that the enemies of the Christian faith with all forces

he persecuted, and whatsoever he found heretics

with flames burned up, and himself in the place of servants

fire and wood in them to be burned ministered ^b.

There was in him with humility a just severity, by which the reprobate

he punished; and in severity a just, merciful

and clement humility, by which to the prostrated enemies he was favorable.

His Royal mind by avarice never could

be inflamed: since it seemed that there rested

upon him the spirit of wisdom, which was in

Adefonsus King of Castile his grandfather; and the spirit of fortitude

and of clemency, which was in Adefonsus King

of León his father. What more? what of none

of the Kings preceding is read, chiefly by chastity. altogether irreproachable

he was, as much to us to know it is given: and the bed

conjugal ever by no means he violated. For he led

to God a most devoted woman, by name ^c Beatrix:

from whom he begot Adefonsus, Frederick,

Ferdinand, Philip, Henry, Sancho,

Emmanuel, ^d Eleanor, Berengaria, and Mary.

[2] To all also the Churches so all their rights

he kept, that none was who would dare them either in anything

to molest. In so great peace the kingdom to himself subjected

he ruled, that the greater or the lesser into others' affairs

to rise up would not dare. But when to reign he had begun,

the Count Alvaro of Castile, and his brothers the Count

Ferdinand and the Count Gonsalvo, against him to rebel

began. And when King Ferdinand, together with

his mother Berengaria, with a hand of soldiers, near

the Count Alvaro to him war declared. Peace through the kingdom stabilized, But was

the Lord with King Ferdinand, and took the very Count

Alvaro: and both the very Alvaro and his brothers

many Castles to King Ferdinand delivered, in

which they rebelled to him: and the Count Alvaro was then from

bonds freed. But the King of León Adefonsus

with his army, certain of the kingdom of Castile

borders molested, for the reason that still certain things to the kingdom

Leonese pertaining detained ^f the Castilians. Then

were gathered against him all the Nobles of Castile,

because indeed his son King Ferdinand with

his father to fight would not. But the contest entered ^g

the aforesaid Nobles of Castile were put to flight, intent on preparing the Moorish war and all

in Castelión by King Adefonsus were shut up. Then mutually

conversing of peace, as just it was, they confirmed

peace between father and son: and to so great

they came together to the Arabs to be persecuted. O

how blessed times those, in which the faith Catholic

is exalted, the heretical depravity is slaughtered, and of the Saracens

the cities and forts by the swords of the faithful are devastated!

Fight the Spanish Kings for the faith, and everywhere

they conquer. The Bishops, Abbots, and Clergy churches and

monasteries construct: and the country-folk without fear

the fields cultivate, animals nourish, peace

enjoy, and there is not who terrifies them.

[3] At that time the most reverend Father Rodrigo,

Archbishop of Toledo, and the churches to be restored, the church of Toledo

with marvelous work fabricated; the most prudent Maurice,

Bishop of Burgos, the church of Burgos

strongly and beautifully constructed; and the most wise

John, of King Ferdinand the Chancellor, the church

of Valladolid founded, and with many possessions gloriously

endowed. He time proceeding made Bishop

of Osma, the church of Osma with work great

constructed. The noble Nuño, Bishop of Astorga,

among other things which prudently he did, the walls of the Astorga

city, the episcopium and the church's cloister strongly

and beautifully studied to repair. The rule of right Lorenzo,

of Orense Pontiff, the same's church and

episcopium with squared stones fabricated, and a bridge

on the river Minho near the same city founded.

The noble also Stephen, Bishop of Tuy,

the same's church with great stones consummated, The Bishops in the pious work he helps.

and to the consecration even brought. The pious

moreover and noble Martin, Bishop of Zamora,

in churches to be established, monasteries to be restored,

bridges and hospitals to be built continually afforded

work efficacious. To these and other holy works

our blessed apply Pontiffs and Abbots, these

and others, whose names are written in the book of life.

Aid in these holy works with a most liberal hand the King

great Ferdinand, and the most prudent his mother the Queen

Berengaria; with much gold, silver, precious stones,

and silken ornaments Christ's churches decorating.

At that time through all Spain of the Brothers

Preachers and of the Brothers Minor ^h are constructed

monasteries, and likewise the Father K. of León against the rebels. and everywhere the word of God is preached…

Adefonsus King of León, when with

his son peace he had, certain rebels in his kingdom

subdued, King Ferdinand his son help

affording… But the King of Castile Ferdinand,

how wisely then in time he conducted himself, there is not who

by writings to show could. For he recalled a man

most powerful Alvaro, of Pedro Fernández of Castile

the son, who was with the Saracens; and gathered of his own

an army great, the barbarians' borders he invaded; and

many slaughters on the Saracens inflicting, took from them the city

Baeza, Porcuna, Quesada, Andújar,

Aznatoraf, Garcíez, Martos and Jaén ⁱ, Capilla, and

others several, and with great victory into Castile

returned. After these things the most Reverend Father John,

Cardinal Roman Bishop of Sabina,

of the Apostolic See the Legate, was sent into Spain,

by the most glorious Pope Gregory. He, among the rest

which holily he did, the Spanish Kings against the Saracens

studied to incite: whence the King of León Adefonsus,

with his army and a part of the army of his son

King Ferdinand, besieged Cáceres, a town most strong

of the barbarians and took it…

[4] He died moreover in the Era MCCLXVIII, on the VIII Kalends

of October Adefonsus King of León but the King

Ferdinand his son at that time was in

an expedition in the land of the Moors: the same having died and when he had heard

that had deceased his father, he hastened to come to León,

that he might obtain the kingdom of his fathers. At that

time was made a perturbation great in the kingdom Leonese:

for many Soldiers Galicians and Asturians,

many settlements, which King Adefonsus had made

without a circuit of walls, to fire delivered.

They strove also to resist King Ferdinand if

they could: but omnipotent God him marvelously

aided. For a Soldier most noble Diego,

when he was at León, made his men through the palace of the King

furtively ascend, and the tower and church of B. Isidore

occupied. But the Reverend Father Rodrigo,

Bishop of León, a man noble, provident, in vain resisting the seditious. and

honorable, when these things he saw, the church of the Leonese See

with arms, men, and warlike apparatus fortified,

that the city for King Ferdinand might be kept; and the citizens

the towers of the walls and of the churches, as they could, similarly

fortified. There was then in that very city day and

night continuous a voice of war, and tribulation, and anguish

great: but the mercy of God was not lacking; and the aforesaid

Diego with a sickness strong was struck, so

that he himself, or in him I know not who, cried out, that B. Isidore,

for the help of King Ferdinand, wished that very

Soldier to slay, for the reason that he had occupied the tower

and church of him. Moreover from the head of the said Soldier

the eyes seemed to be torn, and from their socket went out,

not without great pain: whence compelled,

when he saw himself so most grievously to be vexed, by the counsel

of Sancha the Countess his venerable mother, to the Abbot

and Convent of that monastery the tower and church

restored, and the damages which to them he had brought made whole: one also divinely punished,

and an oath being given upon the holy of God Gospels,

that for the rest he would be a soldier and vassal of B. Isidore

the Confessor, on the spot to health he was restored, and at once

with his men from the city went out.

[5] But the Bishop Rodrigo and the citizens, rejoicing

in the Lord, that even the Saints for King Ferdinand

fought, sent messengers to him, he becomes King of León. that he should come quickly

his to receive city. Came therefore King Ferdinand

(who truly is believed King of virtue, for the reason that he is

virtuous) together with the most prudent D. Berengaria

his mother, and the Leonese city having entered with

glory great, obtained the kingdom of his fathers.

Then flowing together to him from the several cities

and towns men most noble, he granted to them good manners

and fueros ancient, and also to them many grievances

relieved. There survived two most noble sisters

his, daughters of King Adefonsus, whom he had begotten from the Queen

in great reverence, giving to them while they lived

yearly thirty thousand of gold pieces. Then pacified

all his kingdom, all the Soldiers, who the settlements

of his father had burned, he exiled. After these things,

gathered of León and of Castile an army great,

having entered the land of the Moors, he besieged Úbeda and

took it. Slain at Jerez the Moors, At about that time the renowned Adefonsus his brother,

and Alvaro a hero most powerful of Castile,

by mandate of the King, with an army of Nobles,

plundering the land of the Moors, even to the Mediterranean sea

hostilely came: to whom with an army

innumerable ran the King barbarous, by name

Abenfuth, near the city which is called Jerez.

The contest joined put to flight were the Moors, many thousands

of theirs prostrated, and the Christians returned

into their fatherland, with much wealth and glory great.

Again King Ferdinand moved an army; and the borders

of the Saracens invading, took a most strong fort,

which is called S. ^l Stephen, and certain others:

and received from the Saracens treasures many, returned

he.

[6] Was divulged the fame of King Ferdinand through all

the regions, and of his faith, he himself, the mother left for the kingdom's government, glory, and victories

spoke all nations. Since his magnanimity

and wisdom all his enemies most vehemently

deterred. But the Queen Berengaria

his mother in so great of wisdom a summit was borne,

that in the kingdom's administration all things wisely and

nobly she ordered: wherefore securely King Ferdinand

made delay in the expedition against

the Saracens, for the reason that the Queen Berengaria his

stead wisely in the kingdom of León and Castile supplied:

and with so great security and peace each kingdom

rejoiced, that small or great anyone

would not dare violently the affairs of another to occupy: so great

had invaded all the heretics a terror, against the same he goes out: that all

from each kingdom to flee hastened. Sent

the Queen Berengaria abundantly to her son King

Ferdinand, while he was in the expedition, soldiers,

horses, gold, silver, food, and whatsoever

were necessary to his armies. In the Era MCCLXXIII

the Queen D. Beatrix died, and was buried at Burgos in

the royal cemetery ^m, which of good memory had made

of Castile the King Adefonsus. Before a few days

had departed the daughter of King Ferdinand and the Queen Beatrix

Mary a little girl, who at León in the monastery of S. ⁿ

Isidore is buried. the spoils to S. Isidore he vows. At that time the most devoted King

Ferdinand, before the body of B. Isidore on fixed knees

prayed, and a vow making said with living voice: Aid

me, Blessed Confessor, against the Saracens, and of those things which

I shall acquire to this thy church I will confer an honorable

portion.

[7] At that time certain Catholics, men strenuous,

of the frontier of the Moors, who Almogávares

are called, gathered of their own a multitude, by

night the land of the Saracens furtively entered. Who

when they had come to Córdoba, and the guards of the walls

of that city the barbarians by no means kept watch; through ladders

and ropes the great city Córdoba ^o entered,

and the greatest obtained part of the towers

and walls. The Christians the suburb of Córdoba being taken, And when against the Saracens strongly

they fought, and many of them slew; hastily

they sent messengers to King Ferdinand, that to

their succor he should hasten. There was then in those parts

coming swift to succor the Christians, outside

Córdoba his tents fixed. Very few were the Christians,

having respect to the Saracens: but daily

over the barbarians, aiding the Lord, they triumphed.

But of how great magnanimity was King Ferdinand,

from this can be perceived, that at once to the people of Benavente,

and of Zamora, and others to him standing-by he said:

If anyone is here a friend and faithful vassal, let him follow

me. There was then winter very rainy: and

while he did not have with him a hundred soldiers, the same with few sets forth, he entered

boldly through the frontier of the kingdom of León, and with

few to Córdoba came. Great fear and grief

invaded all the friends of King Ferdinand, when it came

to them, the King himself to so great a peril to have brought himself.

Hastened all so great a Lord to subvene, but

resisted them the rivers inundating and of rains

undaunted, and the Saracens with his men strongly struck.

And when the entrance of the city and the exit not

could the Christians to the Saracens prohibit, for the reason that

prohibiting the river great [p] Guadalquivir to the other

part they could not cross, and the Saracens

went out and entered through the bridge; King

Ferdinand caused to be made rafts [q] and vessels of wood

and hides, and the King himself with few first crossed.

Then was prohibited to the Saracens the exit and entrance,

and took the King a fort which was on the very

bridge.

[8] and at last the city he obtains, Besieged was the city of Córdoba,

from everywhere hastening the Christians' army: and when daily

from each part with deadly swords and javelins

strongly was fought, at length by labors many and by famine

conquered the Saracens, to the King glorious Ferdinand Córdoba

the city renowned delivered: and the very Saracens

departing, themselves to other of the Hagarenes towns betook.

Entered King Ferdinand Córdoba,

with glory and gladness great; and eliminated all

the filth of Mahomet, the Pontiffs sacred, on the feast of the Apostles

Peter and Paul, to the honor of Our Lord Jesus

Christ and of his Genetrix the Queen of the heavens Mary,

in the same city the divine mysteries performed; that

great of the Saracens oratory with the Genetrix of God

Mary's name decorating. and he restored the bells of S. James. Were found there bells,

which for a token from the church of S. James the Apostle

the King of Córdoba once had carried away Almanzor [r]:

and the King Catholic Ferdinand caused them on the Saracens'

shoulders to the church of S. James [s] to be carried back. Taken

was the city of Córdoba in the Era MCCLXXIV: and returned

the renowned King Ferdinand to Toledo with

victory and glory great. O how blessed that King,

who took away the reproach of the Spaniards, overturning the throne

of the Barbarians, and restoring to the church of S. James

the Apostle its bells with great honor, which

reproach of the name of Christ. Received also King

Ferdinand Trujillo, Santa-Cruz, Alange,

and certain other forts.

ANNOTATA.

p The Baetis river Guadalquivir, to the ancients Baetis, whence Spain Baetica, now Andalusia. The name moreover Guadalquivir, is said in Arabic the same to sound, as, The Great river. But how here was not a Bridge, since the Chronicle in num. 90 so expressly says, the King to have measured a camp at the Bridge of Alcolea, which today is found noted in the maps? when also in num. 50 is described Lorenzo Suárez, from Écija coming as if to scout the Holy King's camp, to have leaped down on foot at the head of a bridge, through which he was to the same camp about to cross? It pleases to believe, built in that place, where the King a camp had fixed, a bridge to have been, after by rafts the crossing of the river was; and that for the necessary defense of those who now held the Fort of the Bridge of Córdoba, which from the Theatre of Cities above I have set forth, Córdoba's bridge spanned together with the pre-built anciently fort, and with the third about and chief of the city part, containing the Palace Royal A, and the Mosque B, now the church of S. Mary, of the Moors ancient and hitherto preserved in some part work; between which is situated the Archiepiscopium C. Whatever moreover after the Royal palace runs of walls into the West, by stables and gardens Royal is occupied: and a citadel at the same. after the Metropolitan however toward the East more runs forward the city, with several churches and citizens' houses crowded: which thou wouldst believe (if only Tuy thou read) occupied by the Christians to have been: but the Chronicle, more distinctly speaking, teaches, the suburb only obtained, which beyond this part farther probably extended, demolished now which it then to the city joined walls and towers.

q Balsa in Spanish, in Latin ratis (raft) is called.

r The bells of S. James restored, About the year 990 in the year 13 and last of King Almanzor, Compostela occupied, the smaller bells thence carried away writes Rodrigo book 5 chap. 16: which sacrilege to the Barbarian fatal was, although otherwise from a further injury to the sacred place to be brought he abstained, by lightning terrified.

s Adds the Legend, that as on the shoulders of the Christians carried away were the bells, by Almanzor bidding; so by the mandate of Ferdinand, them to carry back compelled were the very Moors.

* whether he was sparing?

* whether of the Germans

PART SECOND.

From the Spanish book, called Flos-Sanctorum, of the year MDXXXII. ^a

FROM THE SPANISH LEGEND.

[9] At once after subdued Córdoba, departed the King

an incursion about to make into the dominion of Seville: Arjona's King to himself conciliating the Saint,

to whom Arjona passing it was indicated,

that there was a King by name Alhamad, and the same

damage, the rear of the army with the baggage

snatching. This understood, at once toward Arjona

the King directed, and sent to the King Alhamad, for the cause

of treating with him. Who when he had gone out to the King,

and to him himself had subjected; promised to him the King, that

if Arjona to deliver he should wish, about to make him King

of Granada; meanwhile let him protect the Christian army's

baggage, and take care lest anything of them

should perish. Which when to him the King Moorish had sworn, going

Ferdinand ran into the fields of Seville. Sent

then the King messengers to certain chief of the Granada

city inhabitants, and making King of Granada, that the deposed him whom then

they had King, Alhamad of Arjona King

they should assume: this indeed when to them he had persuaded, for the reason that

Alhamad a name had of a man strong, and he to the kingdom

had come, forthwith delivered ^b to Ferdinand

Arjona. Ferdinand indeed the same admonished, that he should remember,

that through him made he had been King of Granada;

and therefore he asked that to him he should deliver the city

Jaén ^c, under this condition, that it to him he should restore

whensoever he should demand it: Jaén by him to himself granted he fortifies. and so the city

that he obtained, and a citadel in it, which now is,

he built. But that contrivance grievously bearing

the Moors, and why that he did asking,

he answered; this himself to do, that lest to the citizens he should be compelled

to be molestful, but to himself and his there about to cross

without their incommodity a lodging he might find.

[10] To Toledo then about to return Ferdinand, at Córdoba

he left the Master D. Pelayo Correa, the Moors of Seville with incursions he fatigues.

and D. Rodrigo Álvarez of Astorga, and others

several, to Seville as far as about to make incursions. Encamped

moreover the Master Pelayo in a place, which is called Sanlúcar

Rodrigo however, at Alcalá ^e de Guadaíra: and from

these places so infested they held the fields of Seville,

that to great straits the Moors they compelled.

Counsel therefore with their Nobles entered, they agreed

of a certain of gold sum, to those two Knights

to be given, for peace with them to be had: which they not

with difficulty granted. But because they knew the Moors,

to King Ferdinand to be established to remain in Castile

for whole three years, they decreed as much greatest as they

could a sowing to make: which so to them succeeded,

that if the harvest to gather they were permitted, to be lacking

to them could not the corn-supply through years twenty, so

fruitful was that year. Then the Master Pelayo

and D. Alvaro signified to the King whatever was done,

and that, unless he himself the new harvest now about to gather

should come, he ought not within twenty years of

to be taken Seville to think. This message received

the King, at once and without delay from Burgos ^f departed, with

Knights about a hundred: and summoning letters he sent through

the kingdom whole, then the city he besieges: commanding that all to Seville should come together.

Came moreover thither King Ferdinand in mid

March, in the year of the Lord ^g MCCXLVIII, and the city

so closely girt from every part, that necessary things

for food to be brought into it could not, except

through ^h the Axarafe: which could not be closed off, for the reason

that near the Triana ⁱ fort was stretched a chain

quite huge, across the very river, from the Tower-of-gold

even to the other part: which chain a help

great to the Moors was. A certain however, a Roman

to the King: I have a ship very good, with which,

if a good wind shall grant God, with sails spread out

carried forward, I intend that chain to break through.

[11] Then the King through a triduum entire himself retired

to praying, and not of anyone the address received; and it through surrender he receives. from

prayer however returning he commanded, that the sailors the ship

should prepare. Which when with sails spread out was advanced,

so strong it filled the wind, that upward

into the river carried, not only that chain it broke,

but also the bridge by a fair from thence space distant.

Which success great to the Moors trouble

brought, inasmuch as now of all further hope of necessary

corn-supply to be obtained deprived. Therefore a small after time

sought the Moors to speak with the King, who to them

sent Rodrigo Álvarez of Astorga; to whom

they said, that to him about to deliver they were the city, provided

to them it were permitted to go out with their wives, children, and fortunes;

but to those wishing to remain, under the King's obedience

and to his service, that it were permitted. The King indeed

the arbitration of the conditions to Adefonsus his son

referred: who answered, let do his father what good

it seemed. But afterward returned of the Moors

with a glowing iron with eternal of infamy marks in the face to be branded he bade: they indeed, by that calamity's sense to penitence led, to be reconciled to the Church and to be loosed from the anathema humbly besought: which Province Gregory to the Bishop of Palencia gave.

p The Baetis river Guadalquivir, to the ancients Baetis, whence Spain Baetica, now Andalusia. The name moreover Guadalquivir, is said in Arabic the same to sound, as, The Great river. But how here was not a Bridge, since the Chronicle in num. 90 so expressly says, the King to have measured a camp at the Bridge of Alcolea, which today is found noted in the maps? when also in num. 50 is described Lorenzo Suárez, from Écija coming as if to scout the Holy King's camp, to have leaped down on foot at the head of a bridge, through which he was to the same camp about to cross? It pleases to believe, built in that place, where the King a camp had fixed, a bridge to have been, after by rafts the crossing of the river was; and that for the necessary defense of those who now held the Fort of the Bridge of Córdoba, which from the Theatre of Cities above I have set forth, Córdoba's bridge spanned together with the pre-built anciently fort, and with the third about and chief of the city part, containing the Palace Royal A, and the Mosque B, now the church of S. Mary, of the Moors ancient and hitherto preserved in some part work; between which is situated the Archiepiscopium C. Whatever moreover after the Royal palace runs of walls into the West, by stables and gardens Royal is occupied: and a citadel at the same. after the Metropolitan however toward the East more runs forward the city, with several churches and citizens' houses crowded: which thou wouldst believe (if only Tuy thou read) occupied by the Christians to have been: but the Chronicle, more distinctly speaking, teaches, the suburb only obtained, which beyond this part farther probably extended, demolished now which it then to the city joined walls and towers.

q Balsa in Spanish, in Latin ratis (raft) is called.

r The bells of S. James restored, About the year 990 in the year 13 and last of King Almanzor, Compostela occupied, the smaller bells thence carried away writes Rodrigo book 5 chap. 16: which sacrilege to the Barbarian fatal was, although otherwise from a further injury to the sacred place to be brought he abstained, by lightning terrified.

s Adds the Legend, that as on the shoulders of the Christians carried away were the bells, by Almanzor bidding; so by the mandate of Ferdinand, them to carry back compelled were the very Moors.

* whether he was sparing?

* whether of the Germans

PART SECOND.

From the Spanish book, called Flos-Sanctorum, of the year MDXXXII. ^a

FROM THE SPANISH LEGEND.

[9] At once after subdued Córdoba, departed the King

an incursion about to make into the dominion of Seville: Arjona's King to himself conciliating the Saint,

to whom Arjona passing it was indicated,

that there was a King by name Alhamad, and the same

damage, the rear of the army with the baggage

snatching. This understood, at once toward Arjona

the King directed, and sent to the King Alhamad, for the cause

of treating with him. Who when he had gone out to the King,

and to him himself had subjected; promised to him the King, that

if Arjona to deliver he should wish, about to make him King

of Granada; meanwhile let him protect the Christian army's

baggage, and take care lest anything of them

should perish. Which when to him the King Moorish had sworn, going

Ferdinand ran into the fields of Seville. Sent

then the King messengers to certain chief of the Granada

city inhabitants, and making King of Granada, that the deposed him whom then

they had King, Alhamad of Arjona King

they should assume: this indeed when to them he had persuaded, for the reason that

Alhamad a name had of a man strong, and he to the kingdom

had come, forthwith delivered ^b to Ferdinand

Arjona. Ferdinand indeed the same admonished, that he should remember,

that through him made he had been King of Granada;

and therefore he asked that to him he should deliver the city

Jaén ^c, under this condition, that it to him he should restore

whensoever he should demand it: Jaén by him to himself granted he fortifies. and so the city

that he obtained, and a citadel in it, which now is,

he built. But that contrivance grievously bearing

the Moors, and why that he did asking,

he answered; this himself to do, that lest to the citizens he should be compelled

to be molestful, but to himself and his there about to cross

without their incommodity a lodging he might find.

[10] To Toledo then about to return Ferdinand, at Córdoba

he left the Master D. Pelayo Correa, the Moors of Seville with incursions he fatigues.

and D. Rodrigo Álvarez of Astorga, and others

several, to Seville as far as about to make incursions. Encamped

moreover the Master Pelayo in a place, which is called Sanlúcar

Rodrigo however, at Alcalá ^e de Guadaíra: and from

these places so infested they held the fields of Seville,

that to great straits the Moors they compelled.

Counsel therefore with their Nobles entered, they agreed

of a certain of gold sum, to those two Knights

to be given, for peace with them to be had: which they not

with difficulty granted. But because they knew the Moors,

to King Ferdinand to be established to remain in Castile

for whole three years, they decreed as great greatest as they

could a sowing to make: which so to them succeeded,

that if the harvest to gather they were permitted, to be lacking

to them could not the corn-supply through years twenty, so

fruitful was that year. Then the Master Pelayo

and D. Alvaro signified to the King whatever was done,

and that, unless he himself the new harvest now about to gather

should come, he ought not within twenty years of

to be taken Seville to think. This message received

the King, at once and without delay from Burgos ^f departed, with

Knights about a hundred: and summoning letters he sent through

the kingdom whole, then the city he besieges: commanding that all to Seville should come together.

Came moreover thither King Ferdinand in mid

March, in the year of the Lord ^g MCCXLVIII, and the city

so closely girt from every part, that necessary things

for food to be brought into it could not, except

through ^h the Axarafe: which could not be closed off, for the reason

that near the Triana ⁱ fort was stretched a chain

quite huge, across the very river, from the Tower-of-gold

even to the other part: which chain a help

great to the Moors was. A certain however, a Roman

to the King: I have a ship very good, with which,

if a good wind shall grant God, with sails spread out

carried forward, I intend that chain to break through.

[11] Then the King through a triduum entire himself retired

to praying, and not of anyone the address received; and it through surrender he receives. from

prayer however returning he commanded, that the sailors the ship

should prepare. Which when with sails spread out was advanced,

so strong it filled the wind, that upward

into the river carried, not only that chain it broke,

but also the bridge by a fair from thence space distant.

Which success great to the Moors trouble

brought, inasmuch as now of all further hope of necessary

corn-supply to be obtained deprived. Therefore a small after time

sought the Moors to speak with the King, who to them

sent Rodrigo Álvarez of Astorga; to whom

they said, that to him about to deliver they were the city, provided

to themselves it were permitted to go out with their wives, children, and fortunes;

but to those wishing to remain, under the King's obedience

and to his service, that it were permitted. The King indeed

the arbitration of the conditions to Adefonsus his son

referred: who answered, let do his father what good

it seemed. But afterward returned of the Moors

the legates, seeking a truce to themselves to be given, for demolishing

the tower and the mosque greater: about which matter Adefonsus

asked declared, that if even a single tile

in the city they should move, all to be slaughtered he would bid.

Seeing therefore such things in vain to be sought, they supplicated the King,

that seven days to themselves he should grant, within which the city

they would deliver, on that which the King would wish condition and

form. Entered therefore King Ferdinand into the city

of Seville on the day VIII ^l of November, in the year of the Lord

MCCXLVIII: remained moreover in the city the greater ^m part

of the inhabitants.

[12] After these things both the King and his Magnates into

Castile to be returned thought, Into Castile about to return dismissed of them

some to the custody of the city. But this

lest it be done by such a reckoning is said to have been impeded. A buffoon

the tower of the greater church, and numbered the squares

by the Christians occupied; easily indeed to be distinguished

from the others, because each of the Magnates a banner

his had raised from the place in which he lodged. Hence

he recognized in how great a peril, if the King should depart with

the army, about to be were the rest. Therefore to Ferdinand

he approached, and said: Lord, one from thee a favor I seek,

namely that with all thy Chiefs with me thou wouldst wish

to dine in the highest tower of the greater church. And when

answered the King, that the place all would not hold;

In that, said he, little tower, O King, which from above thou

seest, and thinkest so small to be, more than

fifty men to be contained can. Then the King to the petition

assented; and went Paya: at an hour fitting moreover

he summoned the King with his Magnates. Who when

they had ascended; The dinner, said Paya, which for you

prepared I have, is that you see this city,

which the Lord our God has given to you. To whom

the King, I see it quite well, and blessed be

God, by whose mercy we have acquired it. But

I, lest this he do wisely he is admonished by the buffoon, replies Paya, will make that much better it thou see:

and showed to him the banners of the Magnates and Tribunes,

who there were; and how exiguous a part

of the city they occupied, he bade to consider. To which

the King, Truly, said he, it pities me of this city. Then

the buffoon: If now, when here are Castile and León,

is not inhabited Seville: how hence going away

dost thou believe about to leave thou, who it may make to be inhabited? Indeed

I declare to thee, that if once hence thou shalt have gone away, never

into it art thou about to return. Then indeed the King, said he, Even

from the mouth of fools prudent at some time counsels to proceed

I have heard often; and from now I promise to God,

myself never into Castile about to return, and there to remain he vows: but here a sepulchre

about to have. And so Ferdinand at Seville

remained, and it by a frequent people to be inhabited made,

inhabitants from all Spain summoned: and after taken

the city in it lived this holy King three with a half

years.

[13] But when himself he saw to death near, having summoned

to himself his son Adefonsus, after many holy and

salutary admonitions, to him he said: The city Jaén from the Granada

King I hold, under this condition, that it I should restore

whensoever he should demand: he bids to the King of Granada Jaén be restored, but I wish that faith

mine even after my death be furnished entire,

as it I kept to whomsoever it I obligated while

I lived. And so I wish that thou restore it to the Granada King,

whensoever he shall wish; for thyself however keep the citadel,

because it I built, and is mine. This however performed

the King Adefonsus after the death of his father. Ferdinand

indeed, when matters to his soul's state pertaining

he had composed, with great devotion sought the Sacraments:

and about to receive the Body of Christ, he rose from

his bed, and himself on the earth prostrated, saying, Lord,

whence have I merited, and devoutly received the sacraments, that thou shouldst come to me? And before himself

he received, he took a cord and around his neck cast:

then on knees and elbows on the earth leaning, he said: O Lord

mine, for love of me thou didst suffer another more cruel

cord around thy neck to be put: but I a wretch

what did I for thee? I beseech, Lord, do not consider

how badly I can to thee an account render of those things

which to me thou commendedst, and of the time spent: but

consider, what kind thyself thou art, and have mercy on me. And

so with many tears he received of the Lord's Body

the Viaticum, seeking from all to him to be pardoned, if to anyone

grievous he had been, or a cause of complaining of himself had given.

Soon his testament he composed, his son Adefonsus

expressly commanding, piously he dies in the year 1252. that great care of the Queen

he should bear, his brothers well educate, to his servants

be munificent, and to all subjects equitable ^o.

Finally the Clergy whole there present, after recited

Litanies, he commanded to sing, We praise thee O God.

And taken into his hands a candle, and a Cross before

himself placed, he inclined his head: and with great

devotion his soul delivered to the Creator, in the city

of Seville, on the day XXX [p] of May, in the year of the Lord MCCLII,

of his reign indeed the XXXV.

ANNOTATA.

p The same in the same place adds. On which day were heard voices in heaven, Celestial voices whether under it were heard? Lo dies the just man and no one considers. All the faithful for his death ineffably wept, saying, Would that such a Prince either were not born, or were not dead! This indeed by Gentiles of a Gentile Emperor said could be tolerated: among Christians however of explication it needs, that conveniently it be understood: otherwise for it is certain, no to a region any greater good could divinely befall, than a King Holy; who although even for a small time he live, of his own however the Patron perpetual will be in the heavens. But what pertains to the voices heard in heaven, such occur frequently, in the Martyrs' passions those, which in the place of true Acts, either never written or by tyrants abolished, after many centuries written and therefore suspect are; in the more sincere however and notarially taken down, when the very Martyrs suffered, them never wouldst thou find. But who without hesitation would believe, the Palencia one to have had of a fit antiquity and faith a witness to a thing so unusual to be asserted, which was silent the author of the Chronicle, enough otherwise prone to wonderful things to be narrated, that nothing of the author of the Legend I may say?

THE MORE PROLIX ACTS:

From Book VIII of Rodrigo Archbishop of Toledo contemporary, and the Chronicle Spanish of the holy King, according to a MS. of Seville published at Valladolid, in the year MDXXXV.

Ferdinand, King of Castile and León, at Seville in Baetica (S.)

FROM THE SPANISH LEGEND, FROM RODRIGO OF TOLEDO.

Rodrigo's text entire, with the same with which

it is published words to be read setting forth, but

with some from the Chronicle received Chapters

interpolated; first, indeed necessary

I deemed the numbers of the Chapters by which is distinguished

that text, to note in the margin unto n. 99,

where Rodrigo's history an end receives: then congruous

I judged, here to prefix a distribution of the Chapters, in the very

Chronicle's edition kept, ascribing over against the numbers

ours, at the beginning of such each Chapter corresponding;

so that, when anyone shall fall upon Spanish books, in which

the Chronicle aforesaid is cited by Chapters, ready to him it be

the sense in Latin expressed to find. But if to a number be added

*, thou wilt note there, where such a sign is found in the context

to be begun, which to it corresponds, a Chapter. Who this Chronicle

for the press prepared, of Seville was (as is plain from the Prologue) for

ours he calls it: and Hippolytus de Vergara, in Discourse 6

of S. Ferdinand, by name indicates, D. Diego López

de Cortegana the Archdeacon of that Metropolitan

church. Sent moreover he his copy in the year 1535

to Valladolid, because there now printed had been of the successor

Kings the Chronicles, as is had in the title; The Chronicle of the Holy

King D. Ferdinand, of this name the Third, who

Seville and all Baetica obtained, and was the father

of D. Alfonso the Wise, grandfather of D. Sancho the Generous, great-grandfather

of D. Ferdinand the Fourth, who by poison perished;

great-great-great-grandfather of D. Alfonso the Eleventh, who Algeciras conquered:

of all whom the Chronicles similarly are had printed.

I have the last two, as many intermediate I require:

and, if anyone shall send them, the benefit I will acknowledge.

PROLOGUE OF THE SPANISH EDITOR.

To the Magnificent and Most Noble Lord, Don Fernando Enríquez.

Among other writings, Magnificent and Most Noble

Lord, After certain Summaries before published, which are found in the library

of this holy Church of Seville, I found a history

of the holy King Don Fernando, who acquired

for himself this distinguished and most noble city.

But although Summaries certain of this kind

Chronicle had been printed; conducible however

to me it seemed, also this to the press to subject: inasmuch as

more copious, and because in it diffusely are narrated

of that King heroic deeds, of eternal memory worthy;

and at last lest longer shut be detained

city, which he obtained not without labor greatest,

of his own life with peril, the very Chronicle entire is brought forth; and with the expenditure of his

revenues and treasures; which he sent before into heaven,

there to himself to be restored. But because to the perfection

of the history there is need a little higher to repeat

its origin; begins the narration from King Alfonso,

the holy King's grandfather, son of Sancho by surname the Desired,

that better may be understood the order of his Royal stemma,

and of the noble and illustrious his works. For a long

and of confusion full work it would be, him

to deduce through all those Kings, who the Saint

in reigning preceded; and of our intention only

is to weave his history. and only as to some words renewed. This indeed to be emended

was, or (that more expressly I may speak) to be renewed,

as to the pronunciation of some words

ancient, that by the moderns they be better understood.

[2] But because to your Lordship, as

the first Knight of this city, and of the same

with the Saint name partaker, pertains chiefly

to favor the great and noble deeds of him;

I thought that deservedly I ought to him to inscribe

this Chronicle, and is offered to D. Fernando Enríquez, that under his authority and favor

it be published in favor of those wishing to read: and that

so much the more, because your Lordship, in this year a thousand

five hundred fifteenth, on the feast of S. Clement,

bore the Sword of that holy and most blessed

King, when is celebrated the most solemn procession,

in memory of that day on which acquired this

city was; and being in the chapel of the Kings, demonstrated

This for moved me, that, to obey will

that thine, it I should emend, as I said, and to thy name

inscribe: by which namely name, and also

by thy ingenuous and noble manners, thou imitatest the same. with an excuse for the lightly changed Style:

I believe indeed not about to be lacking, who me may reprehend,

and may say not ought to be changed the words

ancient; which more of majesty and authority

than the modern seem to have. But to them

easily is answered, that while a history some Latin

into our language vulgar is converted,

we use not Latin words, howsoever more

sonorous than are our Romance ones; but the idiom

according to the time used: which use we see

within a space of forty or fifty years

notably changed from that which before had been.

But favoring your Lordship, these and other

of the maledictors taunts little to me of care are, another

not coveting than that I remain, what I am, a servant

yours. With such therefore confidence and strength relying

the History, the name of God invoked, and of the Virgin Mary

Our Lady his mother; and by his and your

protected arms, a beginning receives, as

follows.

[3] Thus far he, whose reasons for of obsolete words

the change, although among the vulgar plausible and to be accepted,

to the erudite however (at this least time) less will be approved.

Such for do not seek old writings of this kind, to cultivate by that lection their speech; but the sincere in them truth

regard, and this in the original words more certainly to hold

themselves believe. Hither moreover pertains, what to R. P. Lorenzo

Surius happened, in collecting the Saints' Acts otherwise

of all the literary affair best deserving. He while of his age the fastidiousness

consulting, the phrase of the same Acts from time to time lightly changed,

then perhaps not useless diligence to have assumed

seemed, which however he had been better not to have done. when to heretics smatterers a laughter was of ecclesiastical

writers the rude simplicity; now however (of the same

also judgments to the contrary so turned, that even a tittle

to change from the orthography Latin laws a scruple they make,

and their faith excellently to have proved themselves believe, if as often as,

Ammoneo, Conlabor, and other similar of a semibarbarous strabism

faults they have kept) now, I say, of Surius

the deed is censured done by the fair and the unfair; nor are lacking,

who on such an occasion the sense at some time not lightly

changed or obscured complain. Of the ancient

indeed monuments the same which of statues and

coins the reckoning is, to which among skilled appraisers

as of true antiquity their characteristic marks.

For this cause my predecessors and Masters, Bolland and

Henschen, the Saints' Acts undertook to be published,

kept the original of the writers, howsoever subbarbarous,

phrase. By which name although them at the beginning would taunt

more sharp-tongued certain French, Writers Sylvan them calling;

quickly however they fell silent, confounded by the unanimous approbation

of the more erudite among them men. These indeed not only in

Latin of the middle age writings the unvaried style to be kept

to be judged, but in the very also of the French idiom books

anciently composed: to some of which, that the vulgar

they might consult, of the present-day phrase a context recent they added

in columns, in the manner as otherwise Greek-Latin are printed;

others enough held the more recent words, to the antiquated

corresponding, to put in the margin, or by Annotations subjoined

the obscurity to remove, and the labor of the reader to relieve.

The same would that in this also Chronicle done by the editor

had been: he would have done however it so much more easily, by how much fewer

things changed the Spaniards as in dress, manners, religion more constant

than the other everywhere nations; so in their native also speech

to be varied more sparing and more hesitant.

[4] But the said Chronicle, as at Valladolid printed it is had,

is divided into seventy-eight Chapters: which because in the manner

ours are contracted to a number smaller and to the rest

of the work conformable, and more apt for Annotations to be interposed;

the very of that old division Titles, in a continuous

series here I prefix, as elsewhere they are had printed at the end,

added everywhere a number, where each are to be sought, in a new

our division. An asterisk * indeed will signify in the middle

of such a paragraph a new of the Chronicle Chapter to be begun.

THE OLD DIVISION.

Begins the Chronicle of the Holy King Don Fernando, of this name the Third, who acquired Seville.

And here finishes the Chronicle of the Holy King Don

Fernando, of this name the third, who subdued and obtained

Seville and all Andalusia, which had lost

King Rodrigo, of the Gothic Kings the last.

It was moreover printed at Valladolid in the house of Sebastian

Martínez near S. Andrew, and finished the impression

was on the day fourth of the month of August, in the year

fifth.

It pleases moreover for an easier understanding of the whole following

history, the warlike expeditions of the Saint embraced, a little Table

to set forth geographical of those provinces, which to his empire

he held.

* Isaac.

* nay rather a Bridge

GEOGRAPHICAL TABLE OF THE KINGDOMS OF S. FERDINAND,

And of the confines of Portugal, Navarre, Aragon, and Valencia.

INSTRUCTION FOR THE BOOKBINDER.

Therefore to thee is offered this Table, on the extreme of an entire leaf part printed, that of the other part the margin to the book

thou sew, and above this fold that, and so afford to the reader the convenience, of projecting outward

the whole Table, so that for to-be-turned in the progress of the reading leaves never be impeded the eye, whereby the less

it can intend on it, to itself on the left lying outside the book, and the lection finished inward to be folded.

The Binder ought to take care, to affix so the Table by the other end, that in opening the book and unfolding the

leaf, the Table may remain laid to the left outside.

The Binder let him remember to bind this Figure in such a manner at the other extremity of the paper, that it ought

to be folded, and unfolded which it will be, may fall all on the left hand outside the book.

A LITTLE WARNING

To the right understanding of this little Table.

Comprises the Table present

not only of Navarre, of Aragon,

and of Valencia the confines, but the whole

moreover of Portugal the Kingdom;

nothing indeed to the Saint

King pertaining, but so situated, that

from his Empire it cannot be cut away,

and at the same time entirely to be expressed of Galicia and of the Algarves

the Kingdoms. Has moreover that conjunction, even for

this history, of utility somewhat, as to by name

expressed places. Nay even in the whole Table to be ordered

this especially was regarded, that those especially be named,

though now slight, of which here a more frequent

mention will fall. More if thou wilt, the greater

of the Geographers Tables consult, and by name

before these ten years at Amsterdam published by

Nicolaus Visscher, whence this our taken;

but (which especially warned Thee it behoves) not

uniformly through each dimension. For although

the Ferdinandean Empire, which here almost

square is expressed, in fact more long than

broad it is by a sixth of its part, to the Spanish Leagues CL from

the South into the North running forth, from the East into

the West not exceeding a space of similar Leagues

CXXV: that however, contracted of the length

measure, to the breadth it we might equal, persuaded the peculiar

of these Acts edition, that form to which a greater

height would have been incommodious: of this however the prior reckoning

to be had was, on account of those whose expense both

the edition itself, both the sculptures to it serving were procured.

To one wishing therefore the places' distances, according to

the appended Scale of milestones, to measure; always

let there be before the eyes this warning, that he conceive the spaces of Leagues

from the East into the West indeed to be by a sixth

part smaller, than compared to the Scale to be they seem.

For an example let be Seville, commonly Sevilla. From this,

according to the Scale aforesaid are distant by Spanish

leagues XV Jerez de la Frontera toward the South, and

Llerena toward the North: but by an equal of Leagues

number to be distant seem in our Table

Écija and Osuna to the East, and Niebla to the West; in truth

however only they are distant by Leagues XII and a half.

Now that the vulgar of places names, as he found them,

so expressed the Sculptor; us unwilling he did not do.

For although the ancient and Roman words, which

those writing in Latin use more willingly, we use

also we ourselves: the present-day however words more apt will be

to the uses of the very Table other, by us successively intended;

since namely, the which now in Latin we publish Acts,

shall have been into Spanish, French, German and Belgic

rendered, as to be rendered they are promised by those desiring of the Holy

King the notice and veneration to be promoted.

Lest however any from this head now be a difficulty;

behold a Nomenclature of the places most,

with an interpretation Latin, according to the Alphabet's

order, illustrated.

INTERPRETATION OF THE SPANISH NAMES.

Alcalá de Henares, Complutum.

Andalucía, Baetica.

Astorga, Asturica.

Ávila, Abula.

Badajoz, Pax Augusta.

Baeza, Beatia.

Baza, Basti.

Bellorado, Bellum foramen.

Braga, Bracara.

Braganza, Brigantium.

Burgos, Burgi.

Cádiz, Gades.

Calahorra, Calagurris.

Cartagena, Carthago nova.

Ciudad, civitas (city).

Coimbra, Conimbrica.

Córdova, Corduba.

Cuenca, Concha.

Duero, the Durius river.

Ebro, the Iberus river.

Estrecho de Gibraltar, the Strait of Cádiz.

Estremadura, the Extreme of the Durius.

Évora, Ebora.

Écija, Asti.

Gibraltar and Ceuta, the Pillars of Hercules.

Guadalquivir, the Baetis river.

Guadiana, the Anas river.

Huesca, Osca.

Huete, Opta.

Jaén, Giennium.

León, Legio.

Lisbon, Ulissipona.

Medellín, Metellinum.

Medina, Metymna.

Mérida, Emerita.

Mondoñedo, Mindon.

Navas, Campestria (the Plains).

Niebla, Nebula.

Olmedo, Ulmetum.

Osuna, Ursaona.

Oviedo, Ovietum.

Pamplona, Pompejopolis.

Portalegre, the Brisk Port.

Porto, Portus.

Ronda, Arunda.

Río, fluvius (river).

Salamanca, Salmantica.

Santarém, S. Irene.

Santiago, S. James.

Sevilla, Hispalis.

Sierra, montana (the mountain range).

Sigüenza, Seguntia.

Simancas, Simantica.

Setúbal, Setubal.

Tajo, the Tagus river.

Tánger, Tingis.

Toledo, Toletum.

Toro, Taurus.

Tuy, Tude.

Valladolid, Vallisoletum.

Venta, villa.

Villa, oppidum (town).

Viseu, Viseum.

Júcar, Sucaris.

Zaragoza, Caesaraugusta.

CHAPTER I.

Of Alfonso IX King of Castile, who to the holy King was grandfather maternal, the deeds and death, and the Saint's nativity.

[5] King Alfonso, who obtained the victory called

of las Navas de Tolosa, was the son of King

Sancho, by surname the Desired; Ferdinand's grandfather maternal Alfonso, and grandson

of King Alfonso, called Emperor of the Spains.

That noble King Alfonso began to reign

from the fourth year of his age ^a, he reigned for years fifty-

three; and he had as wife D. ^b Eleanor,

daughter of the King of England, from whom he begot D. Henry

who after him reigned, and D. Ferdinand ^c; and

D. Berengaria, the Leonese Queen; and D.

Eleanor Queen of Aragon; and D. Urraca, Queen

of Portugal; and D. Blanca, Queen of France,

who was the mother of S. Louis the King; and D. Constance,

who was Abbess of the monastery de las

Huelgas, which the King her father founded at Burgos,

as below we shall say. The same noble King instituted the Order

in the town of Uclés: institutor of the Knights of S. James, and he gave of this Order

to the Knights for a token a bloody sword, in memory

of the victories and of the Moorish blood by them

shed. But that the land might be inhabited and defended

against the Moors, he led colonies according to the bank

of the Tagus and through the mount of Ocaña: which tract, together

with the mountains of Orgaz and the Castle of Mora, and other

places and towns, to the said Order he delivered to be possessed.

But because his father King Sancho to the Abbot of Fitero

of the Cistercian Order had given Calatrava, he confirmed

to the same that very possession, and exalted

the Knighthood of that Order, by giving to the same many places and

towns, through which that Religion greatly grew and exalted

was, to God's glory and the Crown Royal's ornament.

[6] founder of the Palencia city and academy and of the Burgos monastery, But pursuing well the begun things, he built the city

Palencia, inhabitants thither led, and made in

it a church Cathedral, adorning it with a miter and

Huelgas ^f at Burgos, in which he placed Nuns, of nobles

the daughters, endowing it with many estates: and near it

he erected a hospital, which similarly he endowed for the poor's

reception. And because in the Spanish kingdoms

not a little had failed the sciences, on account of the Moors

who all almost the region occupied; by a holy his

desire impelled the King, at Palencia constituted a Study

universal, men erudite and lettered summoning

from France and Italy, that to his subjects those they should lecture:

which Study long ^g in Castile flourished.

Afterward when the Moorish war was continued, a certain

of the Moors of the Alarabes King, Miramolinus by name,

of the family of the Almohades, about Alarcos conquered by the Moors came with a greatest

of his own multitude: against whom went forth the King

with his own about ^h Alarcos: but because the Moors were

far more in number, as locusts; was routed

he, and with difficulty and by force by some of his own Knights

drawn from the field, in which as a Soldier noble

to die he had decreed: but then no he took

joy, before he should return to vengeance to be taken.

But that both his Knights and the rest

all the armed people he might exercise to battle;

he edicted that they should dismiss garments precious and gold-fringes

and other superfluous adornments, and that their price

they should expend on arms: the same he routs at the Navas of Tolosa, for as much as it displeased God

that vain that luxury, so much to be pleasing the expenses made in

procuring against the Moors of war an instrument. In this

manner the things being prepared he went out to war, and

into the region of the Moors entered beyond the river

Júcar ⁱ, and occupied many villages and towns,

despoiling and slaying very many Moors. A little after

he came to Toledo; and there a copious soldiery collecting,

with his army he went out, and occupied

even to the gorges of Muladar ^l above las Navas de

Tolosa, where he obtained a celebrated victory from the said place

named, in which are reported to have fallen even

to two hundred of the Moors thousands, and only twenty-

five Christians; whence even today there are found

very many points iron of lances and arrows,

bridles equestrian, and other similar of a huge

battle monuments; so that with remaining there the King

with the army, for whole two days no other woods

for fire they used, than spears and arrows broken,

as writes the Archbishop of Toledo Rodrigo,

an eye-witness. 16 July 1213, Joined was this battle

on the day of the moon (Monday) XVI July, in the year of the Incarnation of the Lord

MCCXIII ^m.

[7] Thence further the King advancing obtained Úbeda,

Vilches ⁿ, Baños, Tolosa, and Castro-Ferral,

and other places very many, which unto today remain

under the power of the Christians, with great

of his glory Royal and of the faith Catholic increment,

in the time of the Apostolic Roman Innocent ^o

the Third. After that year, the divine working it judgment,

ceased the rains through all Spain,

and a vehement on the regions famine lay on account of

the dryness; so that many died through the squares,

to whom neither was at hand what they might eat, and after a public famine somehow relieved

nor by others could be afforded. Wherefore both the King and

the Prelates and the Nobles liberal bestowed alms:

but of the corn-supply the dearth so great was, that not only

was lacking bread, but also birds and cattle;

because on account of the dryness was lacking chaff and hay,

nor in the fields anything of greenness was found.

Among these things that noble King to Plasencia

going began to be infirmed on the way, and came to Arévalo,

and died in the year of his age fiftieth

eighth, of which fifty-four

he reigned, in the year however of the Lord MCCXIV, on the day

XXIII of September: he dies 17 Sept. 1214. and was buried at Burgos in

the monastery de las Huelgas, which he had founded; so great

of himself left a longing with all, that never

to oblivion to be given is the glory of his goodness:

chiefly however his daughter Berengaria him mourned,

so greatly by this death afflicting herself, that even she to of life

ANNOTATA.

p Thus far the history of Aldefonsus IX, from Rodrigo of Toledo, in a compendium taken thou hast, as it is in our Chronicle: now the very Rodrigo's words, that is the whole book eighth consequently receive, with chapters some from the Chronicle added to be interpolated; since indeed the author of the Chronicle, in those things which from Rodrigo he could receive, only an interpreter acted.

PARERGON I.

The miraculous of the boy Ferdinand cure at the Mother of God of Oña, by Alfonso X the Saint's son rhythmically celebrated.

[8] Among other old monuments, in the Escorial Library

to be found, is numbered Codex one, The Holy King's son Alfonso to be kept

most worthy, inasmuch as containing very many Canticles,

by Alfonso the Wise, the Holy King's firstborn

and successor, composed. Are moreover those written

in Rhythm, not Castilian, but Galician or Gallego: of which thing

the reason seems to be able to be rendered, that the puberty years having entered

the Prince, and a greater than for his age wisdom showing,

was into a part of the royal cares quickly summoned,

and after the death of his mother and the second of his father nuptials

sent to León or into Galicia, at once both of reigning the skill

by the very exercise about to acquire, and those extreme of the more increased

now Empire provinces, in opposite plainly confines

as mostly occupied his father, by his presence about to conserve

in duty. Certainly not before of age the year XXI,

and indeed afterward not but twice, to have been him in Baetica

we read, before King he was made; whence is understood elsewhere as

mostly to have dwelt as long as his father lived, especially in his youth:

but where rather, than in Galicia, the chief

of the Leonese kingdom part, whence the father and grandmother farther were absent?

There therefore the Galician idiom, by dialect greatly diverse

from the Castilian, not only he learned, but also so

loved, that to write in it Rhythms he was delighted. Of these

moreover a volume, as the first of his ingenium offspring,

dear holding, even when now King his Father dead at Seville

tablets, among other rhythms in the Gallego language written, together with his body to have bequeathed is said to the Seville

Church. It was for, as testifies Zúñiga in its

archive kept a book, until Philip II,

of glorious memory the Monarch, the Escorial Palace being built,

to the erected there Library to be transferred that Royal

codex bade.

[9] Of these Rhythms one thus is inscribed. This is how

Holy Mary healed at Oña the King Don

Fernando, when he was a boy, of a great sickness

which he had: which in Latin sounds: This Ode

is of the manner, by which Holy Mary healed the King Don

Fernando, when he was a boy, of a great certain

which he had sickness. Where note, by the Holy King's of the Basques

and of the Castilians mandate to have been done, composed one in which he sings, about the year

MXXX or earlier, that the Benedictine Monks, from the Cluny

discipline brought into Spain, the monastery

that of Oña to be held should receive, the Nuns, who

it before held, to Bailén the town sent away, as

writes Mariana book 8 chap. 14. Here therefore was that, by miracles

famous, of the Mother of God image, of which singing in the Galician

tongue Alfonso the King to hear it pleases, and at the same time to exhibit

of the old Galician tongue a specimen, which grateful about to be

I trust, not to Spaniards only, but also to foreigners

of peregrine tongues curious. But that the added in columns

interpretation Latin more faithful be, neither to meter

nor to rhythm to bind it it seemed good.

Galician text: Ben per esta a os Reies / D'amar en Santa Maria: / Ca en as muy grandes coïtas / Ela os acorre guia. / Na muito à amar deve, / Porque Deus nossa figura / Pillou de la, e pres carne: / Ar porque de sa natura / Veno, e porque justiça / Tenen del e dereitura, / E Rey nome de Deus este. / Ca el Reyna toda via. / Ben per esta a os Reyes / D'amar en Santa Maria &c. / E por ende un gran miragre / Direi, que aveno, quando / Era moço pequennino / O muy bon Rey Don Fernando: / Que sempre Deus e sa Madre / Amou, e foi de seu bando: / Porque conquerou de Mauros / O mais da Andaluzia. / Ben per esta a os Reyes / D'amar en Santa Maria &c. / Este Menin en Castela

Galician text: Con Rey Don Alfonso era / Seu avoo, que do Reyno / De Galiza o fezera / Venir, e que o amava / A gran maravilla fera; / E ar era y sa madre, / A que muy ende prazia. / Ben per esta a os Reyes / D'amar en Santa Maria &c. / E sa avoa y era, / Filla del Rey d' Ingraterra, / Moller del Rey Don Alfonso: / Porque el passou a serra, / E foi entrar en Gascona / Por la ganar por guerra: / E ouvend à mayor parte, / Ca todo ben merecia. / Ben par esta a os Reyes / D'amar en Santa Maria &c.

It seems becoming to be for Kings,

that they love S. Mary;

for in the greater necessities

there is present to them a leader of the way.

Much moreover loved she ought to be,

because God our form

from her took, and flesh

received. Although indeed

from his nature and from the title

of justice to God directly

belongs the name of King:

she however is Queen. It seems

becoming to be for Kings,

that they love S. Mary &c.

Therefore I will narrate a grand

miracle, which befell

when a boy little he was

the King most excellent Don Fernando:

who God and Mother

his always loved: and therefore

them on his part standing

he had, and so from the Moors acquired

the greater part

of Baetica. It seems becoming to be

for Kings &c.

A little boy he was in Castile,

with King Don Alfonso

his grandfather, who from the kingdom

of Galicia him to come had made,

and him loved, and

much wondered at his

disposition: there was present also

his Mother, to whom for the same cause

very dear he was. It seems

becoming to be for Kings &c.

There was present also his grandmother,

who was the daughter of the King of England,

wife of Don Alfonso

the King. He moreover the

mountains passed entered Gascony,

that it by war he might gain,

as also the greater

its part he conquered: for the whole

well he deserved. It seems

becoming to be for Kings &c.

[10] Makes mention of this expedition Rodrigo of Toledo

book 7 chap. 34; And all, says he, almost Gascony, except

Bordeaux, La Réole, and Bayonne, to his had subjected

dominion. He had fled for into Africa the King Sancho,

terrified by the power of his adversary, against himself coming together

with his confederate of Aragon the King: thence however returning without

the hoped subsidies, peace however from his adversaries he obtained,

prone to it especially Alfonso, on account of the Moorish war

which he meditated, from subdued Gascony returned, about to avenge the received at Alarcuris disaster.

After the victory however of the same at the Navas of Tolosa

related, received the kingdom in part Sancho, for the bestowed

in that war work, except places fourteen of controverted right;

Vitoria namely and other in Biscay towns; and so

this province annexed to the Kingdom of Castile remained. Now

since the Truces Moorish, with which lasting waged by Alfonso

was the Gascon war, expired in the year MCCX;

rightly to have done we seem, that this miracle we ascribed

to the year preceding, inasmuch as done after Alfonso's return from

Gascony, as soon will appear. Certainly now not only the boy

Henry, the kingdom's successor to be, and born in the year MCCIV

some age had attained; but also Alfonso, the Saint's

brother, whom together with him with the grandfather to have been soon will appear.

He would have been therefore from this calculation twelve years old Ferdinand, and so

apt to augment notably, such a received benefit,

of the Mother of God the love, which with his maternal milk he had drunk. With

the same milk also to have drawn to be reckoned can, a most propense

to the poor to be helped affection: of which Lauretus page 97

says, an infant still among maternal arms, wont to them

wherever beheld to throw, even from a window, whatsoever

from his neck he carried of little-bullae; which lest he do, to be filled

to him in good time the hand was with little coins thus to be distributed. But

that and other similar things I would prefer with the ancient writers to read;

nor please me new things, although pious, of matters ancient, with no

witness alleged brought forth. Such especially is in the same Lauretus

book 2 page 99, that the Saint in the year MCCXLII to those-to-follow

after Kings an example first gave of washing twelve

poor men's feet on the day of the Lord's Supper: where to admiration

especially to me is the year, after so many centuries first brought forth, nor

however by any witness confirmed by him who elsewhere not sparingly fountains cites

whence anything he drew. These prenoted let us pursue the Poem

Royal in each tongue.

[11] Galician text: E pois tornous en Castela / De si en Bourgos morava, / E un Hospital fazia / El, e sa Moller lavrara / O monasteri das Olgas. / E en quant assi estava / D'os seus fillos e d'os nietos, / Muy grand prazer recebia. / Ben per esta aos Reyes &c. / D'amar en santa Maria / Ca en as mui grandes coïtas / Ela os accorre guia. / Mais Deus non quer que o omo / Este sempr' en un estado, / Quis que Don Fernando fesse / O seu neto tan cuitado / D'una grand' enfermedade, / Que foi dal desasperado / El Rei: mas enton sa madre / Tornou tal come san dia. / Ben per esta a os Reyes / D'amar en Santa Maria &c. / E oyu falar de Onna / V'avia gran vertude, / Dis ela', Levalo quero / A lo, assi Deus m'ayudo: / Ca ben creo que a Virgen / Lle de vida e saüde. / Et quando aquest ouve dito, / De seu padre s'espedia. / Ben per esta a os Reyes / D'amar en Santa Maria &. / Quantos la ir assi viren / Gran piadad ende avian, / E mui mas polo menino, / A que todos ben querian. / E yan con ela gentes / Chorando muito changian, / Ben como se fosse morto, / Ca a tal door avia. / Ben per esta a os Reyes / D'amar en Santa Maria &c. / Ca dormir nunca podia, / Nen comia, nen migalla, / E vermes del sayan / Muitos e grandes: sin falla / Ca à morte ia venera / Sa vida sen batalla. / Mais chegaron log a Onna, / E teveron sa vigía. / Ben per esta a os Reyes / D'amar en Santa Maria &c. / Ant o altar mayor locò, / E pois ant' o de Reyna / Virgen santa groriosa, / Rogandolle que agyna / En tan grand' enfermedade / Posesse la meezina, / Se servizo do Menino / En algun tempo queria. / Ben per esta à os Reyes / D'amar en Santa Maria &c. / A Virgen Santa Maria / Logo con sa piedade / Accorreu a o menino, / E de sa enfermedade / Lle deu saüde compida: / E de dormir u vontade. / E de pois que foi esperto, / Logo de comer pedia: / Ben per esta à os Reyes &c. / E ante de quinze dias / Fue effor çad' e guarido / Tan ben que nunca mar fora: / De mais deulle bon sentido. / E quando el Rey Don Alonso / Ouv' est miragr' oido, / Logo se foi en camynno / A Onna en romaria. / Ben per esta a os Reyes / D'amar en Santa Maria &c.

Afterward he returned into Castile,

and was dwelling for a while

at Burgos, with his mother and brother remaining, he grievously fell sick; where was making a Hospital

he himself; and his wife

was building the monastery

of the Huelgas. When moreover

thus he lived, much he took

pleasure from his sons

(Ferdinand namely and Henry)

and grandsons (from his daughter Berengaria

Ferdinand and Alfonso).

It seems becoming to be for Kings

that they love S. Mary &c.

But God, who does not suffer

that man always remain

in the same state; willed

that Don Fernando his grandson

so grievously be seized

by a sickness, that his life

was by the King despaired. It seems becoming &c.

Then his mother became

as if mad through grief.

It seems becoming to be &c.

and to Oña by his mother carried Hearing moreover of Oña

to be reported, that there was great

virtue, she said: To carry him

thither I wish, so me God

help, because well I believe

that the Virgin Mother of God will give

to him life and health. And when

this she had said, she expedited

herself from his father. It seems becoming

to be for Kings &c.

As many as her so going

saw, with great commiseration

were touched chiefly

on account of the boy, to whom

all well wished. Went

moreover with her a crowd very great,

which weeping bewailed him,

as if now he were dead:

so great for he suffered

torments. It seems &c.

For never to sleep

he could, nor did he eat,

nor drink: and many

and great worms from him

went out. And so without

doubt to death he had come

without a battle. But they sought

at Oña, and there a wakeful night

they passed. It seems &c.

Before the greater altar they placed

him, then before the

altar of the Holy Virgin glorious

Queen; praying that

propitious she would bring medicine

to so grave a sickness:

since from the boy at some time

she wished to be afforded to herself

a service whatsoever.

It seems becoming to be &c.

The Holy Virgin Mary at once

with her piety ran

to the boy, and from his sickness

gave him full

health. Came therefore to him a will

of sleeping: and after

he was awakened, at once

he sought to himself to be given what

he might eat. It seems becoming &c.

Before fifteen indeed

days he was corroborated and

healed, so well as never

better to have been himself

he felt. When moreover Don

Alfonso the King had heard

that miracle, at once himself

into the way gave, and a pilgrimage

undertook toward Oña.

It seems becoming &c.

CHAPTER II.

Of the boy Henry the brief reign in Castile, under his sister Berengaria first, then under the Count Alvaro.

[13] He therefore now buried, his son Henry,

the whole Clergy "We praise thee O God"

singing, to the kingdom's summit is elevated. Eleven

years he was when to reign he had begun; and

for two years and ten months he reigned. But

after the death of the King noble, twenty-five

days passed, Eleanor his wife was from things

human taken away. She was of Henry the King

of England the daughter, chaste, noble, and discreet; and buried

was in the aforesaid monastery near her husband; and the custody

of the boy King and the kingdom's government remained

with Berengaria the Queen, his sister. Whose

diligence so appeared, all the time of her Government,

that the poor, the rich, the ecclesiastics, the seculars,

as in the time of the King noble they had been, in their states

were kept; under the tutelage of his sister Berengaria although of the Barons a variety, by a zeal of envy

driven about, dissensions procured. But since

there were three Counts, Ferdinand, Alvaro, Gonsalvo,

sons of the Count Nuño, they began to the custody

of the boy King to gape; that conceived hatreds they might on

those whom they hated avenge, as their father had done,

in the time of the boyhood of his father. Some also,

to whom the Queen Berengaria herself trusted, to their zeals

consented, he is delivered by her to the Count Alvaro. mediating a certain Soldier of Palencia,

who García Lorenzo was called, and by

mandate of the Queen was to the custody of the boy King deputed.

He, promised to himself by the Count Alvaro in inheritance

that to the Count Alvaro's custody he should transfer himself.

Which when the shrewd Queen Berengaria had perceived,

with a grateful mind she granted: but fearing the insolences

which came, she made swear the Count Alvaro and

the Magnates, that without the very Queen's counsel, neither from any

land they would take away, Received his and the nobles' assurance: nor to any land would give;

nor to neighboring Kings war would move, nor

and the homage in the hand of Rodrigo of Toledo

the Pontiff they confirmed; that, if the contrary they should do,

of treason the infamy they would be held. But because the Queen,

on account of the importunity of the Soldiers and of the Greater ones,

with weariness was affected, she feared lest the kingdom in her

custody be disturbed, and therefore to the Count Alvaro she gave

the boy with the conditions abovesaid. Who with Gonsalvo

Rodríguez and his brothers, then to him favoring,

forthwith from Burgos going out, began exterminations

to procure, the great to humble, and of the common people the rich

to drain, the Religious houses and Churches to enslave, he indeed the churches and nobles vexing,

and of the tithes the thirds, which to the churches' fabrics

pertained, began similarly to confiscate (But

excommunicated by Rodrigo of Toledo the Dean,

who the stead of the Archbishop then was bearing, compelled he was

to restore, and to swear ^b that for the rest he would not attempt it) and

of the churches the men, who of the privileges royal

the immunity enjoyed, began with exactions to subjugate.

[14] But when at Valladolid a Court

had celebrated the Magnates other, Lope Díaz ^c de

Haro, Gonsalvo Rodríguez and his brothers, and therefore in the Assembly accused, Rodrigo

Rodríguez and Alvaro Díaz de Camberis, Alfonso

Téllez de Meneses, and other Nobles, of the Kingdom for the extermination

condoling took care so great disasters to meet:

and the Queen Berengaria's prudence approaching,

humbly they supplicated, that of the kingdom's miseries she would condole.

The Count moreover Alvaro began the Queen

noble to infest, so that those things, which to her her father

had given, he occupied; and to her also with a rash mouth he commanded,

that in the kingdom's borders she should not remain. against the Queen he rises up; Then the Queen

noble, with her sister Eleanor, who was

afterward Queen of Aragon, and was at that time

Aptellum is called, herself betook, and there dwelt unto

the death of her brother. But the aforesaid Magnates, as

to their natural Lady faithfully adhering, to the King

little of fidelity the due in all things kept.

But the aforesaid Queen's shrewd industry,

all things so providently ordered, with those Magnates,

that both the Count Alvaro's insolences she might bridle,

and his rights to the King little conserve. The King below puberty to a wife he joins, But when

the King most tender the intention of the Count by a sagacious disposition

now perceived, willingly he wished to his sister's custody

himself to transfer. But the Count Alvaro through his

accomplices so took care, that the King the boy what he wished

not could to effect deliver. For the Count

craftily devised a wife from Portugal to him to give,

through which mediating he could the boy in his good pleasure

retain. But to the contrary the matter turned out: for when

Mafalda the daughter of the King of Portugal he had brought,

and the boy was not in age nubile, remained the Lady

of the conjugal commerce defrauded; and because themselves

by a line of consanguinity they touched, by mandate

of Innocent the Pope was the cohabitation separated:

and after, as is reported, between himself and the Lady wished

the Count Alvaro a marriage to procure: but

she, since she was chaste ^d, the word rejected indignantly.

[15] After the Court of Valladolid the Count Alvaro

with his accomplices, and with the King the Estremadura

traversed, the Greater ones' minds to himself conciliating,

that by their favor he could to others command, and

of those having riches to drain; a great he collects faction. and thence himself transferred

beyond the Sierra. And when he had come to Maqueda, which

is a town in the diocese of Toledo, the Queen noble

sent a messenger of her brother's state secretly to inquire:

for she was solicitous, for the reason that by the Count Alvaro

more negligently he was kept. And when the Count Alvaro

of the messenger had learned, he caused to be written letters of imposture,

and with a false seal of the Queen noble to be sealed; in

which was contained, that the Queen noble was writing

to some, by the counsel of the Magnates of Campos ^e,

that with poison to him sent to her brother a deadly cup

they should administer, that thus the boy to his sister's hatred

more grievously they might provoke: and the man forthwith they hanged.

But since the lips of the malignant to themselves as if

drunk lie, striving the King to alienate from his Sister, who Susanna from false testimony

freed, the Queen noble and innocent

from the imposture's lie free declared:

and that in their lies might be caught the iniquitous, a common

and faithful assertion of all without doubt affirmed

the Queen noble's truth; detesting with curses

and revilings what iniquity devised. And although

with an effronted pride the Count Alvaro strove,

so great however boiled up a derision of the people against

him, he is refuted by the people. that he was compelled to recede from the parts of the diocese of Toledo:

and to Opta ^f coming there for some time made

of the King the boy now had, that to his sister unknowing

the Count Alvaro he should transfer himself. But when Ferdinand

Núñez, the Count Alvaro's supporter and

nephew, had learned; unexpectedly having taken

soldiers came upon, and captured led him to ^h Alarcón.

[16] Then the Count Alvaro, that in the kingdom destructions

he might excite, against the supporters of the Queen noble moved war;

and having taken whom he could have, the King's transit to his sister he impedes: with the King

to Valladolid in the following Lent they came;

and the Passover of the Resurrection of the Lord

celebrated, with the Soldiers of Castile and of the Estremadura

ⁱ, the Vega ^k wheat-bearing they laid waste,

and the houses of the Magnates who the Queen favored hostilely

dissipated. Then in a castle which Monzalacer

Gonsalvo Rodríguez and his brothers and Alfonso

Téllez with several soldiers excelled, the King's presence

revering, would not to the besieged be a succor:

but the very Suero Téllez to the King demanding forthwith

the castle gave. Thence the Count with the King

advancing into Campos very many things devastated, and at

Carrión through days some made a delay. Then to

Villalba de Alcor against Alfonso Téllez

he hastened: arms against the same she moves: and certain soldiers from the host running before,

outside the fortification Alfonso Téllez found:

and having taken his horses and arms him also they wounded,

and wounded into the township he betook himself: where

through some days besieged, manfully himself he defended. From

the siege indeed the Count receding to Palencia hastened.

The Queen moreover and her Nobles in Aptellum and the castle

they should do: which dead the boy King, her son she summons. for the reason that into the army with the King present not

could they leap, nor the brought injuries sustain. Whence

commonly they decreed to the King to restore his land,

and from heaven help to await. When therefore

the land, as is said, by various incursions was laid waste,

and the Count with the little King to Palencia had come;

it happened him in the house of the Bishop to lodge, and the things of the church

as an enemy to consume and devastate. On a certain

moreover day, when the King the boy was busy at games

with coeval Damsels, less providently guarded;

throwing, the King in the head wounded: from which

blow after days few was death mournful followed.

But before the rumor garrulity had divulged,

the Queen wise sent Lope Díaz and Gonsalvo

Rodríguez the Magnates for her son Ferdinand,

who at Toro with his father ⁿ then at that time

was tarrying. Who going the rumor of the death

of the King the boy [*] suppressed, and to the King of León a cause

other suggesting; with the Infante Ferdinand to

the Queen Berengaria they returned.

ANNOTATA.

* whether they suppressed?

CHAPTER III.

The Kingdom, Henry being dead, by his mother Berengaria the nearest heir to her son Ferdinand is delivered, in vain striving against it the Count Alvaro, and Alfonso of León the Saint's father.

[17] It can be that about this succession to the reader

may arise a doubt, The mother of Ferdinand Berengaria, which it is expedient first

briefly to be resolved, than further I proceed.

But the doubt such is. Since D. Berengaria

by right was heir of Castile, dead her brother

Henry, why had she need secretly to summon

her son Ferdinand, to be elevated to the Kingdom;

especially since she had a husband living, Alfonso

namely King of León; and she herself succeeding

into the kingdom of Castile, together with her seemed

to succeed her husband. Moreover not without

reason will ask someone, why D. Berengaria

was remaining in Castile, and not rather with her husband

the King? The reason of each thing this is, that

the marriage between D. Berengaria and the King Leonese

Alfonso had coalesced for the cause of peace and concord

to be conciliated: for grave had existed wars

between the father of Berengaria and the King of León; and

the Magnates of Castile, to cut off wishing the course

of the damages from of-this-kind wars proceeding, after received from Alfonso King of León children from him separated, and

the Kings between themselves to conciliate, each they believed

through of-this-kind nuptials to be able to be obtained, not considering

how close a consanguinity were joined between

themselves Berengaria and ^b Alfonso, from whom sprung

was D. Ferdinand, of the present history the argument.

The Pontiff moreover that marriage void

to be declaring, separated them: and therefore the King

Alfonso another ^c wife led; the Queen moreover Berengaria

returned into Castile, and after the death

of her father remained with the King her brother D. Henry,

of the paternal Kingdom the heir. This prenoted to the history

I return.

[18] Dead therefore, as is said, the King Henry,

D. Berengaria with some caution summoned

her son Ferdinand: by craft she receives her son from his power, sending to him for that end

Knights two, Lope Díaz and Gonsalvo

Ruiz, in whom much she had confidence. These

set forth when to the King Alfonso they had come, no

mention making of the death of King Henry,

as prescribed to them was; other all things and which themselves

grateful to be knew having spoken with Alfonso, at length,

an opportune hour having obtained and an easy of the King mind,

they supplicated to him, that he should give leave to the infante D.

Ferdinand to go with them to visit D. Berengaria

his mother, who with great of him desire

was held; they promised moreover, that, after the mutual

of son and mother congress, about to lead him back

safe they would be. So moreover grateful held the King

Alfonso the supplication of those two Knights,

that the sought leave easy he granted. Alacritous

therefore with the Infante returned to Aptillum, the same

they brought to the Queen mother. and to Alvaro to obey refusing she opposes him: Meanwhile moreover

the Count Alvaro carried the King from Palencia, that into

the matter could not be concealed, his sister the Queen, by funereal

rumors stirred, to Palencia with the Magnates

hastened: where by the Venerable Tello the Bishop

of the city with a procession solemnly were received,

and thence to the castle, which Doniae is called, advancing,

forthwith by force took. Then the Magnates with

the Count Alvaro of concord treated, but nothing

would the Count Alvaro accept, unless the Infante

Ferdinand, the King to be, to his custody, as an uncle,

were delivered. To which pact the Queen noble and

the Magnates, fearing the past, by no means consented;

and advancing to Valladolid they came; and with him to Valladolid she comes:

and counsel held to the Estremadura they advanced:

and when they had come to the village which Cauca ^d is called,

the inhabitants of the village them to receive would not, but to a hamlet

and there messengers they received, lest to Segovia or

Ávila, or to any of the Estremadura they should approach

city.

[19] where in the Assembly the Queen declared, It was announced also that Sancho Fernández,

brother of the King Leonese, against the Queen and

her son with a great multitude was coming: whence

both the Queen noble and her son, with those who were present,

to Valladolid forthwith returned. When moreover

had heard the Queen the more powerful of the Estremadura

and of beyond the land of Segovia to come together, she sent messengers,

who to them of fidelity the due might persuade. And when

the men of the Estremadura this had heard, to come to

the Queen noble forthwith consented. And when

to Valladolid commonly they had come together, there

both of the Estremadura the More Powerful, who for all

had come, and also the Magnates and Soldiers of Castile,

by common consent the kingdom of Castile, with fidelity

due, to the Queen noble offered. For to her, the dying

sons, since she was among the daughters the firstborn,

of the kingdom the succession was owed: and this same by the father's privilege

was kept. And also the whole Kingdom, The Kingdom she delivers to her son, before

the King had a son, twice by oath and homage

this had confirmed. She moreover, within the bounds of chastity

and modesty above all the world's Ladies herself restraining,

the kingdom for herself would not retain; but outside the gate

of Valladolid led the multitude of the Estremadura

and of Castile, where the forum is held, they came together:

for the reason that so great a multitude the houses' narrowness

did not bear. And there to her son the kingdom delivering, the Infante

Ferdinand, of whom we have spoken, all approving

to the church of S. Mary is led, and there

to the kingdom's throne is elevated, in the year of his age

tenth ^f eighth, the Clergy and People chanting,

"We praise thee O God, thee O Lord we

confess." And there to him all made homage,

and fidelity to the King due they swore.

And so with royal honor to the royal palace he was led back.

[20] When moreover had heard the Queen noble, Alfonso

the King Leonese to the village which Ayroum

shame, in vain striving against it Alfonso of León. through Maurice of Burgos and Domingo

of Ávila the Bishop humbly she supplicated, that himself

from the disquieting of her son he would temper. But the King himself

elated with the pride, which into his heart the Count Alvaro

had instilled, the supplication and prayers contradicted,

for the reason that to the empire he gaped ^h. Nay he crossed the Pisuerga

and came to Laguna; where when for days some

he had remained, he directed his face against Burgos: and

when places very many and the houses of the Soldiers he had devastated,

and others by fire had burned up, to the village which Arcos

is called he came, hoping the city of Burgos

himself about to take. But when he had heard in the same city

Lope Díaz and many Soldiers gathered,

frustrated by a hope empty and vain, against his counselors indignant,

into his land speedily returned.

The Queen moreover the King her son being elevated, while

these things were done, at Palencia was tarrying: and there came

to her from Segovia and Ávila and other towns

of the Estremadura Soldiers copious, She receives and buries the body of Henry the King: of their Councils

services offering. And then the Queen two

venerable Pontiffs, Tello of Palencia and

Maurice of Burgos sent to Tarecum, that of Henry

the King the body they might receive, with his parents

to be entombed; especially since also this same the Count

Alvaro now had commanded. And the aforesaid Pontiffs

the body received to Palencia returned: and thence

the King new, with his mother the Queen noble, to a castle

which Munio is called came. And while

the King the town assailed, the Queen noble her brother

Henry the King in a sarcophagus nobly prepared

carried to a monastery near Burgos, and there

near her brother, Ferdinand the Infante,

with lamentation great the obsequies celebrated, royally

buried.

[21] Thence indeed the Queen, coming to ⁱ Munio,

found the castle by the King Ferdinand and his faithful

occupied, and certain towns from Alvaro she takes away, the Soldiers who were within captived.

After these things to Lerma and Lara, which the Count

Alvaro detained, with the Burgos ^k Council

advancing, the invaded strongly they occupied, and the rebelling

Soldiers by force took. Thence to the city of Burgos

returning, by the Pontiff Clergy and People

honorably and processionally were received, rejoicing

all, that freed from enemies in their Lady's

natural lordship they remained. But

because, her treasure for the war's expenses dispersed. this perturbation obstructing, the Royal

revenues for the stipends failed, and the Queen noble

whatsoever she had had in largesses had dispensed,

to the silver and gold and gems gifts

she put her hand: and whatsoever from such she had reserved,

in aid of her son liberally she bestowed: and by the counsel

of the Magnates who with her were present, to the parts of Belorado

^l, Anagarum, and Nájera they advanced:

and received the villages, which to them the inhabitants most gratefully restored,

to Burgos again they returned: the Fortifications

for which the Count Gonsalvo Núñez detained,

they could not on account of their strength

to storm.

ANNOTATA.

them some still children to have received. Certainly dying Ferdinand, besides his brother the Prince (whom to his son the successor he commended by name) is found in num. 144 in general to make mention of other still brothers, and several outside marriage begotten numbers the Genealogical Catalogue of Rodrigo Méndez de Silva; of whom below.

Lord father, King of León, Don Alfonso, The Epistle of the Saint, the war from his father deprecating, my Lord. What is this thy wrath? Why to me damage and war dost thou bring, nothing such of thee meriting? Easily is understood to displease thee my good, in which much thou oughtest to be pleased, about to have a son King of Castile, who to thee always will be for honor. For no King either Christian or Moorish, who me fears, to harm thee will dare. Whence therefore to thee indignation so great? Indeed from Castile so long as thou livest never either damage or war will arise in my days: on the contrary, who before to thee brought trouble, now thee reverence and fear. Wherefore know thou oughtest, that thou thyself to thee harmest. Thou couldst moreover if thou wouldst understand, that I avail more than any King in the world to impede thee and cruelly to vex: but nothing of this kind lawful to me against thee, because my father thou art and my lord; nor that well would be done. It is fitting therefore to me that rather thee I bear, until thyself thou recognize what thou doest. It appears these to be written after to his father had aided the Saint against the rebels, as says Tuy; nay rather, after he by Moorish expeditions to grow famous and formidable to be had begun; and probably about the last of Alfonso years: which however because precisely to define I could not, all things here together I have put under one view.

CHAPTER IV.

The Victory over Alvaro the rebel related; and his and his brother's unhappy end.

[22] While the King and the Queen noble were at Burgos,

the Count Alvaro, with his brothers and accomplices,

through the Mound-of-garlics ^a and Quintana-de-Fortún

crossed; and into Belorado

hostilely rushing, To the King himself opposing Alvaro, neither to age nor to sex they spared,

but all things with slaughter and fire they consumed:

which turned to the new King and the Queen noble into

bitterness and grief. And this devastation done,

the Counts to their own returned: and the King new

with his mother the Queen noble and his Magnates

from Burgos to Palencia began to go. And while to a village,

which Palentiola ^b is called, they had come; the Count Ferdinand

on the little bank of the valley ^c Guiaria with battle-lines disposed

stayed. The Count Alvaro with his soldiers

to Ferreruela betook himself. And on the fourth feria ^d of the Four-Times

of the month of September, when the King

Ferdinand and the Queen noble about to go to Palencia

near Ferreruela were passing; and rashly to scout having gone out, a collateral

battle-line with Alfonso Téllez and Suero Téllez he separated,

lest the column of the army crossing by the Soldiers

of the Count be hurt. And when the Count Alvaro outside

the village with some Soldiers had stayed, into the village

the rest let in, that he might be able the army to contemplate,

he remained with few, into the village to be collected

disdaining. But when Alfonso Téllez and Suero

Téllez and Alvaro Rodríguez, and certain others, him

from afar had recognized, alive he is taken: against him with the horses' impetus

advanced: and seeing the multitude to excel,

now lifeless, although proud, to collect

himself he began. But when the aforesaid Soldiers had come,

the Count Alvaro from his horse descended, and lying

on the earth with his shield himself covered. But they with hands

him drawing, captured with two Soldiers fellow-captives

to the King and the noble Queen presented: and

who many had offended, who to none had spared, who

his natural Lady the lordship had denied, by divine

judgment now prostrated, of his Soldiers and

Brothers looking on the help destitute, is taken inglorious

and confounded. Then the Queen noble, with joy and

tears God praising, long to of thanks action insisted,

that her enemy and of the kingdom and of her son to her delivered

with so easy a capture.

[23] Seeing therefore all who were present, that

God omnipotent the Queen noble's works directed,

with joy and with actions of thanks, to Palencia

entered, and thence to Valladolid went: where

was the Count Alvaro in captivity and bonds guarded.

And when there of a composition for some time

was treated, with this condition was the pact accepted, and when himself he had redeemed by yielding the usurped,

that the Count Alvaro should restore all the castles

which he held, namely Cañete and Alarcón,

Amaya and Tarecum-Caesareum and Villafranca,

the Tower of Belorado, Anagarum and Pancorbo

^e: and these delivered he should be loosed. The castle

Jerez ^f and Orcegón detained the Count Ferdinand

his brother, and to their capture was bound

the Count Alvaro with a hundred Soldiers the King to follow,

until them to his power he should subjugate. The Count

moreover Alvaro to Gonsalvo Rodríguez was committed,

until he should complete the things above prenoted. The King moreover

led his army toward the Castle: and although the Count

Ferdinand, propped with abundance of victuals and a multitude

of armed men therein rebelled, with this condition

he restored the Castle and Orcegón, that his vassal

he should become, and from him as a vassal proper the castles

he should hold. These done, the Lord disposing, quieted

the perturbation of the new King: and for six months' space

was the sedition so settled, which was believed perpetually

about to last, that the King Ferdinand received by

all began everywhere jurisdiction Royal

to exercise.

[24] After these things moreover the Counts, seeing in the kingdom

of their power the glory diminished, nay rather annulled, and to León had fled,

in the Valley-of-Junipers ^g of the Palencia territory,

began again to rebel, and plunders in the Fields ^h

Gothic to exercise: but the King Ferdinand, with

the Queen noble his mother and some part of the Magnates,

came to the Mound-of-smokes ⁱ and Medina

de Rioseco, and so of the Counts the insolences for the part

greatest ceased. But seeing the Counts in

the Valley-of-Junipers not to be able to resist, of the King Leonese

to the lordship themselves they gave; and that he should move war

to his son, they persuaded. And when on both sides the armies

had come together, and certain Nobles from Castile toward

the parts of Salamanca had entered, seeing the King

of León to them with his army coming, into a hamlet

they entered. and the war had revived, he dies; And when the King Leonese them therein

had besieged, and the Count Alvaro had begun with iron leggings

to be shod, struck by the Lord he began most grievously

to be infirmed: and a truce confirmed between father and son

from each other they departed. The Count moreover Alvaro,

by the disease's and the truce's grief vexed, to Toro half-alive

was carried: where by death's anxiety compelled, to the Knighthood

of S. James himself he gave, and there his life he finished, and

at Uclés is buried. And after a little time the Count

Ferdinand his brother, as also his brother at Marrakesh, whose not as he wished in

the kingdom of Castile desires turned out, into Africa

crossed, and from the Amir ^l Momenin received

gifts boasted various things. And while there a long delay,

as is the custom ^m of the Arabs, was drawn, him it befell

to be infirmed: and he caused to a village near Marrakesh, which

Elbora is called, himself to be transferred: for the village by Christians

only inhabitants was tilled. And when he perceived

from an incurable disease destruction to be imminent; by Gonsalvo

and the way of all flesh having entered, with others who

there died at the house of the Hospital, which Pons-Fiterii

was carried: and there by his wife the Countess

Major, and his sons Ferdinand and Alvaro, and

many others is buried.

ANNOTATA.

CHAPTER V.

Ferdinand's marriage with Beatrix the Swabian, and from her the children. The seditious repressed. The Cathedral of Toledo's foundation.

[25] The adversaries therefore so by the Lord judged,

the King Ferdinand the kingdom obtained pacifically

and quietly, the Queen noble all things disposing: Sought from Frederick the Inf. Beatrix,

who so solicitously her son educated, that the kingdom

and the fatherland, according to the custom of his grandfather noble Alfonso,

in peace and modesty he governed, unto the twentieth

fifth ^a of her son's year. But because unbecoming

it was, that so great a Prince by extraordinary

petulances should be drawn; his mother, who always

wished him from unlawful things to keep, procured

for him a wife by name Beatrix, who was the daughter of King

Philip ^b into Emperor of the Romans elected,

and of Mary the daughter ^c of Isaac of Constantinople the Emperor:

who was best, beautiful, wise, and chaste.

And sent for her messengers, Maurice of Burgos

the Bishop, a man laudable and discreet; Peter the Abbot

of S. Peter de Arlanza, Rodrigo Abbot de Rioseco,

Peter Odoárez the Prior of the Hospital, to

Frederick ^d of the Romans the King, under whose custody

was at that time the Damsel, in Germany

came; and by the King himself honorably were received.

And when the legation's cause, as enjoined

was, they had explained; the aforesaid messengers waited. and it being obtained,

At length the King Frederick, into Emperor elected,

his cousin Beatrix, a Damsel noble,

beautiful, composed and prudent, to the King

Ferdinand through the said messengers, with apparatus noble,

destined. And when to Paris they had come, the King

of the French, Philip by name, who then over the Gauls

presided, her honorably received, through his land

honorably giving a guide; and so to the kingdom of Castile

with a happy journey they came.

[26] Then the Queen noble Berengaria, with a retinue

noble of religious and secular Magnates

and Ladies, to Ferdinand is joined beyond the burg which Vitoria

thence coming, they found the King Ferdinand,

with the Magnates and Nobles and of the cities

the Foremost, awaiting. Who the Damsel and

the Messengers with the honor which was fitting received, and on the third day

Burgos, celebrated a Mass by the venerable Maurice

of Burgos the Bishop, and the arms military blessed,

the King himself received the sword from the altar with his own hand

himself girt with the belt military: and his mother, on the feast of S. Andrew. the Queen

noble, the sword's belt ungirt. On the third day,

namely on the feast of S. Andrew, Beatrix the most sweet

Damsel he led solemnly and lawfully in wife,

the Mass the venerable Maurice in the Cathedral

church celebrating, and a benediction to the marrying

bestowing: and there was a Court most noble celebrated,

assisting of the whole kingdom the Magnates, the Ladies,

and almost all of the kingdom the Soldiers and the Foremost

of the cities.

[27] After a little indeed time, on account of the injuries

which Rodrigo Díaz de ^g Camberis in the land

to him entrusted exercised, The King curbs the insolence of Rodrigo de Camberis, although he was Cross-signed

for the subsidy of the Holy-Land; the King Ferdinand

cited him, that to the Court coming he should satisfy of

the things objected. And when he to the Valladolid Court had come,

since naturally by anger's inconstancy he was led,

by false friends persuaded, unseen and unsaluted

the King he departed. The King moreover for of this kind indignant,

took away from him his land. And when the aforesaid

Rodrigo Díaz would not restore the fortifications,

at length he restored them by a pact, that the King should give him fourteen

thousand of gold pieces. And when the money

he had received, then at last he gave back the castles to the King. A year

afterward again revolved, Gonsalvo Pérez, the Lord

of Molina ^h, by the counsel of the Count Gonsalvo, began

against the King less providently to rebel, and the part

of the Queen, to Molina near, with rapines and devastations

to molest. And when admonished neither did he desist

nor to satisfy would, the King Ferdinand against

him an army gathered. But coming up

the noble Queen Berengaria his mother, likewise another to him rebellious: since the King

could not the castle of Zafra storm, a concord

had procured, and with certain pacts the King the army being loosed

from Molina receded. And days some

interposed the Count Gonsalvo Núñez, who to

the Arabs had transferred himself; when from the King of Castile benefits

he could not obtain as he wished, again himself

restored to the Hagarenes: and while in the parts of Córdoba

he tarried, in a village which Baeza is called by an infirmity

most grave it befell him to die: and carried by

his own buried was at ⁱ Cephini, where have an oratory

the Brothers of the Temple.

[28] Received moreover the King Ferdinand from his wife

most grateful Beatrix the sons here noted, eight children from his wife he receives: Alfonso

the firstborn, Frederick, Ferdinand,

Henry, Philip ^k, who offered by the Lady

Berengaria, the Queen noble, his grandmother, to God and to Rodrigo

of Toledo the Pontiff, through the hands of the same

Pontiff to the title of the Church of Toledo into the lot

of the Lord was called: and forthwith the same

Pontiff a Prebend and other Benefices in the aforesaid

Church assigned. He had other sons, Sancho

who offered to Rodrigo of Toledo the Pontiff, by whom

with the Clerical tonsure the Psalmist's ^l office he obtained,

Church obtained; Emmanuel, and two daughters,

Eleanor, who died little; and Berengaria,

who in the Royal monastery dwelt, a Virgin to the Lord

consecrated. But the Queen noble Berengaria

the mother of the King, he goes forth against the Moors once, wishing him from the Christians'

injuries alien, of his soldiery the firstfruits she wished

to the Lord to dedicate; and a truce with the Arabs would not

further to be protracted ^m: but the army gathered,

assisting him Rodrigo of Toledo the Pontiff and

other Magnates of his kingdom, through Baeza and ⁿ Úbeda

devastations exercising, he assailed Quesada:

and captured and slain many thousands of Saracens,

because the castle by various assaults was

ruined, then he would not retain it. The King moreover, Quesada,

as we have said, occupied, through the bank of the Baetis

the great river to the parts came of ^o Jaén: again, and destroyed

certain fortifications and urging the instance

wintry to his own he returned. After these things

moreover again an army he gathered; and delivering

them to himself Avomahomat, who was of the Arabs Prince

noble, son [p] of Avoabdella son of Abdelmurris, he took

Baeza, [q] Andújar and [r] Martos; and the castle

that most noble he gave to the Brothers of Calatrava. And

destroyed other castles and townships, a third time, to his own happily

he returned.

[29] And a third time having entered the land of the Arabs, he took

Sevioth [s], Jódar and Garcíez, and with warriors

he secured them; and other devastations done, to

the city he returned of Toledo. At that time was

in the Spains a Legate of the Roman Church, John

[t] de Abbatisvilla, which is in the County of Ponthieu,

of Sabina Bishop Cardinal, a man good, wise,

lettered: a fourth time. who celebrated in the several kingdoms Councils,

after monitions of salvation he proposed, to the See

Apostolic returned, three years of legation

completed. After these things again the King Ferdinand

the land of the Arabs entered, and took Aznatoraf,

[u] the Tower de Albet, S. Stephen, and Chorlana.

And another time he led the army through Jaén about

the feast of S. John, which on account of its strength

could not be stormed. And thence advancing he took

[x] Pego: and the inhabitants captured and slain,

the fortification from the foundations he desolated. and a fifth time. And coming to the town which

[y] Alhama is called, the inhabitants captured and slain,

the place with a destruction similar he dissipated: after which

to his own with the army he returned. In this expedition

was not present Rodrigo the Pontiff of Toledo,

who at Guadalajara had remained, by a fever's sharpness

wearied, where of the end the peril scarcely he escaped: but

he sent with the army the Lord his Chaplain,

who in the army in his place the Pontifical things might exercise. A New of Toledo Cathedral he builds. And

advancing again against the Moors he besieged Capilla,

by long assaults at length took. And completed

fourteen weeks of the expedition, to the city

royal he returned. And then they cast the first

stone the King and the Archbishop Rodrigo in the foundation

of the church of Toledo, which in the form of a Mosque

in the time of the Arabs still stood. Whose fabric

with marvelous work from day to day, not without grand admiration

of men is exalted. [a*]

ANNOTATA.

p In the vulgate are named Aben-Mahomat and Aben-Abdale son of Abdel-Moyn. Of Baeza the King Moorish, Of whom in Zúñiga at the year 1250 num. 10 is had memory, under a diploma signed by the King, on 8 January, of the year of the surrender next following 1226, in the year moreover of his reign ninth, in which year Azehid Abu-Mahomad, King of Baeza, became Vassal of the King and kissed his hands. Which indeed manner of the years of the reign to be signed by some memorable deed, deservedly praises Zúñiga, as of history most convenient. Robles in the History of Caravaca book 2 chap. 6 a cousin makes him of the King of Valencia, of the very Miramolinus Mahomad by surname the Green from a brother a nephew, and in the year 1225 by his own to have been slain says, because they suspected secretly made a Christian; whether by his own on account of Christianity's suspicion slain? and a successor to have had his son Aben-Mahomad, to his father like both in faith and in love toward the Saint: who baptized and called Ferdinand, a noble afterward if he left posterity, even today in Baetica flourishing. I as nothing to anyone detracted I wish, so I would desire such things lawfully to be proved; suspect for always we hold, familiar too much to this age wicked, of the Genealogists impostures. And indeed who would believe the Moors, who for such a cause a King slew, about to assume in his place to have been his son, of whom no more certain than of his father they were? or Ferdinand unavenged to have left a friend's slaughter, for such a cause perpetrated, in the very in which himself to him he had joined year? or, if he avenged it, a matter of so great moment to be passed over in the Chronicle could have been? In the year certainly 1234 still lived Mahomad, and his son had sent in aid of the Christians to Jerez. Be therefore with the relater the faith, both of that slaughter in the year at most 1235 perpetrated; both of the siege, which from the rebelling citizens sustained the citadel, to the Saint by the pacts delivered, and to Gonsalvo Yáñez Master of Calatrava committed to custody. He is said, when the citadel he despaired to be able longer to be held, failing utterly the corn-supply, whether the Valencian the Saint's clientage sought; so to have deserted the place, that the heels of the horses, into the contrary part shod, vestiges should leave as of those tending into the citadel and should make faith to the enemy of a great subsidy by night brought in, by which appearance terrified the Moors the siege should dismiss; but the garrison, through the middle advanced a league, with eyes turned back to the deserted citadel, above its gate principal should see to gleam the Caravaca Cross: by whose sight animated should seek again the place; and it against the returned the error known enemies should hold, until coming with five hundred horsemen Diego López de Haro, by S. Ferdinand sent, on the feast of S. Andrew all freed from the peril, having entered

through the gate which from such an event, and from the victory bursting forth thence on the following day, was called the Gate of the Count. This perhaps could be more certainly proved, were the very instrument exhibited, which the King issued in the year 1232, on May 18, inviting as many as possible to settle Beatia: to which meanwhile, from the aforesaid success, it is believed there fell by way of arms the Cross of Caravaca, above two keys laid crosswise; whether which insignia be so ancient, I leave to others to examine. In the History of the Three Orders the aforenamed Master of Calatrava is treated of, nor is anything else said of him than that he rendered useful service to Ferdinand in subduing Baetica, and namely against the Moor, King of Beatia. And if it is true that Christians were really brought in to the place of the Moors, it is probable that this was not done save on account of some preceding rebellion of theirs, perhaps after the death of their King, when the Cross was seen above the gate. It is meanwhile remarkable that of the Beatian King, returning into the clientship of Ferdinand, no mention is made by the Toletan: Lauretus adds that the Valentian King Zeyt Abuzeyt also, terrified by the Saint's array against him, came to Ferdinand at Concha and did homage to him: concerning which matter I should wish to see an equally certain testimony. If however this is true, it could not have been done in the year which he notes from Garibay, 1223, but will necessarily pertain to the year 1227. They add moreover that this subjection was the seed of discords between the Castilians and the Aragonese, whose King James had undertaken to subjugate the Valentian kingdom, as indeed he did: wherefore he reckoned the inroads of the Castilians into it his own injury.

q Andugar, a town on this side of the Baetis, somewhat nearer to Corduba than to Giennium.

r Martos, a most renowned fortress in this history, surviving even today across the Baetis, at almost an equal interval of 12 leagues from Corduba and from Granada.

s The Chronicle is silent about the acquisition of these places, as also about the coming of the Apostolic Legate.

t Concerning this John, Ferdinand Ughelli, vol. 1 of Italia Sacra, among the Bishops of Sabina: Scarcely had he been presented with the rosy hat under Gregory IX in the year 1227, when he was straightway sent into Spain and Lusitania to preach the Crusade against the Saracens.

u Today Iznatoraph, and that the last place is called Chiclana, a marginal Note advises: but the Reverend Father John de Gamiz (to whom I refer this and several other corrections received) writing to me from our College of S. Hermenegild at Hispalis, charges that Note with a grave error, since Chiclana is a place very far distant, on the shore of the Gaditanian Sea: he suspects moreover that the Chorlana here named is perhaps the present-day Solana, the neighborhood of the places suggesting this.

x Pegum, commonly Pliego, in the maps Priego, about 6 leagues beyond Martos to the south.

y Alhama, in the vulgar Alhambra.

z The Chronicle names this Bishop, then acting in the Archbishop's stead, Dominic, whom Tamayo in the Catalogue at October 16 says to have sat from the year 1221 to 1233, and to have been present at the battle at the Navas of Tolosa: but the place in which the Archbishop fell sick the Chronicle calls Guadalagar.

a* The same Chronicle: This church, however, nobly completed, is daily augmented with new ornaments and edifices. It would therefore be worth the trouble, The Toletan Cathedral, for precisely knowing the age of the Chronicle, to know when the Fabric of the Toletan church was finished. The first stone was cast into the foundations on August 15, wherefore also it was afterwards dedicated under the title of the Virgin Assumed on the 28th day of October. Our Antonius Quintanadueñas (who wrote a book on the Saints and Feasts of Toledo) on page 14 describes the same church as having five naves, and a representation thereof, of which the middle, eminent above the rest, is 160 feet high; the length indeed of the whole mass is 404 feet, the breadth 202 feet; and the number of columns sustaining the same together with the adjoining cloister rises to 804. How magnificent that work is, you may in some measure estimate from its exterior form along one side, as in the year 1566 George Hoefnagel delineated it.

PARERGON II.

On the Miraculous healing of Queen Beatrice, by the Mother of God, rhythmically described by her son Alfonso.

THE ARCHIEPISCOPAL

CHURCH OF S. MARY

AT TOLEDO.

The recovery of the Chapel having been narrated in the preceding Chapter, the occasion seems by no means to be passed over, of relating in this place a notable miracle which followed it, Alfonso the Wise in a Galician hymn in the healing of Queen Beatrice, whom the holy King at that time had summoned to Concha, intending to attend more closely to his further advances against the Moors. It is found in Zúñiga, from the above-praised Codex of Galician Rhythms of Alfonso the Wise, celebrating the matter done before his own eyes, though then still those of a boy, under this title:

Esta es como Santa Maria guareceu a Reyna Donna Beatriz de grand' enfermedada porque a orou a ssa omagen con grand' asperança: which in Latin sound thus: This is how S. Mary healed Queen D. Beatrice of a great infirmity; because with great trust she adored her holy image.

Quen na Virgen groriosa Esperanza muy grand à, Ma, car seia muit enfermo, Ela mui ben ò gvarià.

D'est un mui grand miragre Ves quero dezir que oy: E pero era minyno, Membrame que foi assi: Cam estava eu deante, Et todo ouvi e oy Que fezo Santa Maria, Que muitos fer e fara.

Quen na Virgen groriosa Esperanza muy grand à &c.

Esto foi en aquel año Quando o mui buen Rei ganou Don Fernando à Capela E de Christianos poblou, E ssa moller à Reina Doña Beatrix mandou, Que fosse morar en Concha, E quant el foi a colá.

Quen na Virgen groriosa &c.

Na oste, e seu mandado Fer ela mui volenter: E quando foi na cidade Peor enferma moller Non vistès, do que foi ela: Ca Pero de Monpiller, Bonos fisicos y eran, Dezian non vivera.

Quen na Virgens groriosa Esperanza muy grand à &c.

E porque esto dezian Non era mui sen razon: Ca d'aver ela seu fillo Estava en a sazon: the image of the B. V. having been adored E avia tan gran fever, Que quen a via enton, Dezia, Seguramente Desta non escaparà.

Quen na Virgen groriosa &c.

Mais la Reina, que serva Era da que todo val, Virgen santa groriosa Reyna esperital, Fez trager huna omagen Muy ben feita de metal De Santa Maria, disse: Esta cabo mi ferà.

Quen na Virgen groriosa &c.

Ca pois eu assa segura Vir à tal creencia ei, Que de todos estos maës. Que à tan toste guarrei. Por end a mi a chegade E logo lle beizarci As sas manos e os pees, Ca muy gran prol me terra.

Quen na Virgen groriosa Esperanza muy grand à &c.

E tod' est assai foi feito; E logo sen outra ven, she at once recovered, De todos aqueles maës Guariu à Reina tan ben, Per poder da groriosa, Que nada non sentiu en. Por en serà de mal fiso, O que a non loarà.

Quen na Virgen groriosa Esperanza muy grand à &c.

Whoever in the glorious Virgin has great trust, he relates how, when he was a boy, his mother, although he be much infirm, she herself will heal him well. On this matter I wish to tell you a very great miracle, which I heard. I was indeed then a boy: yet I remember very well that the matter so befell, because I was present, and heard all saying that S. Mary had wrought it, who has done and will do many things. Whoever in the glorious Virgin &c.

This was in that year in which the good King D. Ferdinand obtained the Chapel, and delivered it to the Christians to inhabit: but to his wife D. Beatrice the Queen he commanded that she should come to dwell at Concha, so long as he should be in that region. Whoever in the glorious Virgin &c.

She, delaying not at all, sick unto death at Concha, very gladly fulfilled his command: but as soon as she came into the city, a more infirm woman you would have said you had never seen than she was. Because Peter of Montpellier and the good physicians who were present said that she would not survive. Whoever in the glorious Virgin &c.

This moreover they said not without great reason, for she was shortly to bring forth a son: and she suffered a fever so vehement, that whoever was experienced would say, Certainly she will not escape from it. Whoever in the glorious Virgin has great trust &c.

But the Queen, the handmaid of her who avails all things, of the holy and glorious Virgin and spiritual Queen; caused to be brought a certain image of the same S. Mary, very beautifully wrought of metal, and said: This shall be with me. Whoever in the glorious Virgin &c.

For since I can live secure in such belief, that from all these evils I shall be very quickly healed. Wherefore set it close to me, and at once I shall kiss its hands and feet: for it will bring me great profit. Whoever in the glorious Virgin &c.

Straightway moreover the whole of this was done, and without any other remedy, from all these evils the Queen was so well healed, by the power of the glorious Virgin, that she felt nothing afterward of ill health. Therefore he will be ill of soul, whosoever shall not praise her. Whoever in the glorious Virgin &c.

CHAPTER VI.

The commotion of the dissident Moors. Ferdinand's succession to the kingdom of Leon, brought about by his mother.

[32] In the days of this King Ferdinand, there arose a certain man by name Abenhuth, in the castle of Rechoc a in the Murcian territory: and he began to rebel against the Almohades b, who oppressed the Arabs on this side of the sea with so cruel a dominion, The Moors weakened by mutual slaughters that they readily consented to Abenhuth's proposal. And having obtained Murcia and the neighboring towns and Castles, he beheaded all the Almohades whom he could get: and judging all the Mosques defiled by the presence of the Almohades, he had them expiated by his Priests with a sprinkling of water, and made the insignia of his arms c black, which in wars and elsewhere he displayed, as if presignifying by mourning the destruction of his nation. And in a short time he obtained Vandalia d of the Spaniards, except Valentia and its confines, in which Zahen of the royal race rebelled. Now Abenhuth was of the race of Abohaget, once King of Caesaraugusta: and since he was held almost as Monarch in cismarine Vandalia, he was preeminent in boldness, largesse, justice, truth (so far as the infidelity or cunning of his nation tolerates). But invited by a certain one of his own, who is called Aben-Raman, They become for the Christians an occasion of success. to the banquets and domestic delights which the pleasure of that nation cultivates,

he is slain by the treachery of his host and vassal in a chamber, at the garrison e of Almaria. And then there grew strong a certain Arab, called Mahoma f Alienalaginar, who a little before had followed oxen and the traces of the plow. He at this present day rules over Argona, and Giennium, Granada, Vasta and Accium, and other places: and after the destruction of Abenhuth Cismarine Vandalia was divided into several petty kings, and separated from the Almohades, which is found useful for the Christians. After these things the King again besieged Giennium, and assailed it with strong engines: but seeing that the city was preeminent in such great strength, that it could not be stormed by human ingenuity, having taken the counsel of his Magnates, he withdrew thence.

[33] And when he had come to g Abdalarfartea, a rumor arrived that his father had departed from this world at Villa-nova de Sarrea, and had been delivered to burial in the church of B. James h, in the Era 1268: and that he had also bequeathed the kingdom i to the daughters whom he had received from Queen Tarasia. On which account his mother, the noble Queen D. Berengaria, with maternal solicitude was coming to him, that he might hasten as quickly as possible to receive the paternal good, which by the father's command the Pontiffs, Magnates, and Councils of the Cities had sworn to him; lest perchance in the delay some disturbance should arise. Now there were with him Roderick the Toletan Pontiff, Lupus Didaci, Alvarus Petri, Berengaria leads her son to Leon, Gonsalvus Roderici, Garcias Ferdinandi, Alfonsus Tellii, Guillermus Gonsalvi, Didacus Martini, and other Nobles and Magnates, and several Knights of the cities: who coming with the renowned King, found the noble Queen in a village which is called Orgatium k: and thence in common they entered the royal city. From which, delay being set aside, all continuously withdrew, and came to the town which is called l Agger-sellarum; who, well received along the way, and thence to the castle of S. Cyprian de Mozoth, as he was coming with his mother and retinue, they rendered the castle to him as to their Lord. On the following day they likewise received him at Villa-Lalii m, where to the King, as to their Lord, from the most noble town of Taurus Knights came, who acknowledged the King as the natural Lord of themselves and of their town, and most earnestly besought that on the following day he should go to Taurus, the noble Queen most skillfully procuring all these things.

[34] and of Taurus by the Bishops of the kingdom, On the other day indeed we entered Taurus, where, all assenting, King Ferdinand, homage being done to him, was received as King and Lord. And thence proceeding for some time through the camps of the Lady n Queen, we received from other cities Knights and messengers coming, who seemed somewhat to doubt of the reception of the King. For the sisters of the Lord King, Sancia and Dulcis, of whom we have spoken, were preparing rebellion with their accomplices. But nevertheless the Prelates of the kingdom, whose concern it is to look to the Kingdom and the Priesthood, on the hearing of the ear straightway received King Ferdinand as King, namely John of Oviedo, Nunius of Astorga, Roderick of Leon, Michael of Lugo, Martin of Salamanca, Martin of Mondoñedo, Michael of Ciudad, Sancius of Coria. These all with their cities, the father being dead, gave themselves to the son, nor could the rebellion devised prevail: for as soon as we came to Majorica and Mansella o, they straightway rendered themselves to the King. On the following day indeed we entered Leon, and at length the King is proclaimed at Leon, which in that Kingdom is preeminent in the dignity of the royal Seat: and there by the Bishop and all the citizens he is raised to the summit of the kingdom of Leon, the Clergy and people singing concordantly and joyfully Te Deum laudamus: and from then he was equally called King of Castile and Leon p. And there messengers arrived on the part of Queen q Tarasia, as bringing word concerning a settlement by intermediary. And although the word displeased the Magnates, yet the noble Queen so greatly feared the devastation of the kingdom and of the poor, that she procured that the King should remain at Leon, and she herself should go to Valentia, to treat of concord with Queen Tarasia. And when both Queens had met at Valentia r, so the skill of the noble Queen Berengaria procured, a dowry assigned to the sisters that the King's sisters should restore to the King all that they held, and they themselves should be content with the provision which the King and the noble Queen should assign them: and if they had any right in the kingdom they should simply resign it.

[35] And this agreement of this kind being confirmed, the King came, and thence we all went to s Beneventum, whither also the Infantas, daughters of Queen Tarasia, came: he reigns peaceably. where King Ferdinand and the noble Queen assigned them revenues of thirty thousand of gold in suitable places, to be received throughout the whole time of their life: and thus King Ferdinand obtained all the fortifications and all the castles quietly and peaceably. And in this the skillful care of the noble Queen shone forth as much as possible: who with no less grace gave to her son the King this kingdom, than the kingdom of Castile, which pertained to her by hereditary right. For she so knew how to order all things, that, although the union of the Kingdoms displeased almost all, she herself studied so to provide, that without effusion of blood the union of the Kingdoms should come about, and both Kingdoms should rejoice in perpetual peace t. And thence the King went to Zemora, Salmantica, Lethesmia, Civitas Roderici, and Alba, and through the other parts of the Kingdom, in which he was received with royal honor and homage by all. Then King Ferdinand gave Caseata by hereditary right to Roderick the Toletan Archbishop, which however, somewhat repaired, was held by Saracen inhabitants. But Roderick the Archbishop, three months having rolled by from the donation, an army being gathered, went against Caseata with a multitude of armed men: and the Moors being expelled, who were repairing the ruins of the town, he held it; and to the honor of the King, who had given it to the Toletan Church, he has guarded it hitherto, and guards it with other castles; namely Pilos, Toyam, Lacra, Agasmo, Fonte-Juliani, Turribus, Dela, with Ficu, Alaulula, Areola, Duobus-germanis, Villa-montini, Nubila and Castorla, Concha and Chelis u. After these things King Ferdinand again besieged Ubeta, a populous town, defended by warriors and great fortification: and so strongly assailed it, that those shut in, their bodies being safe, resigned the town. And then the King, the town being acquired, returned to the royal city. In the Era 1272, Queen Beatrice died in the town which is called Taurus, and being led to the royal monastery near Burgos, beside King Henry was royally buried x.

ANNOTATA.

hostile: hence first, he says, dissensions, then enmities, at length open hostilities arose; so that Alfonso dying left the kingdom of Leon to the daughters by testament: so much had the son's manners alienated the father's mind. Among the causes then which seemed able to dissuade the conjunction of the kingdoms, the same Macedo also adds this: That the young man was overwhelmed in so great a mass of affairs, less both agreeable and experienced in public matters. The man is to be pardoned, most distracted by the manifold writing of books on subjects wholly other, that he handled historical questions with too light a hand, as also the reader will be able to recognize from the Appendix to the Vindiciae of S. Hilary of Avellate, unhappily undertaken by the same, at the day May 5: he was otherwise a friend to me, as I showed in the preface to the Life of S. Mafalda; but truth is more a friend than all friends.

p Just as, the Chronicle says, had been done for some time in past times, namely under Alfonso VIII, called Emperor of the Spains.

q Tarasia had betaken herself after the divorce into Lusitania, and lived with the Cistercian Nuns transferred to the Benedictine monastery of Lorvao, Tarasia of Lusitania separated from Alfonso's bed. professed a nun among them, as Macedo will have it in her life: who in chapter 31 treats at length, how she was summoned by letters of Berengaria, given to her and to her father Alfonso, to be a mediator between the Infantas and the King: which letters, if they are extant anywhere, we should wish to see.

r Valentia, not that capital of the Valentian kingdom, which was then of the Moors, very far distant from Lusitania; but another (for there are several of lesser note) called Valentia of Alcantara, because it is situated within the district of this neighboring city, on the confines of Lusitanian and Spanish Extremadura, distant almost three times farther from Leon than Coimbra itself, in whose district Lorvao is: but Tarasia did not touch the Leonese bounds at all.

s Beneventum, commonly Beneventa, almost midway on the journey between Leon and Zamora.

t Here the Chronicle inserts, that Ferdinand, after matters were settled with his Sisters, went to Sabogal, to confer with the King of Portugal, as had been agreed between them: and the colloquy being completed he began to go round the kingdom, administering justice everywhere, and so came as far as Zamora: but this city is on the river Durius, to the ancients Zentica, near Taurus. Sabogal is situated on the confines of Portugal, two or three leagues from Civitas Roderici.

u In the Chronicle the places are thus named, Toyalaera, Araysmo, la fuente de Julian, Torres de Alecuz, Pegura, Aulala, Elervela, Dos Hermanas, Villa-montin, Nubla, Cazorla, Cuenza, Archillas.

x The same body was afterward translated to the church of Hispalis: and that by the command either of the holy King himself, wishing his wife entombed with him; or of his son Alfonso, fashioning a common tomb for himself and his parents. I fear moreover lest the history of Roderick the Toletan be mutilated by some chance of one or another notable Chapter: for from the capture of Ubeda, which happened in the year 1234, The burial of Queen Beatrice. there is an immediate transition to the obtaining of Corduba, in the year 1236. But this gap the Ferdinandine Chronicle will fill, with which we shall henceforth proceed. Here indeed I would add from Zurita, that in the same year 1231, there was an agreement between the King of Navarre Sancho, irritated by the inroads of the Biscayans into his lands, and the King of Aragon James, cast down from the hope of the Leonese kingdom, and irritated by the tutelage of the Valentian King undertaken by the Saint, The treaty of the Navarrese and Aragonese against the Castilian. concerning war to be waged against the Castilians, under the condition of mutual adoption into the succession of the kingdoms: which confederation however, because it had no success, Sancho a decrepit old man passing from life rather soon, is not noted by the Castilian Chronologists; as neither the marriage, contracted in the following year 1232 first between the King of Jerusalem John de Brienne and Berengaria the Sister of the holy King, of which Mariana book 12, chapter 16. Likewise neither is the reintegration of friendship between the holy King and James of Aragon mentioned, by means of the delivery of Hariza, to return to the Aragonese, if the Queen should enter either another marriage or a monastery, as Zurita writes book 3 chapter 19: which matter was accomplished in the year 1234.

CHAPTER VII.

A great victory over the Moors related at Xerez, by Alfonso the brother of the holy King.

[36] The History relates further, that when the King had come to Zamora, as was said in the preceding Chapter, Alfonso the brother sent. thence he sent his brother Alfonso to make an inroad into the lands of the Moors, joining to him D. Alvarus Perez de Castro, a Castilian by nation, that he might supply the slight experience of the young Infante a with his own great prudence, with the title of Captain: for he was an exceedingly strenuous Knight and exercised in arms: and the occasion of hoping some great success against Abenhuc King of the Moors was offered by the rebellion of his subjects against him, after Ambalule Miramolinus had returned to Morocco, the sea being crossed. * The Infante therefore Alfonso, going forth from Salamanca according to the King's command, with Alvarus Perez the general of the war, with his Captain D. Alvarus Perez and D. Giles Manrique, proceeded to Toledo: and forty horsemen being taken up there, the pass of Muladar being crossed, he came into Andugar: whence D. Alvarus sent out in all directions swift horsemen, who collected infinite booty, advancing as far as Corduba, plundering and destroying whatever they could; and so they came to Palma b, which they generously attacked, and it being taken by force they slew all the Moors found within to the very last man. Thence indeed having entered the Hispalensian territory, trampling all things and slaughtering, having passed Hispalis they ran on as far as c Xerez, and sent forth scouts and made much booty. And the spoils being collected, the Infante and D. Alvarus ordered the tents to be pitched near Xerez along the river Guadalete: where they drew together the acquired booty providently and cautiously into one place.

[37] against a most copious army of the Moors, Meanwhile King Abenhuc, from the time he knew that the Infante was ravaging Andalusia, and how great booty and ruins he was making there; ordered to be convoked whatever there was of Moors on this side of the sea, and to set out with him to Xerez, where Alfonso was: and so there was collected from everywhere a great multitude, not only at the command of their King, but also stirred by the fame of the Infante. Considering therefore the army of the Christians, and understanding it to be by no means numerous, Abenhuc certainly believed that it could not slip out of his hands: and the same anyone would have believed, who, comparing among themselves the forces brought together on both sides, had not thought that God can conquer in few as well as in many. Wherefore his camp being placed in an olive-grove, between the Christians and the town, before all things he commanded his foot-soldiers to prepare many bonds and ropes for binding captives: which indeed was by no means in vain, for they had their use opportunely, for binding and leading away those very men. Yet King Abenhuc did not despise the Christians, because they were few: but took care to draw up a battle-line most ordered against them, and distributed it into seven squadrons; of which the smallest numbered one thousand five hundred horsemen, certain twice a thousand, he himself leads modest forces: or even more: so that the whole cavalry of the Christians could not be compared with the smallest cohort of the Moors, although there was joined to them the son of the King d of Baeza; who was the vassal of King Ferdinand, and had sent this his son to the Infante about to proceed to the expedition, with two hundred horsemen and three hundred foot. There had come also to the aid of the Infante many Brothers of the military Orders of S. James and of Calatrava: but all together were few in respect of the Moors. There were also found in the same battle Tellus Alfonsus, and Ruy Gonzalez de Valverde, and in it bore themselves most generously: but the whole number of the Christians, both of horse and of foot, was scarcely reckoned at one thousand five hundred.

[38] These so few, seeing so great a multitude of Moors collected, and these terrified by the arrival of new enemies, were not a little terrified; especially when there came to the aid of the enemies a certain King of the Arabs with seven hundred horsemen: who, placing themselves behind the backs of the Christians, made even greater straits, neither being able to advance nor to retreat: inasmuch as on one side there was set against them the very deep river Guadalete, on the other the army of the Moors. Nevertheless D. Alvarus, as he was a strenuous leader, endeavoring to add courage to his own, applied reasons so effective, that, fear being shaken off, they sought battle, as if they were ten times more numerous than the Moors. Alvarus held the front of the line, Alfonso guarded the rear, having with him five hundred Moors taken in that incursion, all of whom Alvarus directed that the Infante should order to be beheaded, for that seemed in the present case more fitting. Counsel being then entered

thereupon with the chief heads of his soldiery, he gathers them into one phalanx. they resolved to separate the foot from the horse, just as the Moors also had done; yet not to divide their own into squadrons, but to compose all into one phalanx. He commanded also that as many workmen as could should mount mules and pack-beasts, and form a squadron, and join themselves to that part which should be more pressed. Great was the clamor and roaring of the Moors, but the clatter of the brazen kettledrums and the blare of the trumpets so horrendous, that heaven and earth seemed to be mingled. On that day, moreover, on which the fighting was to be, The soldiers animated and purified for the battle, Alvarus clothed himself in a delicate tunic; and a rod being taken in his hands, as if abundantly enough furnished with arms, he exhorted the soldiers to make light of the power of the Moors, placing all confidence in God, who would give them victory over the enemies of His holy faith.

[39] Then the Christians, as many as had a supply of Priests, confessed to them their sins; but others received mutual e confessions: but before the armies engaged, D. Alvarus Perez had made a Knight Garzia Perez de Vargas, of whom there will afterward be much mention in the history, and this was the beginning of his arms. The Confessions of the Christians being absolved, when they had mutually forgiven one another offenses, and had commended themselves to God from the heart; D. Alvarus sent a messenger to the Infante stationed at the rear, that (as had been agreed) they should join themselves into one phalanx: which being done Alvarus began anew to animate all, running about to this part and that, and suggesting with great prudence those things which the matter and place demanded, for shaking off fear and stirring up alacrity. And so all being joined together, crying out S. James and sometimes Castile, they charged into the squadrons of the Moors; and breaking through the first of these, and soon the second and third, they at length routed them one after another, scattering and slaughtering whomsoever they met, with the greatest slaughter everywhere. And so the Christians mingled themselves with them, that they did not suffer one Moor to stand with another. Thus scattered and confused they turned their backs, they charge upon the enemy, and rout him, fleeing wherever they most could, the Christians pursuing them and slaughtering and capturing countless numbers, as far as the gates of Xerez: where there was made a vast slaughter of Moors pressing and even killing one another. The foot-soldiers moreover, on account of the number of corpses strewn over the field, could scarcely advance, and yet they too made many captives. A great miracle on that day is believed to have been wrought by God in favor of the Christians, the holy Apostle James being sent to aid them in the battle, and that on two grounds it can be maintained. First because it was impossible for the Christians, so few, to bear off such a victory over the Moors, ten times more numerous, without similar aid: aided by S. James appearing. then because very many of the Moors themselves said, that they had seen a Knight borne on a white horse, with a white banner in one hand, an unsheathed sword in the other, whom many other white Knights followed: and that they had also seen Angels coursing through the air: and that those Knights inflicted much more damage on the Moors than the Christians themselves, some of whom also testified that they had beheld the same.

[40] But returning to the history, I say, that when in that manner the Christians had obtained the field, The King of the Gazules falls: the Moors being partly slain partly captured and put to flight, among the dead was numbered the King of the Gazules and many other most honored men: but in the slaying of the aforesaid King the chief praise was carried off by the new Knight, whom we have mentioned, Garcias Perez de Vargas: for he slew him. He moreover had brought those seven hundred Arab horsemen, whence the greatest terror had been struck into the Christians at the beginning. For although the History above names them Arabs, here however Gazules, it is to be understood of one and the same nation and King. For this man, as if by vow, a pilgrimage being undertaken in honor of his Mahomet, when he had passage this way, King Abenhuc flees. received from King Abenhuc a city called de los Gazules f, namely from those who were present in this battle. Further King Abenhuc, his forces being slain and dispersed, did not believe himself safe enough at Xerez: and as secretly as he could he betook himself, by that way by which he hoped he could escape. The Christians indeed, having gained a full victory, returned to the field to collect the spoils, which were plainly innumerable; so much so that at length they were a weariness to those collecting them, especially because the tents were found so full and crammed with provisions of every kind, The Christians gain a vast booty. that there was nothing to be sought from elsewhere. During the whole time also in which they remained there, they used no other wood for the fire than spears and lances and weapons broken. The bonds and manacles and ropes, which Abenhuc had ordered to be prepared for leading away the captive Christians, were exceedingly necessary for binding those very men, whose number however was more copious than the supply of bonds. After these things the foot-soldiers poured themselves out through the olive-groves, in whose density they slaughtered and captured so many Moors, that, even had they only slain and captured these, these last spoils alone could abundantly have enriched them. The heroic deeds of certain men, Many of the Christian Knights performed notable deeds in this battle: but above all D. Alvarus Perez, although the History says he came to the fight armed with a rod only g. Likewise did also Giles Manrique, Tellus Alfonsus, and Ruy Gonzalez, and several others, striking with lances, swords, and clubs; also various Toletan Knights, whose deeds are narrated, hard to be believed by one who did not see them: the Brothers also of the military Orders made a great slaughter of Moors; all in fine, by the grace of God bearing aid, bore themselves most generously. especially of Diego

[41] Among the rest a certain one is celebrated, called Diego Perez de Vargas, a subject of D. Alvarus himself, to whom it befell to show his huge strength on this occasion. For when, his spear and sword being lost during the fighting, he had nothing else with which to arm his hand; he cut from a certain olive-tree a knotty branch, and entering with it where the fight was hottest, on the right and on the left he dealt heavy blows, and performed deeds scarcely to be executed with proper arms; with which Alvarus being greatly delighted cried out again and again, Up, up, Diego: Machuca, Machuca; and of Garcia Perez the brothers. that is, Pound, Pound h; there remained to this Knight from that day this surname, which even today adheres to some of his descendants. Another, his full brother, called Garcias Perez de Vargas, he whom we have said to have been created a Knight before the battle and to have killed the King of the Gazules, also did many notable works on that day, although his horse being slain three times, a new one had so often to be taken for him. And afterward on other occasions at which he was present he effected great things, as will appear in the course of the history: for it is fitting to commemorate the heroic actions of brave and generous Knights, no less than the degenerate faults of others.

[42] A certain man unwilling to be reconciled with an enemy before the battle, There befell moreover a case exceedingly notable on that day to two Knights kinsmen of one another, pursuing each other with hatred: namely, that when the soldiers about to enter the contest were confessing to one another, he to whom it seemed rather incumbent that he should satisfy the other, asked pardon of his fellow-soldier only i for that day: and this was the already named Diego Machuca, but the other was called Pedro Michael, both Toletans. But Pedro would not forgive Diego, however much he was admonished by the Clergy and religious men (although even the Infante D. Alfonso himself and D. Alvarus Perez besought him) save on this sole condition, that Diego should admit his embrace; doing this namely that he might kill him: for he was of such great strength, that whomsoever he could grip in an embrace k, crushed, he would suffocate. in the same he alone perishes. When therefore Diego refused the condition, unwilling to expose himself to such danger, and having a purpose to die not otherwise than in God's service; both proceeded to the fight. It pleased God moreover, that, of all the Christian Knights led out to the battle, Pedro Michael alone, who had been unwilling to forgive his fellow-soldier the offense, was missed, nor found afterward either alive or dead; although he was seen in the very conflict to perform many singular deeds, by reason of the great strength of his powers; and although he was diligently sought after the recovery. There are indeed who affirm, that, carried away by too great an ardor of pursuing the slaughter, among the fleeing Moors he entered the gate of Xerez, and there overwhelmed by number was killed: but nothing certain could be learned of him, for an example to those who dare to commit themselves to battle, before they have forgiven the offense to the comrade entreating it. Great were the favors which God showed to the Christians on that day, great the honor and glory which these bore off, nor less the confusion of the barbarians, since out of the whole army of the faithful scarcely ten men fell, The victors return to the King. but the number of the Moors slain and captured exceeded all measure. And so the Infante Alfonso and D. Alvarus Perez led back to their own land an army renowned with much praise and laden with rich spoils; but the son of the King of Baeza returned to his country glorious and opulent. They indeed coming to Palentia, where King Ferdinand was, were exceedingly kindly received. This victory moreover was the cause why the Christians afterward acquired all Andalusia: for so great a terror was struck into the Moors, that they could never resume their former spirits and forces l.

ANNOTATA.

the Granatensian Moors; Beatia itself however, given to Christian inhabitants, with a Bishop to be named below, was not restored.

CHAPTER VIII.

The suburb of Corduba is intercepted by the Christians, then the city itself is besieged by the Holy King.

[43] Five years a after the death of his father Alfonso, now well established in his kingdom of Leon, the strenuous King Ferdinand, and more glorious for the capture of Ubeda, In the year 1235, in the year 1235 besieged Corduba, a Royal city, and one of the chief of Andalusia, and this in this manner. When Ferdinand was going about visiting the kingdom of Leon, administering justice and caring for the public good of the peoples; it befell him to come to the town Benavente, at that very time, at which the Christians neighboring the Moors, horse and foot, with Almogavares or skirmishers and leaders skilled in the ways, assembled at Andugar, which was the Christians'. And an inroad being made into the kingdom of Corduba, among the spoils which they brought back, they also brought some Moors; from whom it was understood, that that nation acted exceedingly securely at Corduba, watches and guards being neglected, the captive Moors suggesting, because they believed they had nothing to fear from the Christians. They moreover offered themselves to prepare them a way, and designated a manner by which one suburb could be taken, called in Arabic Axarquia b: about which it was easily agreed, because it was believed that through it the city could be obtained, as also was done. Then it was deliberated, in what manner all things should be disposed, for putting into execution so salutary a counsel; and ladders and every other necessary apparatus were sought. It seemed then that some dark and rainy night should be seized, the Christians persuaded to attempt the suburb, such as the month then current, January, quickly promised. Things being so arranged, they made all certain to Pedro Ruyz Tahur, and Martin Ruyz de Argote: and sent to Martos, that what had been agreed should be indicated to D. Pedro Ruyz, and D. Alvarus Perez his brother; signifying that for such a night, which they named, they had all things ordered: let them be present with a just number of soldiers in succor.

[44] While the messenger runs to Martos, they gathered as great forces as they could, and on that night on which it had been agreed they made ready their ladders, and with the least noise went up to the foot of the outer walls; and going around the wall, they listened anxiously whether in the towers and outworks watches were kept: and they found that no one muttered, but that all were held in deep slumber, and that the full silence of midnight was kept. All things being well explored, in the silence of the winter night they approach, and judged to favor their counsel, they spoke with certain Christians found there, what they thought ought to be done. Dominic c answered them, who had shown the way: My lords, I would advise, that, making well the sign of the Cross, we commend ourselves to the true God, and to the most glorious Virgin His blessed mother, and to the holy Apostle James, and so with all our strength strive to bring this work to effect; for therefore we came hither, trusting in God and His blessed Mother that He will help us, because it concerns His service and honor, and the exaltation of His holy faith. But if we cannot cast these esparto ladders, let us use the wooden ones, and by them let us try to ascend. But let those ascend first who among us are better skilled in the Arabic tongue, and are clothed in the manner of that nation; that the Moors who shall perhaps meet them may believe them to be their own, nor recognize who they are. And those who shall so have ascended, let them strive to occupy the first tower, until the rest of the multitude shall have ascended.

[45] The counsel of Dominic pleased all; and putting it into execution, they tried three wooden ladders: and when they saw these to be too short, fastening others to others they applied them to the first tower. There ascended therefore first Alvarus Colodro and Benedict de Banios, because these more accurately knew the Arabic idiom: and there followed others, they occupy one tower unobserved, as many as were clad in Moorish garments and caps: and they took the tower, which to this present day has the name of Alvarus Colodro. Here they found four Moors asleep: of whom one of them was of those who had conspired with the Christians for this business, taken in that incursion which I said above, and the first authors of attempting the matter. When therefore the Moors questioned the Christians approaching the tower, who they were and what they sought; they answered in Arabic, that they were inspectors of the watches. Then the Moor, whom I said to have been of the conspirators, recognizing Alvarus Colodro by his voice, seized his hand, and secretly said in his ear: I am of those whom thou knowest; see that thou kill these who are with me, and I will help you. Then the Christians laid hands upon them, and afterward the rest with the gate: and their mouths being stopped, cast them down from the tower, where they were soon slain by others; and the rest of the Christians began straightway to ascend. And when now for the greater part they had ascended into that tower, they proceeded along the wall, and one by one occupied all the towers, as far as the gate leading to Martos, of which also they made themselves masters.

[46] Now the dawn was breaking, and the Christians, having in their power all the towers I have mentioned and the gate itself, their comrades being admitted, having gained the place, opened it, and admitted Pedro Ruyz Tahur with his cavalry. But the Moors, when they saw the whole suburb, which they call Axarquia, to be the Christians', were forced, their houses being abandoned, to flee to the city, with the little of their fortunes that each could carry off, of whom a vast slaughter was made by the Christians, until they had shut themselves into the city. This done the Christians firmly hedged all the streets of the suburb, except the principal and direct one, through which they pursued the fugitives. The Moors indeed, after they had brought into the city whatever of their things they could save, broke out against the Christians, and began to fight with them; others meanwhile from the walls of the city throwing arrows and stones, with such fury and obstinacy, that the victors were forced a third time to retreat as far as the wall. Seeing therefore themselves so sharply pressed by the multitude of Moors, counsel being entered they sent out two men, one to King Ferdinand their Lord; they dispatch messengers to seek aid. the other to D. Alvarus Perez, who dwelt at Martos, and was of the more noble and powerful of the kingdom of Castile; and to a certain Knight, called Ordonius Alvarez; but to this latter messenger they commanded, that through whatever places of the Christians neighboring the Moors he should pass, he should publish what had been done, as also he did. He who had been sent to the King, hastening his journey day and night, came to Benavente; and met the King at the very time at which he was about to recline at table, and on bended knees delivered the letter.

[47] The letter being seen the King would not delay even one hour; the King flying on continuously, but straightway mounting his horse, with a hundred Knights gave himself to the road, commanding that the rest of his subjects should follow (and this through all the cities, towns, and fortified places) and on the confines

should assemble. In that season the waters abounded vehemently, and the rivers had so swollen, that since they could not be crossed by a ford, the King could not be present so quickly as he wished to aid his men: a milder air however being restored, he prosecuted his journey, and very opportunely came up to the Christians. The route moreover which he held was of this kind. From Benavente he came to Civitas Roderici d, and hence to Alcantara. Having departed from Alcantara, the Guadiana being crossed by boat, he came to Metellinum, from Metellinum to Magazela e and Bienquerencia. Bienquerencia was a Castle of the Moors, to which a Prefect of that nation had fallen by lot, thither having come with only 30 armed men, a generous and very upright Knight; who understanding that King Ferdinand had pitched his tent in the field near a fountain neighboring the castle, went out to kiss his hands, bringing him as a gift bread, wine, meats, and oats. The King received the man exceedingly humanely and honorably, and asked that he should hand over the castle to him. Who answered, Lord, thou art now setting out to take Corduba, but until thou hast executed this, this castle cannot be of use to thee; but after thou hast taken the city, both this and whatever I have, myself also, I will deliver to thee in service. But this he said feignedly and ironically, holding it for certain that the King would never take Corduba: inasmuch as he led with him only thirty armed men, of whom the chief were D. Ferdinand Ruyz, surnamed Caputvaccae; D. Diego Lopez de Vaya, then still a Squire; Martin Gonzalez de Gamacos, Sancho Lopez de Alios, D. John Arias de Mexia, and several others, not by name expressed by the History.

[48] Further from the castle of Bienquerencia the King passed to Duae-germanae f and Guadalbazar g; but departing hence, Corduba being left on the right, he made for the Bridge of Alcolea h; and there spread his tent, with those few Knights whom he was drawing after him. But when the King arrived there, whither others from various places had already come before. already for some days Alvarus Perez had entered the suburb of Axarquia to the aid of the Christians, and D. Pedro Ruyz his brother, whom the Moors named Alastac, because he was snub-nosed. Likewise from all the confines there had hastened to the same place a great multitude both of horse and of foot, and the number was daily increased, as soon as the King's command became known, from all Castile, Leon and Extremadura, that they should render obeisance to God and the King, for the honor of the Christian name and the aid of their brethren. These indeed when they understood the coming of King Ferdinand their Lord, it cannot be said with how great joy they were filled; inasmuch as they were already vehemently fatigued, and placed in straits; forgetting whatever evils they had suffered, and resuming new strength, for consummating the deed which they had happily begun.

ANNOTATA.

CHAPTER IX.

The succor of the King of Ecija being turned elsewhere, the City is surrendered to the Saint.

[49] At that time at Ecija a there dwelt a certain Moorish King by name Abenhuc, having much soldiery, foot and horse: King Abenhuc about to come to the aid of the Cordubans, with whom there abode a Christian Knight, called D. Laurence Xuarez, and banished by King Ferdinand on account of certain misdeeds. While therefore Ferdinand was before Corduba and the army of the Christians still small, although from various parts again and again new soldiery came up; if that Moorish King, to whose dominion Corduba pertained, had wished to advance against him with all the forces he could, he would not without difficulty have driven him thence. But God, who has at hand a remedy against whatsoever dangers, shook out a thought of this kind from his mind, for the grace of King Ferdinand. Since Abenhuc himself vehemently dreaded to attempt other deeds, already often chastised in like ones, and never returning without disaster from expeditions of that kind. Wherefore although it was said to him, that the King had only small forces, by the counsel of the Castilian exiled at his court, he did not dare again to tempt fortune: then he could not persuade himself, that a man such as Ferdinand was and so powerful, would besiege Corduba with a small band. Thinking therefore that he ought to deliberate more maturely, among others he wished also to hear D. Laurence Xuarez, because he reckoned that he would counsel him what would be more useful, and that for two reasons: because namely he much trusted him and believed him in all things, and because he reckoned that he wished very ill to Ferdinand, by whom he had been cast out. Considering such things, he called him, and said: Laurence, what dost thou advise me to do here? He answered; Lord, since thy Highness asks me, what is to be done, I will say. I, my Lord, will transfer myself to the camp of the Christians, accompanied by three Christian horsemen; and insinuating myself secretly into it I will accurately survey all things, and learn in what state the matter is, and then returning will say, what is to be done; meanwhile I should wish thee to promise me, that thou wilt move nothing at all until I return, nor suffer it to be moved by others. The counsel pleased the King, and he commanded that he should so do.

[50] Then D. Laurence, three horsemen likewise accompanying him, gave himself to the road; and coming to those hills which are at the other head b of the bridge, leapt down on foot; and ordered one of the three also to follow on foot, and being sent to explore the Christian camp, commending to the two others the horses until his return. Having entered into the camp with slow step he came as far as the King's tent, and there found one of the Guards of the Royal body c set in the watch, and said to him: Friend, do me this favor I pray, that thou call some one of the Royal ministers, and say that a man is present, who wishes to speak to him; and that straightway, for it is a matter of great moment. There entered therefore into the tent the huntsman, and called Martin de

Otiella, who rising at once went forth out of doors. Laurence asked him whether he would withdraw apart with him, where he could speak with him secretly, and said to him, Knowest thou me? I am Laurence Xuarez: go in to the King, and tell him, that I am here, and desire to speak to him; I ask moreover that his Highness give me license to enter to him, and having spoken secretly with King Ferdinand, for I have not otherwise dared anything. Martin having entered roused the King, then by chance dozing; and indicated that Laurence Xuarez was present, who wished to speak to his Highness, provided license to enter were given. Being ordered therefore to enter the King asked, how he dared to appear in his sight. Laurence answered, Lord, thou didst cast me out into the region of the Moors, to do me ill; but I believe that this was for my and thy advantage. And thence he narrated in order whatever had befallen; and besought, that further his Highness would consider, what he would have commanded and done. The words of Laurence pleased the King, and he asked of him what he himself judged ought to be done.

[51] Then D. Laurence said to him; Lord, it seems to me that your Highness d ought to remain here quiet, where now he has fixed his camp with his army, but that there is need of greater vigilance than now he employs: but let him see how much soldiery he has in the suburb of Axarquia: which if it suffice to defend it, let that be enough for thee; but all the rest, not necessary there, join to thy army. I indeed will return to King Abenhuc, and in the best way I can will try to divert him from his purpose; and I will say, that all that has been related to him is most false; and that your Highness is here with numerous forces, and that it in no way is expedient for him to come hither; concerning the manner of averting the imminent danger, and so I will persuade him to dismiss the soldiery he has levied. But one or other of two things will happen; namely either I shall divert him, that he come not against your Highness; or if I cannot effect that, I promise your Highness, that I will come continuously with all the Christians who are there, to serve thee in my own person, and to spend the rest of my life upon the same: but what shall have been done there, thou shalt understand the third day from now by my letter, to be carried by this squire whom I brought. Then King Ferdinand gave thanks to D. Laurence, for so good a will of his toward him; and granting him pardon of things past, received him as a subject, and dismissed him; saying, that as he had promised, so he should act. Having kissed the King's hand Laurence departed, and departing said to the King, that for three or four following nights he should order many fires to be kindled in the camp, that if perhaps Abenhuc should send other Moorish scouts, persuaded by the number of fires they might believe to be true what he himself had related. But the King answered, let him go in peace, the matter should be cared for as he had counseled.

[52] Dismissed by the King and gone forth from the camp, Laurence returned to the place where he had left his companions and horses; and the spurs being applied, retracing his journey as quickly as he could, he is drawn away from his purpose: at early morning he came to Castrum e, and thence reached Ecija on the following night about the first sleep; and soon went to King Abenhuc. The King rejoiced at the sight of him, and asked what he had seen. He answered; Lord, I shall not indeed gladly say it, certain that no faith ought to be had to me: but send others to see, and they will find King Ferdinand well armed and fortified in his camp very copious: but that I drew some delay, I did so that I might better explore all things going round about, and report what I had explored more certainly. What then, said Abenhuc, dost thou advise? To whom D. Laurence: It does not become me to give counsel to thy Highness, but to serve him with all my strength and execute his commands. These things heard Abenhuc rested that night, and having advanced to the aid of the King of Valentia, purposing to enter into counsel on the following day. But then there arrived legates of the King f of Valentia signifying that James King of Aragon, with all his forces, was threatening the Valentian city, against whom Abenhuc again and again besought that he would come to his aid. He indeed the letters being read, calling into counsel the Moorish Satraps, and among them D. Laurence, inquired their opinion upon the demands of the Valentian King; of all whom the mind was one, namely, that since the Christians already held the suburb of Axarquia, but the city itself could long resist the same, it were better to succor as quickly as possible the periled Valentian King: which being done one would come in time enough to the succor of Corduba, after meanwhile the forces of King Ferdinand (as is wont to happen) had for the great part melted away.

[53] This counsel having pleased King Abenhuc, his forces being soon arrayed he advanced to Almeria, where he had certain ships, to serve for the guard of the Valentian harbor. g When moreover King Abenhuc was at Almeria, a certain Moor exceedingly dear to him invited him, and the drink being well taken suffocated him in his fish-pond: but as soon as the death of their Lord became known to the soldiery, they were disbanded and each returned to his own. Laurence indeed, all the Christians being taken with him, he is perfidiously slain by a Moorish friend. passed to King Ferdinand, who received him gratefully for so notable a service rendered to him. But from this time the dominion of the Moors of those who held the harbors, was variously divided, because they would not have a King who should command all together, as had been done hitherto: and God by His infinite mercy delivered King Ferdinand from such a crisis, taking out of the midst the barbarous King, who could have stood in the way of the exaltation of the holy faith and of its restoration to be cared for through Ferdinand: and by the same way rendered to James King of Aragon an easy victory over the Valentian h Moors, whose city he intercepted, as the History narrates.

[54] Meanwhile the forces of Ferdinand besieging Corduba were daily increased, many Nobles of both kingdoms, Ferdinand meanwhile increased in forces, and the chosen of several Communities coming up to the same place. Then indeed the city began to be more straitly besieged and the Moors driven into greater straits, hearing that King Abenhuc was extinguished, and the Princedom variously divided, and Ferdinand again and again increased with new forces. Wherefore when they perceived, that he would not desist from the work begun before he had brought it to its end; but that they themselves were exceedingly fatigued with hunger, almost all the victuals being consumed, and pressed on every side; they sought to bargain about the conditions of surrendering the city. But no other condition was given them, than that, life and persons being safe, they should go forth whither they would, leaving the city with all their things to the victor. So the city, one of the chief of Andalusia, he takes the city by surrender, was delivered on the feast of the holy Apostles Peter and Paul, and emptied of Mahometan filth. But King Ferdinand straightway ordered a Cross to be placed on the highest tower, whence the execrable name of Mahomet was wont to be invoked: and the Christians began with great joy to praise God their helper, and to exalt His holy faith. His own ensigns also the King commanded to be placed beside the Cross, and the Bishops with all the Clergy to chant in exultation of voices Te Deum laudamus, so that they were heard by all the Christians; who likewise weeping for devotion gave praises to God i.

[55] And then the venerable John Bishop of Osma, Chancellor of the Royal court, with Gundisalvus of Concha, Dominic of Beatia, Adam of Placentia, Sancho of Coria, Bishops, entered the Mosque of Corduba, he expiates and dedicates the Mosque, which surpassed all the Mosques of the Arabs in ornament and magnitude. And because the venerable John, of whom we have spoken, was acting in the stead of Roderick the Toletan Primate, who at that time dwelt at the Apostolic See k, the filth of Mahomet being removed and water of lustration poured over, he changed it into a church, and erected an altar in honor of the Blessed Virgin, and solemnly celebrated Mass. And proposing a sermon of divine exhortation, according to the wisdom given him and the grace instilled into his lips, he poured it forth into the hearts of the hearers; so that, refreshed with penitential joy, they immolated sacrifices of a contrite heart and the calves of their lips: and King Ferdinand offered a suitable endowment to the new Church. Afterward Master Lupus being consecrated Bishop there, Roderick the Primate and Toletan Pontiff confirmed some revenues by privilege, and gave him Lucenas besides. And so great is the abundance, pleasantness and richness of that city, that, the proclamation of so great a city being heard, from all parts of Spain inhabitants and future settlers, leaving their native seats, ran as it were to a royal wedding: and so it was continuously filled with inhabitants, he restores to S. James the bells carried off. that the houses failed the inhabitants, not the inhabitants the houses. And when in reproach of the Christian people, the bells of S. James, which Almanzor had carried off into the Mosque of Corduba, hung performing the office of lamps; King Ferdinand had those same bells carried back to the church of B. James: and to the church of B. James they were restored: where with the other well-sounding cymbals, the devotion of pilgrims praises God in His Saints l.

ANNOTATA.

than Corduba itself) it must be said that Laurence purposely turned aside from the straight road, either because he feared to be observed, or because the rivulet (whence Castro has its name) could not conveniently be crossed elsewhere. But this is the more probable, because riding from Castro to Ecija he must have had work the whole day, from early morning into late night, that he might come whither he was tending, the journey of 13 or 14 miles being completed. Unless again, another Castro being found between Corduba and Ecija, the cause of so slow a return is referred to the horses, exceedingly weary, and not fed that whole day.

CHAPTER X.

The marriage of Ferdinand, now a widower, with Joanna of Ponthieu: the care expended on defending and fortifying the confines.

[56] The city therefore being established with inhabitants and warriors, King Ferdinand returned to Toledo to the noble Queen; The King returned to Toledo to his mother, who, gladdened by a like victory (inasmuch as she had by counsel and aid, though absent, procured all things) gave thanks with tears to God, that the ancient dignity, blotted by the sloth of Princes, was by her skill and the zeal of her son restored to Spain. For this noble Queen Berengaria so nourished her son in good works, that she never let go the good zeals, which the noble Queen, forgetful of no virtue, devoid of no charism, like honey-flowing milk poured round with graces, ceased not to make flow into his heart, nor ever weaned him from the breast full of virtues. And although made a man, established in the age of strength, his mother never ceased nor ceases, with vigilant zeal to persuade those things which are acceptable to God and men: because she never persuaded womanish things, but always the works of magnificence. For this noble Queen with so great zeal preserved, and so far enlarged the received charisms of graces, a most praiseworthy matron; that every age, every sex, every condition, every profession, every nation, every tongue feels her affection with effect; and the bundle of virtues not being divided, she shares with all the works of mercy; and a provident executrix of paternal works, she is found more prodigal of the kingdom and of goods than of virtues. Whom deservedly our times admire, to whom never a like one had either modern or our fathers' times: for whom let us beseech the Lord, that He deign to preserve her longer and grant her things to profit herself, and to abound in good works, until He restore her happy spirit to her Redeemer a.

[57] And lest the King's chastity should be harmed by alien commerce, the noble Queen his mother procured a noble Damsel, in the year 1237 he marries Joanna the Frenchwoman; generous, great-granddaughter of the most Illustrious King of the Franks Louis, daughter of Simon Count of Ponthieu and Mary the illustrious Countess of the same, Joanna b by name, to be given to him as wife: who in the Era 1275 coming to Burgos, the court and nuptials being celebrated in royal manner, is taken up to the dignity of Queen. This Queen indeed so flourished in beauty, excellence, and modesty, that in the sight of her husband gracious by virtues, before God and men she was acceptable. And he received from her a son, who is called Ferdinand; and a little daughter, who from her great-grandmother was called Eleanor c, and another little one Louis. But King Ferdinand, with his sons Alfonso and Ferdinand, who then rejoiced in the flower of adolescence, returned to Corduba: and thence at his coming many castles of the Saracens, which were wasting away for a long time by the inroads of the Christians and intestine slaughters, wishing to cultivate their lands peacefully, he wrests certain towns from the Moors. the abovesaid being interposed, delivered themselves to the King's Dominion. Then there were given to him cities and castles, whose garrisons he invested with Christians as we have said: and from the Arabs he received tributes; and their names are noted, Ecija, Almodovar, Luc, Luxena, Stepa, Sitefilla d and many others, whose names it were too long to enumerate. And thus far Roderick Archbishop of Toledo carried his History, putting an end to the same by these words. This little work, as I knew and could, I have consummated in the year of the Incarnation of the Lord 1243, in the Era 1281, in the 26th year of the reign of King Ferdinand, on the fifth Feria, the day before the Kalends of April, in the 33rd year of my Pontificate, the Apostolic See being still vacant for 1 year, 8 months, 10 days, Pope Gregory IX having entered the way of all flesh e. But that the deeds of so noble a King may not stick imperfect, the Author of this compilation thenceforward wove on the same History, as follows.

[58] The author here prosecuting the history finished by Archbishop Roderick, Those are wont who prosecute a narration begun by another, to supply if they see anything worthy of memory omitted by the earlier author. Since therefore Archbishop Roderick, the King's journey to the confines being related, ends by naming the places which submitted to the same returning into Castile, and does not explain the cause of that journey, hence I think the argument ought to be resumed. The History therefore says, that the King, after consummating his marriage with Queen Joanna, going round his kingdom, came to Toledo; and there understood, that the city of Corduba and other lately acquired places on the confines, labored and were pressed with a great scarcity of provisions. Wherefore vehemently saddened, he sent to Corduba twenty-five thousand f Maravedis in gold, and as many to be distributed through other more fortified places, with much provision, according to the number of men dwelling in each place; and this done he departed from Toledo to Valladolid, where he stayed some days, relaxing his mind with his mother and his most beloved wife. he adds that the confines laboring with want, Here indeed again it is announced to him in the week of Palm Sunday g, that Corduba and the other places labor with grievous hunger: and straightway having returned to Toledo he opened his treasures, and thence taking out what seemed necessary he delivered it to Alvarus Perez, and ordered all to obey him, as himself. Which he having executed exceedingly well, was wanting in nothing to the person and power committed to him, and conciliated to himself the love and esteem of all. But all things being rightly disposed, and some inroads being made, he returned to the King, leaving at Martos, whose citadel he held by Royal favor, the Countess his wife, with his nephew Tello and forty-five Knights subject to him; and found his Lord at Toledo, intent on preparing a supply of provisions for the protection of the confines.

[59] Meanwhile Benalhamar King of Argona, and Alvarus the Count being absent from the citadel of Martos for so (because thence he was sprung) at the beginning of his reign he was named, afterward called King of Granada; came against the aforesaid citadel of Martos with a great multitude of Moors, and besieging it disposed to assail it; and there was little wanting but that he took it. For when he arrived there, no man at all

was in the citadel, Tello with his forty-five Knights having set out on some inroad against the Moors; and the place was not yet so well fortified, as it is now. But the Countess seeing herself besieged, commanded the girls and women, that their hair being arranged in manly fashion they should take up arms, and with them appear among the battlements of the walls gathered in a throng: she also found a means, by which through a messenger sent out she might admonish D. Tello, of those things which were being done at Martos. Tello soon hastened up with his men; but the number of the Moors being seen, and how they had begun to batter the citadel, he hung doubtful of counsel; hence confounded with shame, that he saw the Lady and a womanly throng exposed to so great peril, through his improvident rashness; thence reckoning it impossible to succor the place. There was in the number of the Knights who had followed Tello Diego Perez de Vargas, the citadel being marvelously saved by his wife, he to whom we have said the surname of Maxuca, from the noble success at the town of Xerez, had adhered. He persuaded his companions that the succor ought to be attempted even through the midst of the Moors, with a speech h so effective that he persuaded them. Wherefore applying the spurs to their horses they charge into the Moors, and some of them being dispatched by a generous death, the others for the greater part penetrated to the rock: and by that deed of theirs they so confounded the barbarian, that thinking they would by no means have dared this, unless certain that they could defend the place, he departed thence; and so the siege of Martos was raised, and the Countess delivered from peril.

[60] Some days after these things had passed, and King Ferdinand was at Ayllon, when toward night from the confines there came D. Alvarus Perez, and conferred with the King about warlike matters, and obtained a prompt and ready aid of money and provisions, for the city of Corduba and the whole confines, then Alvarus himself being dead, to which both were vehemently necessary: but then he returned straightway, both because the King's command urged, and because the matter itself demanded it. For although, from that time when the city was taken, Tello Alfonsus remained there for the King, yet to Alvarus had been committed the supreme power, with the title of Viceroy of all those Confines. But having departed from the King, when he came to Orgaz i, gravely sickened, he died there, and was given a burial so honorable, as if he had been the King himself. Meanwhile to Ferdinand being at Toledo there was brought a message of the death of D. Diego Lopez de Haro, which indeed he bore exceedingly sorrowfully: for he was of the more noble and faithful Nobles of the kingdom, and the King had much confidence placed in him. But another message also coming up of the death of Alvarus Perez, the grief was doubled, because by the defect of a person so necessary for warlike affairs, of which he was most knowing, whatever had been won was periled: and therefore it behooved himself straightway to set out to Burgos and thence to Corduba. So Ferdinand returned thither for the first time since the city had been taken, on account of the aforesaid death of D. Alvarus. But coming to Corduba Ferdinand expended three months in fortifying the same, during which he stayed there; The King returns to Corduba, except that several times, with the best success, he made inroads upon the Moors, and took from them certain places. Meanwhile he brought many inhabitants thither, providing for them excellently with hereditary estates to be held by Royal favor, yet most liberal toward those, who had been the cause of obtaining the city, namely toward Dominic Muñoz the Adalid, and his companions in taking the suburb of Axarquia, whence the victory had its beginning.

[61] and takes several places, At the same time the King also took a certain Moorish King, who had come across the sea with the hope of occupying Andalusia. Likewise the King obtained, partly by force, partly by conditions agreed, Ecija, Estepa, Almodovar, Siete-villa, of which Roderick the Archbishop made mention, ending his History: but other places which he passed over to name, are called Santelia, Moratilia, Hornachulos, Mirabel, Fuente-Romiel, Zafra, Ynogon, Rubefella, Montorum, Aguilar, Bennaexit, Zambra, Ossuna k, Cazalia, Marchena, Zaheros, Curet, Luque, Porcuna Corte, Moron, besides others more ignoble. But the cause why Moron, a town so frequented with people, and so fortified, came so quickly into power; was a certain Noble, nephew of Laurence Xuarez, called Meledon Rodriguez Gallinato: who no less experienced in war than generous, when he had occupied a certain tower set among the vineyards, by name Magazamara, which a Christian Knight had vexed with frequent inroads. distant from Moron only a quarter of a league, ran out three times daily to the town plundering: and struck so great a fear of himself into the Moors, that mothers held out his name to weeping children, and so made them be silent, saying, Hush, for Meledon comes. When therefore he made no end of vexing the men of Moron, nor permitted them anything secure outside the walls, they at length chose to deliver themselves to the King, as they did, bargaining for themselves and their faculties safe. The King further distributed the places so won for the most part among the military Orders, or applied their fruits to Churches.

ANNOTATA.

she in the preliminary Commentary num. 30 seems thereafter to have neglected it; and this Ferdinandine Chronicle, which we render into Latin, numbers the years from the Incarnation.

CHAPTER XI.

Affairs at home being composed, the Saint receives into his protection the King of Murcia, and occupies Argona.

[62] After King Ferdinand had duly provided for all the fortifications, in the space of the three aforesaid months, The King returned to Toledo, he returned from Corduba to Toledo, where his wife and mother were; whom then, the business there being dispatched, he took up and led with him to Burgos. * Here a discord arose to the King with Diego Lopez, Lord of Biscay, on account of which he despoiled him of his dominion. But Diego at once betaking himself, not only opposed himself to the Royal sentence, but even running into Castile itself, began to inflict as great damages as he could on Ferdinand's subjects. Who, to coerce the boldness of the man, who was containing himself between two very high mountains, led out forces against him. But Diego not daring to await the comer, destroyed the fortifications on which he chiefly trusted, and namely a Briones; and withdrawing left his son Alfonso on the confines of Biscay, to defend the same. the Lord of Biscay rebelling once, But Diego soon coming to him, found favor with him: who, taking him with him, led him to the father, and reconciled him to him. Thence together they went to Burgos, and at last to Valladolid. A few days after the King had need to set out to Olmedo, when Diego Lopez again went away into Biscay: which when the King heard he held him suspect, and resolved to follow him, lest he should again create any damage. But after Diego betook himself into his own, and again restrains him, the King collecting some forces, again delivered them to his son Alfonso to defend the bounds of Biscay, and made straight for Valmazeda, sending the Infante ahead. This being understood, Diego using a sounder counsel, came of his own accord to the King, and committed himself to his power, indeed exceedingly happily; for the King, having received him humanely, led him to Burgos, and there, the Queens interceding for him, not only restored to him what had been taken, but even bestowed Alcaraz upon him.

[63] Things being thus pacified, Ferdinand fell into sickness at Burgos; and the truce ended, which he had agreed with the Granatensian King. But since by the death of D. Alvarus Perez the confines were destitute of a guardian, Legates of the King of Murcia sent to the King the Infante Alfonso was sent thither, furnished with all necessary apparatus, together with D. Roderick Gonzalez Giron. Who coming to Toledo had met there legates of Abenhucd King of Murcia, going to King Ferdinand, that they might swear fealty to him for their Lord and the whole kingdom of Murcia, under certain conditions which they bore accurately written. These being seen Alfonso would not go further, but himself in his father's name accepted the conditions; and followed them returning to Murcia. But to him coming to Alcaraz b the same legates went forth to meet him, and brought a confirmation of the agreements, and invited the Infante to enter into possession of the kingdom. There then accompanied Alfonso Pelagius Correa c, Master of the Order called of Ucles, and was of great help to him, they deliver their city to the Infante Alfonso; both by rightly counseling those things which conduced to the business, and by furnishing soldiery and provisions at his own expense, where there seemed to be need. This man therefore accompanying him the Infante entered Murcia, and obtained the citadel with the whole dominion and royal revenues, saving only that which thence was owed to Abenhucd himself, and to the toparchs in Crevillen, Alicante, Delche, Orihuela, Alhama, Aladeo, Ricote, Cieka d, and other dynasts, having a right to a part of the said revenues. And so D. the Infante received from the hands of the Moors the possession of the Kingdom in the name of his father, excepted only Lorca, Cartagena e and Mula: to whom it profited little that they would not consent to the agreements sanctioned by others: since shortly they were compelled to them by force, D. Alfonso with Master Pelagius going round the whole kingdom, repairing the fortifications, pacifying the Moors, treating the towns of the rebels according to merit as will afterward be related in its order.

[64] Ferdinand meanwhile being restored from his sickness, departed from Burgos to visit his kingdom and administer justice: whom returning to the same place with provisions which was very necessary, especially at Palentia, where he heard the complaints of many, and strictly punished very many malefactors. To him being there came messengers from Corduba and Murcia, demanding provisions, because there was great labor of famine there. These being heard, the King straightway betook himself to Toledo, and there appointed a great convoy of victuals to be carried to Murcia, to be distributed through the places newly acquired. Alfonso had come to receive him, but before he returned to Murcia, he went with his father to Burgos: where by the hands of D. John the Chancellor the sacred veil was imposed on D. Berengaria, sister of Alfonso: who, the ceremony being performed, hastened, with the convoy prepared for him to return whence he had come, Master Pelagius accompanying him, and D. Ruyz Gonzalez remaining with the King. the father Ferdinand following, But the King himself, as quickly as he could, took care to set out for the confines, leading with him D. Joanna his wife, and D. Roderick son of the Countess f, and also about fifty horsemen, but a number of foot not much greater: and so not without peril they crossed the pass of Muladar. For there was great fear there of the King of Granada, proud and swollen on account of the victory, a little before related against D. Alfonso, son of the King of Leon and brother of King Ferdinand: in which battle had fallen D. Isidore, a generous Knight and Commander in the castle of Martos, inasmuch as it was given to the Order of Calatrava by the King. There also were slain several other Brothers of the aforesaid Order, and Martin Ruyz de Argote, memorable for deeds done in the winning of Corduba; but Martin Ruyz his brother was captured. But of the greater Knights there are numbered slain up to twenty, and a great throng of the common soldiers; and elated by this success the King of Granada, was very formidable to all that region.

[65] That pass which we have mentioned being crossed, King Ferdinand came into Andugar g, and soon to the same place after him arrived his brother D. Alfonso, he occupies Argona: with D. Nonnius Gonzalez and others, in number indeed not very many, but in strength and spirit excelling: who all together went to Argona h, reaping the crops, undermining the gardens, cutting the olive-groves, everywhere doing great damage to the Moors. Thence setting out toward Jaen, they did as much i at Alcaudete, whence the King sent back Nonnius Gonzalez and D. Roderick son of the Countess to Argona, that they should besiege and assail it, with the greater part of those soldiers whom he himself had with him. These executing the commands, soon reduced the Moors to great straits; but on the following day in the morning the King himself came up with the rest. Which being known the Moors distrusting their affairs, sent men to treat with him about making a surrender. This was done on the day of Mercury (Wednesday): but on the day of Venus (Friday) they delivered the town, leaving it empty, except those whom the King wished to remain there: who when he had stayed there two days, providing well for all things which seemed necessary for the protection of the place, withdrew a victor. By the same inroad he obtained also Pegalhajar, Bexixar, and several other places, and Escarena k: and thence directed his brother Alfonso to Granada, to destroy with sword and flame whatever he could, joining to him those whom he had with him chosen from Ubeda, Baeza, and Quesada l, and also Sancho Martinez de Xodar, with a good, though not very numerous, foot. With these Alfonso having entered the Granatensian region, where it was level, made a slaughter as he had been ordered.

[66] But the King returned into Andugar, and his wife the Queen being taken thence he led her to Corduba; he lays waste the Granatensian field. and soon in haste went off toward Granada, to join himself to his brother sent ahead. He in that tract was now spending the tenth day, and not without peril; because the Moorish King held the city with eight hundred horsemen; nor yet had Alfonso on that account dismissed the things begun. But after the King arrived, nothing was left whole in the gardens or towers as far as the gates of the city itself, the Christians trampling and laying waste all things at will, through whole twenty days, during which the King stayed before Granada. But it befell one of those days, that the Moors, irritated by so great a loss of their things, made a sudden eruption upon the Christians, with great vociferation. But horsemen being sent in upon them, Ferdinand so received them bursting forth, that with much disaster they were forced to turn their backs, the Christians pursuing and cutting them down even to the gates: nor afterward did they dare to go out of the city, so harshly chastised.

ANNOTATA.

to the possessions of Diego Lopez, Lord of Biscay.

PARERGON III.

The holy King's observance toward the Apostolic See, especially in the dissension of Pope Gregory IX and the Emperor Frederick II: and thence in turn the favors repaid.

[67] The Emperor Frederick, of this name the II, was passing the 19th year of his Empire, That dissension growing, and had carried the excesses of his contumacy against the most beneficent mother the Roman Church so far, that since all other remedies tried for healing him seemed in vain, the then supreme Pontiff Gregory IX, judged it necessary, not only to strike the same with the thunderbolt of anathema, but even to abrogate the Empire from him, and to think of substituting another. To this end aids of Christian Princes had to be implored by him from everywhere, against a most powerful enemy, threatening with a formidable army the neck of the Roman City. The enormity of the crimes, by which Frederick merited the Pontifical wrath, see collected in few words in the continuator of the Ecclesiastical Annals Odericus Rainaldus; in the same you will also find, how in this dissension of the Church and the Empire others bore themselves, at the year 1239 num. 38 and following. But you will find the Kings of Spain excused, that, although they were exceedingly affected toward the Roman Church; yet entangled in continual wars of the Saracens, they could not unfold their zeal otherwise than by letters, toward the end of the year 1239, by which they testified the grief thence born, and offered their effort and mediation for composing peace. You will also find that the chief in these was Ferdinand, bound long since to Frederick by the bond of affinity, and his Mother, whose letters Rainaldus also brings forth, notable with all marks of love and observance; which although they are extant in the Pontifical Register of the 14th year; yet he, led by some arguments, judges them to pertain to the aforesaid year. The argument certainly is not light, that all are found given in the month of December; and that Richard of S. Germano in the Chronicon, brought down only to the third year from this, and so written then (as it is extant after Volume 3 of the Italia Sacra of Ughelli), that, I say, that Richard narrates, how in the next year following 1240, in the month of April, the son of the King of Castile came to the Emperor at Foggia, a town of Apulia Daunia, where he was holding a General Colloquy. For one of the same letters, Ferdinand destines his son Frederick to the Emperor, commended the Prince about to go thither to the Pontiff, by the same Legate, by whom also the other letters were carried: but all are of such a kind, as deserve to be inserted entire into this history. First of all certainly this makes for the matter, by which the Infante Frederick is commended, so named in baptism in honor of his kinsman, and at the same time it is indicated, how not in good faith the same Emperor acted in retaining for himself the hereditary goods of Queen Beatrice, the property of which she dying seems to have bequeathed to this her second-born by testament, since for the first-born the paternal kingdoms could suffice. So therefore in favor of this his son, with a notable testification of his observance toward the Apostolic See, writes the King the father.

[68] restore to him the promised hereditary goods of his mother: To the most holy Father and Lord Gregory, by divine providence supreme Pontiff of the most sacred Roman Church, Ferdinand, by the grace of God King of Castile, Toledo, Leon, Galicia, and Corduba, with due servitude the kisses of the blessed feet. We do not believe it to have fallen from the memory of your Holiness, that when in the time of sweet memory, Queen Beatrice, your little daughter, the goods, which belonged to her by right of succession, we had very often sought from the Emperor, who detained them, for Frederick our son; because he refused to render them, we had recourse to your Paternity, imploring your counsel and aid upon this. To which, as becomes a father of justice and the Vicar of Jesus Christ, with the clemency of your wonted benignity you responded, that your counsel should not be wanting to us; promising nevertheless, that you would cause the complement of justice to be exhibited to us. But since the same Emperor, led by a sounder counsel, afterward took care often to signify to us, that he was ready to render the goods sought; if the same Frederick, whom his mother also placed in extremity under a certain adjuration had ordered to be destined thither, we should take care to send to him; we, attending that delay harmed those who were ready, both for obtaining the maternal inheritance, which we wish him to have for the service of the Roman Church; and on account of other most urgent causes, and commends the same to the Apostolic See; which the venerable Abbot and religious man our beloved W. Abbot of S. Facundus will more fully express to your Magnificence; by the counsel of prudent men we have judged the same to be destined; with living voice firmly enjoining the same, and under the penalty of paternal favor charging, that, after the manner of his progenitors the Kings and Emperors of Spain, he procure and love the honor and exaltation of the Roman Church, and be ever obedient and devoted to it. Indeed if the same Emperor, which we do not believe, gainsay or defer to render the same inheritance to him; to your Paternity we offer affectionate prayers, asking humbly and devoutly, that protecting him under your defense, to which we commit him, you deign to impart to the same your aid and favor. Given at Burgos the 4th day of December. I know not how long the Emperor detained the son of his kinswoman with him: and receives at least in the year 1245, frustrated of his hope. yet I should scarcely believe, that, he persevering in excommunication and enmity to the Church, and at length even about the year 1245, deposed by the public sentence of the Council of Lyons, as an enemy to be exterminated by the common arms of Christians; that either the father permitted, or the son wished further to stick in his execrated court. But neither would I say that the Emperor restored anything of what he owed; since nowhere is the Infante Frederick read to have usurped any title from the maternal dominions in Germany (by writing himself e.g. Duke of Swabia) and the same is found num. 175 to have been present at the siege of Hispalis with his brothers, and to have received the last blessing of his dying father. But as far as concerns the Emperor, to the Pontifical complaints against him, on the same day and by the same Legate, the holy King thus responded.

[69] He knows who is ignorant of nothing, who is the searcher of hearts and the knower of secrets, that with the desire of a sincere mind, no less devoted than due, our heart burns for your honor, and aspires to its exaltation: namely [his] whom it is established to be on earth the Vicar of Jesus Christ, and to bear the place of the true God, the increase, by following the footsteps of our progenitors, and the glory of the Apostolic See so far as we suffice affecting, which to all the faithful throughout the world abundantly bestows and wisely ministers the most sacred food of faith: his observance to Gregory testified by other letters, through which we

and all the faithful of Christ, both Kings and others, both believe and desire the increase of heavenly hope to be administered to us: for which faith we fight and stand against the enemies of the same, by extirpating heresies, and by corporally opposing ourselves, not without grave peril, to the assaults and conflicts of the other enemies, who strive to defend their errors with arms. These therefore and very many other harder things, which we have not judged to be committed to letters, both because it would be long and superfluous to narrate, and also lest we should seem to seek our own praise, for the name of Christ we have judged worthy to be sustained; that the cord of the Lord's inheritance may be enlarged, and the honor of the pious mother the Apostolic See through our ministry, although not desired or due, at least may receive some little increase. For if the most sacred Roman Church, which always loved and cherished us in the bowels of charity; and being requested, not only showed herself propitious, but prompt about our promotion, by the exuberance of special graces, however sincerely we love her, he suffers with her afflictions, we do not believe ourselves to have a reward: nay we even reckon it little, if we assist the same in her necessities, and for her expose both our person and our kingdoms to whatsoever perils. Indeed by the relation of many we have learned, what afterward the Papal letter showed us, that the Emperor has manifoldly transgressed against the most sacred Roman Church, which curiously nourished and marvelously exalted him, and has so provoked her to wrath, that it was needful that he be touched by the hand of the Lord. Can the pious mother suffer, and the son not suffer with her? Does the Apostolic See grieve, and can the faithful one exult? Is it known that, the head being disturbed, the members thrive? Yet because God forgets not to have mercy, nor in wrath will He restrain His mercy; from the time we have once begun to speak, we will speak a little to the Lord, more anxious about the doubtful events of affairs, than about the deed of the Emperor, whom as much as we can with the Lord we are manifoldly bound to love; pardon being first obtained and license granted, that the gentleness of the father might receive the penitent son, and the Church might not lack her athlete, we would take care to interpose our part. But for executing this more competently, and offers his Legate as mediator, the venerable and beloved W. Abbot of S. Facundus, a man of circumspect providence and honest, in whom on account of the prerogative of his honesty we fully confide; whom, since he was set on the journey for the cause of visiting the Roman Church, we recalled to us; deliberation being had, we have judged him to be destined to You for this and other things; that secure of his honesty and industry, you may confidently send the same to the Emperor on our part, if you see it expedient, or remit him even to us also, with the good pleasure of your will in all things and through all: for he what shall have been enjoined to him by your Holiness, as we have known and are already in many things experienced, will devoutly and faithfully execute. Given at Burgos the 4th day of December.

[70] with grateful memory of benefits received: Thus far the holy King, in the former part of his letter doubtless looking to that favor of Pope Honorius III, which in the preliminary Commentary num. 26 we have explained, by his Brief, given at the Lateran the 6th of the Ides of July, in the second year of his Pontificate, of Christ 1218, which had declared, that the divorce of his parents, celebrated by the command of the Apostolic See, ought not to harm him, that the concession of his father might remain ratified and firm, receiving him as a son, and so also as a legitimate successor. But that favor had not preceded (as Odoricus Rainaldus seems to reckon) but had followed (as appears from the date, not only as to the day of the month, but also the year of the Pontificate being later) followed, I say, had another favor, expressed by this Brief. To Ferdinand, illustrious King of Castile. To bestow upon Thee and thy Kingdom special care and solicitude, we are both induced by the consideration of thy age, and provoked by the illustrious merits of the famous recollection of Alfonso King of Castile thy grandfather. Imparting therefore benign assent to the prayers of thy Serenity, We receive thy Person and the Kingdom itself under the special protection of the Apostolic See and of ourselves, and fortify it by the page of the present writing. To no one therefore &c. Given at the Lateran the 14th of the Kalends of August (not on the Kalends themselves, as Zúñiga seems to have read at the year 1252 num. 8) in the third year of our Pontificate. Besides these, other and special favors toward the same holy King proceeded from Gregory IX himself, a more distinct notice of which has perished; but confusedly and in general the Queen Mother makes mention of the same, in the Epistle which she gave to the same Legate to be carried, likewise worthy here to be transcribed. To the most holy Father and Lord Gregory, which the mother Berengaria also testifies, by divine providence supreme Pontiff of the most sacred Roman Church, Berengaria, by the grace of God Queen of Castile and Toledo, the kisses of the blessed feet, with filial reverence as much due as devoted. For the manifold favor, which from much exuberance of your goodness I and my Son have so often received from your Holiness, neither sought many times but offered, judging it worthy to rise at least to acts of thanks, I cannot worthily; while toward Me and Mine I regard your condescension, while I weigh the promptitude of your piety; which indeed would be more pleasing to me to effect by deeds, than to declare by words or letters. But because at present I am not able to do what I wish, not on account of any defect of heart or want of worldly things, but rather by awaiting the good pleasure of your will; for so many benefits I render meanwhile thanks to your Greatness as many as I can; imploring your Majesty with all the affections of my mind, that according to the affection of devotion, wishing to show gratitude in deed itself, which I and my Son have always had and have toward You, you deign to intimate to me something, which sits to your will, nay whatever shall please your Holiness, to be executed through all and in all. But this to your benignity I do not believe ought to be kept silent, that, because I do not write to you more frequently, it comes not from less devotion; but on account of the bashfulness which the female sex contracted from nature, and the reverence which is owed to the Vicar of Jesus Christ. For the Lord knows, that while with the eyes of my mind I behold the Papal brightness of purity, a certain flashing reverberates as it were the gaze of my mind to retard the desire of writing; and seized by amazement, I in a manner reckon it presumption to attempt even to touch the fringe of your garment. and using the same internuncio. Nevertheless the more frequently I should receive your letters or command, the more pleasing it would be to me, and the more fully would satisfaction be made to my will. But now I render thanks to the Lord, because I have an opportunity through the venerable and beloved W. Abbot of S. Facundus, a provident and discreet man, who otherwise was going to come to your presence, of declaring securely and confidently certain things which I would not commit to letters, who will be able more freely to expound them to you, and to open our will more widely. Given at Burgos the 5th day of December.

[71] Ferdinand could also look, in acknowledging the benefits of the Apostolic See toward him, to the indulgence of Gregory IX himself toward him, by which in the year 1237 (witness for that year Bzovius, num. 6) he granted him, that in places, Gregory had granted him the presentation of new churches, which he should wrest from the hands of the Saracens in future, he might present to the Bishops Rectors of Churches, only at the first time, chosen at his own discretion; and that by letters given at Viterbo the 12th of the Kalends of October. Although, since by that time the Chancellor of that kingdom the Bishop of Osma, had been postulated to the Church of Leon, and Ferdinand prayed that postulation to be confirmed by the Apostolic See, and the postulated one to be translated to the Chair of Leon, Gregory denied; because he saw the Church of Osma could be much inconvenienced by the translation of the postulated one, who was reputed a man of greatest counsel and dexterity (this was John Tercerius, named above num. 55, where he is said to have expiated the Mosque of Corduba). But Gregory excused the deed, by letters given to Ferdinand and the College of both Churches, at the Lateran the 11th of the Nones of December. The chief cause of denying seems to have been, the building of the new Cathedral, begun by John; for Giles Davila says, in the Theatrum of that Church, that the fabric being completed, and the Bishopric of Burgos being vacant by the death of D. Maurice in the year 1247, slower however to approve exchanges: Innocent IV granted the King to translate the same John thither; whereby the Chancellor of the Kingdom should be so near to the Royal person, that yet the Bishop should not be removed far from his Church. In the same year, when the Infante Alfonso had signified that he desired, that the city of Cartagena, which anew, by his ministry, the right hand of God triumphing, he had wrested from the hands of the Pagans, might rise to a state of prosperity, if it should rejoice that a desirable Pastor had come to it by the providence of the Apostolic See; then the same Pontiff both granted him what he sought, and commended to the King and Queen the endowment of that same Church. The Brief written to the holy King was of this tenor. With exulting spirit we have perceived, how the kingdom of Murcia by the aid of divine virtue has been subjugated to the dominion of our beloved son, and at the suggestion of the Infante Alfonso the noble Alfonso thy First-born. From this exultation indeed it proceeded, that since the said First-born desired, that the city of Cartagena, situated in the aforesaid Kingdom, might obtain the honor of a Pontifical Chair; an honorable man, and a professor of a celebrated Religion (the Franciscan), and conspicuous in knowledge and honesty, and also circumspect in spiritual and temporal things, namely Fr. Peter, Confessor of the same First-born, to the Church of Cartagena, the counsel of our Brothers being communicated, of special grace we have provided as Pastor. But because the brightness of thy name requires, that it should meet such new and divine plantations; Peter being ordained Bishop of Cartagena, we ask thy Serenity with all the affection we can, enjoining it to thee in remission of sins; that fecundating that same Church with the largess of thy benefits, and raising it with the protection of desired favor, thou cherish the person of the said Bishop with the affection of desired benignity; so that, he prospering to his wish in the care of the government committed to him, and the same Church obtaining full vigor, under the increases of spiritual and temporal things, to thee thence, from the clemency of the Creator of all, may be compensated the glory of eternal princes. The exordium of the Epistle to Queen Joanna was this: he had commended to the Saint and his wife. Thou makest thyself worthy of the grace of the King and Queen of the heavens, if with a solicitous mind thou be free for the works of charity: and from this also among men an increase of a famous name is acquired for thee, and in the sight of the Apostolic See matter of praise and benediction is obtained. There is concluded moreover an exhortation similar to the preceding, by wishing, that thence to present and posterity a great and delightful example may be left; and to the Queen herself the benignity of God for this may accumulate the gifts of His benediction; and We, says the Pontiff, may also render abundant thanks at opportune times. Those three Epistles are extant entire, but printed without note of year, day, and place; for the year however which we have signed, in Giles Davila in the Theatrum of the Church of Murcia: for the third Bishop after the restoration of the aforesaid Chair, D. Diego Martin de Morgaz, witness Tamayo at January 24, translated the Cathedral church from Cartagena to Murcia, on account of the frequent irruption of the Moors infesting

into the city, by which neither were the divine Offices conducted with due solemnity, nor was the number of townsmen necessary for defense found.

CHAPTER XII.

Mula being stormed, Giennium is besieged and surrendered: the siege of Hispalis is decreed.

[72] While the King was at Granada, the Moors, called Gazules, had run out to Martos, and besieged the place: The King succors the citadel of Martos, which being understood, straightway was sent Alfonso the King's brother: but he hastening thither with the Master of Calatrava and his Brothers, found the Moors had already withdrawn. For the Brothers who had been within, aided by others who had come to their aid, bursting forth against them had fought so generously, that, many of them being slain, and not a few captured, they bore off a full victory over the barbarians by God's grace, enriched with great booty of horses and other things. Meanwhile King Ferdinand, having seemed to have stayed long enough about Granada, and to have repressed the insolence of the Moors, their region being laid waste as it pleased, as is aforesaid in the History, and returns to Corduba, gradually betook himself to Corduba; where honorably and joyfully received, with his wife D. Joanna, he refreshed his body in needful quiet for himself and his men, and revived his forces. It was also said above by the History, how King Ferdinand sent his son Alfonso to Murcia: now it is to be added, that having arrived there with the convoy entrusted to him, the same being distributed through the fortifications and citadels, he went round all; and everywhere administering justice and rewarding the well-deserving, disposed all things excellently. Then at last he ran out to Mula, Lorca, and Cartagena, which had refused to deliver themselves to him, while meanwhile the son storms Mula by famine, and inflicted many damages on each through the fields. But understanding, that at Mula there was a great scarcity of provisions, and that it could be compelled to surrender by famine if besieged; D. Pelagius Correa being first consulted he girt the town, and persevered before it so long, until famine delivered the place to him: from which and from its citadel he ejected all the Moors, except a few whom he permitted to remain in the suburb. This first place the Infante Alfonso besieged and obtained, Master Pelagius being present to all things, who never departed from his side. But Mula is a strong and well-fortified town, with a notable citadel and surrounded with towers, opulent moreover in cultivated lands and pastures, convenient likewise in fruits and waters, and embracing in the district of its territory well-fertile mountains and a very ample space. But now leaving the Infante in the kingdom of Murcia, let us return to his father Ferdinand.

[73] He was with the Queen his wife at Corduba, after the return from the Granatensian field; and there from his son Alfonso he received most joyful tidings of Mula intercepted, and of the state of the Moors not yet subjugated: besides it was announced there to him, that the King of Argona, with a very great convoy of more than a thousand laden beasts, was setting out to Jaen, and the brother impedes the convoy destined for the city of Giennium. that he might provide that city with provisions. Straightway therefore he sent his brother Alfonso, with the chosen brought from Ubeda and Baeza, who should interpose himself in the midst of those coming, and prohibit the approach to the city. Soon he himself went after him, and there went with him D. Roderick de Valduerna, D. Diego Gomez, and D. Alfonso Lopez de Vaya. They set out moreover to Argona and thence to Jaen, awaiting for two whole days the convoy about to come: but in vain: it is not known however whether the Moors, his coming being known, or for another cause omitted to come. But the King, unwilling to waste time there, after great damages made round the city, returned to Corduba; where, before he took any rest, he understood that his mother D. Berengaria was coming to him from Toledo. This having happened most pleasing to him, he went forth straightway to receive her with Queen Joanna; The King meeting his mother for the last time, and the Pass being crossed they came to a place, then called Pozuelo, where their son Alfonso afterward founding a notable town, named it Villa-regalis a. There the mother and son saw each other, and were refreshed by mutual sight and converse through whole six weeks, never again to see one another; for she returned to Toledo, the King with his wife went off to the confines, nor came any more into Castile.

[74] after the fields of the Moors were laid waste, But the Pass being crossed he went into Andugar, where collecting his whole army, with the Queen his wife he set out for Jaen. And first he laid waste the gardens and vineyards and the whole harvest, nor did he leave whole anything he found: then he advanced to Alcala Abenzaidae b, and acted likewise, leading many Moors away into servitude. Afterward he passed Illora c, and entered the suburb and plundered it; but the town he burned, the Moors being slain and captured throughout all that district. But copious was the booty which they carried away thence, both in gems and precious stones, and furniture and garments, and a great abundance of cattle and beasts of burden: for the town was very rich. Thence this noble King ran out plundering to the Granatensian fields, and did the same in the mountain places, until he should come as far as Granada: about which he stayed some days, destroying and laying waste all things which were the Moors', without their daring to advance against him. Seeing therefore that he would stay there in vain, he withdrew to Martos: where to him from Murcia came Master D. Pelagius Correa, and narrated to the King how prosperously D. Alfonso his son had acted there, a victory being related over the resisting Moors, which brought the King no small joy. Then he sought his counsel, asking, what seemed to him concerning the city of Jaen to be besieged: who answered that it was best to do so; and the same was the opinion of all the other Nobles. There assembled therefore the Magnates and opulent men and all the military fraternities, and determined in what manner some at this, others at another time, he besieges Giennium. should be present, to continue the siege by turns, until the city should be delivered. And this indeed was so begun; but when the King saw, after some days consumed there, that there was no progress as he had appointed and wished; he himself came to the same place, and stayed, although at a most inconvenient time, cold indeed and rainy, because it was then mid-winter: whence it came to pass that both men and beasts suffered very much damage, nor yet was there withdrawal from the siege.

[75] Seeing therefore the King of Argona, who was the same as of Granada, that Ferdinand so pertinaciously adhered to his purpose, nor would withdraw unless the city were taken; which pressed by long famine, did not seem able long to resist, the defenders being fatigued and weakened; and that he himself did not suffice to bring aid to the besieged d, so shut in on every part, Whose defense the King of Granada despairing of that no one could either go out or come in to them; he determined to come as a suppliant to the King, and to deliver himself and all his things to his faith, trusting in his great goodness, that he would clemently treat him. This his counsel when the barbarous King had proposed to the Moors, than which none more salubrious occurred to him, for consulting them and his own honor and kingdom; he proceeded to King Ferdinand, and professing himself his subject, with a kiss of the hands delivered himself into his power, and at the same time the besieged city as a pledge of perpetual fealty. The most humane King received him so humbled, with that clemency with which he was wont to treat such men; and bargained with him, that he should remain in his kingdom and dominions under a tribute of a hundred and fifty thousand maravedis to be paid yearly, he subjects himself of his own accord to Ferdinand, and the obligation of following his Court, in faithful society in peace and war; only the besieged city, as already almost subdued, he should give up. Which when it had pleased both sides and been confirmed, the city of Jaen was delivered to Ferdinand e. But this city is exceedingly populous and ample, and fortified with many and strong towers, and abounds in good waters within the walls, and an abundance of all things which could be desired in a noble and opulent city: it was also warlike and much feared, before it came into the power of the Christians; the city of Jaen being left to the same, but after it yielded to these, it was ever the bulwark of the confines, which thenceforth remained secure, and could be inhabited by the same out of peril. But let us return to the History.

[76] The city being delivered in that manner, the King entered it with a procession of the whole Clergy: which is delivered to be inhabited by Christians. and proceeding straight to the greater Mosque, he had it dedicated into a church under the invocation of S. Mary, D. Guiterius Bishop of Corduba singing the Mass. He also established there an Episcopal Chair f, attributing to it towns and castles and sufficient estates; and sent into every part, inviting to fill the city, under the promise of many immunities and privileges, which he faithfully rendered to those coming thither to dwell, dividing among them the city and fields. But the King remained there eight months, establishing peace, and restoring the fortifications, so far as there was need. Afterward the Magnates and the richer of the kingdom and the Masters of the Orders being convoked into counsel, he said, The siege of Hispalis is decreed. that something seemed ought to be attempted anew, since they had now for some time been idle. But each giving his opinion, and some advising an inroad toward Hispalis, others certain castles of the Moors still left on the confines to be stormed; Master Pelagius and various Knights of the Order of S. James, most experienced in warlike affairs, rather approved that Hispalis itself should be besieged, that city being overcome all future things would be easy. There were however some to whom it seemed more advisable, by repeated inroads first to lay waste the fields all around, and then at last to besiege them fatigued; so the city would be taken in less time and peril. Nevertheless Master Pelagius and many others persisted in their opinion, asserting, that the time which would be spent in going and returning, and the expenses to be made in storming the lesser places, would be better expended in taking the metropolis; so by one and the same labor all things would be accomplished together: which counsel also pleased the King more, and was established g.

ANNOTATA.

PARERGON IV.

On the situation and fortifications of the city of Hispalis at the time of the siege presently to be narrated.

[77] Before I proceed further to render into Latin the text of the Ferdinandine Chronicle, it will be expedient, The most ample city is described for understanding it more clearly and easily, to set before the eyes the situation and state of the city, such as it was when the holy King besieged it, with Alfonso Morgado the writer of the Hispalensian history and antiquities of the city most accurately going before and giving light, printed almost a hundred years ago at Hispalis. He, when in book 1 chapter 14 he had said, that the Moors of Hispalis, sprung from the first conquerors of the Spains the Arabs who crossed from Africa, at that time destitute of a King, would never subject themselves to the King of the Granatensian Moors, as being more ignoble and brought after them from Palestine, although he had long and much solicited them; but were governed almost by the counsel and authority of one chief among them, called Axataf; these things, I say, when Morgado had said; how the city was furnished with arms and provisions and apparatus of every kind for leading life and war, he bids to be gathered from the long duration of the siege endured. But even this, he says, was of brief time, girt with 166 towers, in respect of the vast strength of this city. For embracing by the circuit of its chief wall a space of not less than eight thousand seven hundred and fifty rods, it was full of a warlike and almost innumerable people. The walls high and firm, without any crack or rupture; inasmuch as never battered by war, and furnished with towers round about one hundred sixty-six and more. The same was girt by an outer wall, such as could suffice alone for the fortification of any great city, with a moat well deep and wide. Its principal gates twelve (to say nothing of two posterns, called of the Alcazar and of the Atarazanas) with bulwarks running out obliquely, were thickened with nails and overlaid with iron plates, over the hardest ox-hides, with steel gratings laid beneath.

[78] Yet because from one side, and so for half its part, having a ready aid from the Axarafe having six gates, the river Baetis made the city more secure, on whose left bank toward the West it lies; therefore on the other side they had purposely made higher and firmer walls and towers with outer walls, also a wider and deeper moat, as they are seen today. But nothing gave the Moors so great confidence, that they believed themselves impregnable, as the convenience of aid both of men and of provisions, to be brought in from that famous and most fertile garden of Hercules (they called it the Axarafe) which beginning over against the city across the river, extends ten leagues in length and five in breadth, but embraces thirty leagues in its circuit; reaching as far as the olive-groves of Niebla: in which a hundred thousand farms, through the castle of Triana, besides citadels and villages, were numbered; and it had in front a Castle called of Triana, which on one part, where it looks toward Hispalis, the river washes; on the other, walls gird, furnished with high and firm towers, such as even now are beheld. Hence further scarcely distant half an hour's league was the exceedingly fortified city of Haznalpharache, and the bridge, which guarded all the Moors of the whole Axarafe, set above the ridge of a mountain, to the right of the Baetis below Triana, itself also turreted: and which together with the castle of Triana was the key of that region. But to the castle, besides the towers, there was stretched on this side a great moat, which retains until now the name of the Trianan ditch; through which was derived a branch of the river itself, led round the Castle and its towers. But that the communication between the city and that castle might be easier, the Moors had laid a wooden bridge over great and stout ships, which they had bound to the castle itself with iron chains. But that the ships standing on this side of the bridge, and occupying that great space of the river which is stretched before the city, might stand more secure from all incursion, to the golden Tower was fixed a vast iron chain, which as often as it had seemed they could stretch across the river itself, to be fixed to a certain most firm wall, even today remaining in a certain Trianan square, having thence the name of Parientina.

[79] These things Morgado, all so clearly, that besides the ichnography of the city and suburbs, to be set before the very eyes, nothing more could be desired: The same represented in the Theatrum of cities but this defect for the curious reader a threefold representation of the city of Hispalis can in some measure supply, according to its various aspect inserted into the Theatrum of the cities of the world, by George Braun and his associates and successors, published in six books at Cologne, from the year 1523 to 1617, namely book 1 table 2, book 4 table 2, and book 5 table 7: and likewise in the much enlarged and better ordered Theatrum, not many years ago published at Amsterdam at Jansson's. For he, the Cologne plates, engraved a hundred years ago, being bought, used them as new, no distinction being applied from those which he added new; of which however the Reader here seems to be admonished, lest deceived by the title of the book, from the aforesaid plates he form a judgment of the present time in which many cities, and especially Hispalis, augmented with very many most magnificent buildings publicly and privately, have put on an altogether other face, even outside the walls. Further of the aforesaid Tables the second is more accommodated to this purpose, because it is fitted to a plan, with an enumeration and designation of the single gates, the chief temples, markets, and suburbs. There is however a difference between the ancient one here described, and the more recent designation there noted, that there no indications of outer walls appear, and that the suburb of Triana, from which the situation of the city is given to be beheld, not greatly differing from the ancient, is represented without the exterior walls on the averse part, towers and moat, perhaps now leveled to the ground; only on the Southern part there seems to appear some part of that old wall, to which the aforesaid Chain led from the golden Tower across the river, was fixed: but on the Northern part are beheld, at the head of the Trianan bridge, the formidable prisons of the holy Inquisition, in the manner of a castle hedged with eight towers. The bridge itself rests on vessels by no means great, nor in any way comparable to that, which laid over our Scheldt we have often seen at Antwerp, when the necessity of war demanded it. Nay even for a bank, heaped up by hand to the very channel of the river, and walled and elegantly paved with flints (as with us it is) you would see nothing other than a shapeless sand-bank, and furnished with no defenses for the convenient unloading of ships, and even from the part here placed. although even the greatest ships are said to come up the river thus far. All these things you can in some measure conceive by the figure placed above, in which is exhibited to be beheld the extreme part on each side of the city, with the bridge laid across the Baetis, as it now is; and the chain stretched across the same, as I conceive it once to have been over piles fixed in the channel, suitable to sustain so great a weight.

[80] Beyond the aforesaid Trianan castle, there is to be seen a long square along the bend of the river inhabited on both sides, as far as the monastery de las Cuevas or of the Caves, Which across the river is commonly called Old Hispalis attributed to the Carthusian Fathers, which took its first origin about the end of the 14th century. Further by proceeding, along the bend of the same river, the same table shows the ruins of a most ample Amphitheatre, with the monastery of S. Isidore, and places taking their name from Saints Brigid and Pontius; and there is added the inscription Sevilla la Vieja, that is Old Hispalis. Hence sometimes it has seemed to me probable, that the Moors, who scarcely left any city of Spain or scarcely indeed any, which they did not either utterly abolish, or transfer elsewhere; transported that which under the Romans and Goths had been Hispalis, from the right side of the river Baetis to the left. But all the learned Spaniards laugh at that appellation of Old Sevilla, it would rather be called old Italica. as the insipid invention of the rude common people; and by certain arguments teach that the most ample vestiges of ruins, which are still found there, are the relics of old Italica, not of Hispalis. For both frequent coins are dug up there, having the name of Italica inscribed on the averse face; and what the common people call Santiponce, seems to be S. Gerontius, Bishop and Martyr of Italica in Spain, inscribed in the Roman Martyrology on the 25th of August. But the Itinerary of the Emperor Antoninus, places Italica 6 miles from Hispalis, and that across the river toward the West. But there is even now a place there, called Talca, in the partition of the Hispalensian territory decreed by the holy King, which more nearly represents the name of old Italica. For the rest Hispalis itself would have its proper name from the matter; if (as Arias Montanus taught our Ortelius) it is that Phoenician word, deflected from Spila or Spala, which signifies a plain or verdant region, such as is all that, Whence the name? which set to the south of the city, by a common name is called Tablada, having its name, says Morgado, from this, that it is a level and spacious field (in Latin

we could say Tabulata) in which place, says Braun, in the Theatrum of cities aforecited, very many monuments of antiquity are dug up, such as tombs, stone and glass lamps, urns, coins, and others of that kind, from which it can be understood that here was once the burial-place of the Romans.

CHAPTER XIII.

The King advancing to Hispalis takes certain towns along the way: his fleet conquers the Moorish one.

[81] Affairs at Jaen being composed, as has been said, and the siege of Hispalis decreed, Ferdinand left for himself Ordonius Ordoñez as Prefect of the city, After the fields of Carmona were laid waste, who should prosecute the remaining partition of houses and fields, according to the commands made to him; and he himself returned to Corduba, and after a few days having gone forth made for a Carmona, slaying or capturing as many Moors as he found outside the gates. Of those who at this time accompanied the King, the chief were these: Alfonso the King's brother, his son D. Henry, the Masters of the Orders of S. James and Calatrava, Diego Sanchez and D. Ferdinand Xuarez. The same was accompanied by the cavalry of Corduba, exceedingly well exercised; and the Granatensian King, now the King's vassal, with five hundred horsemen, having joined the same at Carmona. But the desolation about Carmona being made as great as he could, the King with the army went off to Alcala Guadayra b. But the Moors who were at Alcala, understanding the Granatensian King to be in the company, having gone forth from the town delivered it to him: who continuously consigned it into the hands of Ferdinand. But he staying at Alcala, ordered his brother Alfonso with Master Pelagius to make an inroad into the Axarafe of Hispalis; but the Granatensian King, with the Master of Calatrava and his son Henry, he sent against Xerez c.

[82] To the King being there at Alcala and fortifying the place, the death of his mother is announced to the King. it is announced that his mother D. Queen d Berengaria had died: nor can it be said how great a sense of grief he drew and showed from that death. Yet there came to his aid, lest he should succumb to sorrow, the inborn strength of his mind, and his unconquered constancy for bearing whatever events. Nor indeed was it without reason, that so great a King should show himself to bear such a loss sorrowfully. For he was losing a mother, equal to whom in generosity and virtue no King had: who to both kingdoms, the Leonese and Castilian, nay to all Spain, had been a mirror of all probity; by whose counsel alone, not one only but several kingdoms were governed; and who exceeded in merits all the Queens of her age. But her death was deplored through all the cities, towns, villages of Castile and Leon, by great as well as small; but especially by the more needy nobles, toward whom she was most beneficent; perfect and consummated in virtue, lover of God and of divine things, an example of virtue: whom may the rewarder of all good men, as a true handmaid and beloved friend, make to inherit the eternal kingdom with His Saints. Amen.

[83] Our History made mention above, how King Ferdinand, having gained Alcala Guadayra, Who, the Granatensian King being dismissed to his own, ordered his brother into the bounds of Hispalis, but the Granatensian King to run into the Xeritans; now it relates, how, the same having returned from the expedition assigned to them, Ferdinand holding the service rendered to him by the Granatensian King ratified and grateful, sent the same back into his kingdom, absolved from further service. He giving him great thanks, glad and cheerful returned to his own; but Ferdinand himself went to Corduba, having a purpose to return into Castile. But his men's counsel upon it being heard he changed his mind: for he considered that a return into Castile at such a time would be exceedingly noxious to his affairs, where he would find many things, which both as a remedy so also a longer delay needed; and the fleet being ordered to be prepared, but meanwhile the Moors would make a harvest and take strength, whom afterward he would much more difficultly break, and reduce to that weakness in which they now were. This counsel therefore being approved, departing from Corduba he returned toward Jaen; and there as he intended to prosecute the war against the Moors there met him a certain citizen of Burgos very opulent, by name Raymond Boniface: whose coming was most pleasing to the King, because he was a man fit for instructing and ruling a naval fleet, and he himself had decreed that one ought to be built, which he might use on the sea to subject Hispalis to himself more easily. Wherefore after long discourses with him, sending him back, he gave him in charge, that he should procure as great a fleet e as he could of ships and triremes, and with it should come toward Hispalis.

[84] Raymond being dismissed with such commands, Ferdinand returned to Corduba: for there he had appointed with the Nobles and the Masters of the Orders and the Deputies of the peoples: but as soon as the army being convoked was present, he ordered it to proceed toward Carmona, himself continuously to follow. That one therefore went ahead, and the King on the fifth day after overtook him: in whose presence, straightway all the suburbs began to be laid waste, gardens, vineyards, crops; the number of Christians continuously increasing, by those who flowed in from the kingdom of Leon, Coria likewise, Granada, f Motanches, Medellino, Caceres, and other places. Which the Moors of Carmona seeing, and reckoning themselves about to be besieged, sought a truce of six months, in which they should remain quiet from war under a certain tribute, but meanwhile it should be treated of delivering the town to the King. Such a proposal pleased the King, and he willingly granted them what they demanded: inasmuch as it was by no means in his mind, to expend himself and his forces on that siege g. Likewise also those Moors, who inhabited Constantina, and who Reyna, came to Ferdinand, demanding conditions, under which they should deliver their towns to him; which he straightway defined for them, and granted Constantina to Corduba, Reyna to the Order of S. James, the Moors remaining there, because so it had been agreed. Then to the Prior of S. John, who afterward was Commander, then Lora; the King commanded, that with a fitting number of soldiers he should make for h Lora: whose inhabitants distrusting themselves, soon bargaining a surrender, delivered the place to the Prior to be held for the King; but he gave that with its district to the Order of the Hospitallers of S. John. Then departing from Carmona, he crossed by a ford the river called Guadalquivir, not without great peril of himself and his men, on account of the spacious rough places there occurring, for covering and overcoming which were woven very many hurdles of branches of trees, over which laid on the ground they managed somehow to cross with much labor.

[85] But the river being crossed, there was going to Cantiliana, which was the Moors'; and this the Christians obtained by force, all who were within being slain or captured, Cantiliana, in number seven hundred. Then further there was an advance to Guillena, exceedingly crowded indeed with Moors, but so terrified by the destruction of Cantiliana made, that they chose to bargain a quiet abode in the place, their things and fortunes being safe, and so to subject themselves to the King: who receiving them into his faith, proceeded to Gerena i, where the Moors prepared themselves for a strenuous defense. This being known the King ordered hurdles and mantelets to be made, and the resisters to be most strongly assailed. They being reduced to great straits, wished indeed to bargain; but the King would have been unwilling to hear them, wishing all destroyed, had not his Magnates persuaded him, not to suffer himself to be detained there. Wherefore he indulged them that they might go forth free from the place, carrying nothing with them; but he himself returned to Guillena, where pressed by a grave sickness, lest the course of victory should be stopped, he sent the army toward k Alcala del Rio, and ordered it to be besieged, Alcala del Rio. and assailed until it should be taken. While the leaders and soldiers try to execute this, engines being applied, the King recovered; and having set out thither, by his presence he kindled the assault: yet with little success, because the mural ballistae were broken a third and fourth time. But there was within the town Axataf a Moor, who with three hundred horsemen made frequent and damaging eruptions upon the Christians. Therefore the King commanded all the gardens, vineyards, and crops to be cut down: which seen the Moor, not daring to stay there longer, having gone forth thence betook himself to Hispalis; but the rest, on what conditions they could, made a surrender to the King.

[86] While Ferdinand intends to fortify this town, it is announced to him that Raymond Boniface was indeed coming with the fleet, excellently furnished with marines, soldiers, His fleet for the siege of Hispalis provisions, and all warlike apparatus; yet was placed in great peril, on account of the vast force of Moorish forces coming from Tangier, Ceuta, and Hispalis itself by land and sea to meet him, therefore there was need of hastened aid. At a message of this kind the King being cheered, lest the fleet should suffer any damage from delay, sent continuously Roderick Flores, Alfonso Tellez, and Ferdinand Dianiez, with sufficient cavalry and foot. These when they had come to the place where the fleet stood at anchor l, beheld no Moors; and not reckoning them about to come, returned to Alcala, where they had left the King. But scarcely had they gone, when the Moors arrived, and began sharply to assail the ships of the Christians. Who seeing the crisis, by no means let go their courage: but fighting most generously, and trusting in God whose cause was being acted, the blessed Virgin Mary aiding them and the fortune of their King Ferdinand, they so strenuously did the matter against the enemies of the faith, that their ranks being disordered they took three triremes, burned one, sank three in the sea, he routs the fleet of the Moors. put the rest to flight, which had come up to thirty, while Raymond numbered only thirteen. * So the matter was done in the waters: but on land also a great force of Moors had gone forth, both from Hispalis and from other parts; when from the royal camp there advanced the Knight D. Roderick Alvarez: who understanding the Moors to tend thither, that they might prohibit the fleet from approach; as quickly as he could ran to the aid of the Christians, and fell upon a cohort of Moors, with whom contending he drove them into flight, and exercised a great slaughter upon them.

ANNOTATA.

num. 27 of the year already noted 1251.

CHAPTER XIV.

Some little land victories over the Moors.

[87] Ferdinand had not yet understood the victory related by his fleet against the Moors: The King, part of the army being crossed over wherefore hastening himself also to its aid, on the first night he slept at the Ford which is called of Pali a, and that on the fifteenth day of August. On the other day he came to the Tower b called of the Canal; and was greatly cheered, the success of the naval fight being heard; and ordered the fleet to be brought further up c. * But Pelagius Correa Master of the Order of S. James, with his cavalry, of about two hundred seventy heads both of Brothers and seculars, crossed the river d by swimming below e Aznalfarache. A bold counsel indeed: for to that part had placed himself, to prohibit the passage of the army, Abenamafon King f of Niebla; but the whole land thence was of Moors almost infinite in number, and Aznalfarache itself had horsemen and foot, and from the whole district very many ran up from everywhere. So the Master with his Knights had to fight daily, now with some, now with others, permitting him no rest: g and nevertheless always remained victor, now their ranks being confounded compelling them to retreat, and he holding the other bank, now making great slaughters of the same. But King Ferdinand seeing, in how great a crisis the Master was placed; The partition, he said, is not equal between us and those who are across the river: for here we are about a thousand horsemen, and they number not three hundred: it behooves therefore that some still join themselves to them. And so he commanded Roderick Flores, Alfonso Tellez, and Ferdinand Diañez that they too should cross to the other bank: which happily done, was of great help to affairs, as will be said below.

[88] Meanwhile the King himself, having pitched camp this side of the river, was also wearied by daily incursions of the Moors, having pitched camp this side of the river inconveniently and received from them not a few damages, both of men and of beasts; and these they did without their own peril, because the whole region was level, where they had to fear no ambushes; and it was needful for the Christians to remain continuously in arms. Wherefore it seemed to the King that the camp ought to be transferred to h Tablada. Hither therefore as the army advanced, its flank was covered by a certain Knight, called Gomez Ruyz Manzanedo, with the cohort of Madrid: upon whom the Moors charging with great impetus, slew two horsemen and six horses. Yet they were so generously repulsed by the Christians, he changes his station. that at length they drove them into flight almost to Hispalis, many of the Moors being slain, and horses captured; and so Gomez well avenged the slaughter of his men. The army being brought into Tablada, as best he could he fortified the camp, for the small number of which it consisted: for the soldiers chosen by the Communities had not yet come; wherefore that the Christians might render themselves safer from the incursions of the Moors, they led around the same camp a deep moat.

[89] It happened further that certain horsemen went out to guard the foragers, after whom went out, drawing some delay in the camp, Don Garcias Perez de Vargas and a certain other Knight, and they saw coming to meet them seven Moors: which being beheld, that other one said to D. Garcias; Lord, let us turn back, for they are seven, Garcias Perez meeting seven Moors, but we only two. To whom Garcias, Not so, he said, my Lord, but let us advance; for they will not dare to await us. That confidence seemed to the other full of madness: wherefore the bridle being drawn he turned his horse back, and returned into the camp as secretly as he could, and betook himself into his tent. The King was meanwhile on the watch, and since the region was level, but he had his tent in a somewhat higher place, he saw all that was being done: and commanded that to the aid of him, the King looking on from afar, who alone presumed to proceed against seven, some should go out. But Laurence Xuarez, standing at his side, who had seen D. Garcias Perez going out of the camp, and certainly knew this to be the very one; There is no need, he said, my Lord King: for that horseman is Garcias Perez, nor does he need aid against seven Moors; who, if they know him, will beware the encounter; but if not, your Highness will see how great he is. When therefore the Moors approached, he asked his arms from his squire, he passes them with impunity: and commanded him not to go far from him; but to him tying the helmet his little cap fell off unobserved, and so Garcias prosecuted his way, the squire following behind. But the Moors recognized him (for he was famous among them from deeds done on whatever occasion) nor did they presume to attack him, but divided to each side of the road they threatened. Garcias therefore passed, beholding them with unaverted face.

[90] Then they going off, halted in the place, where the little cap of Garcias had fallen from under the helmet: which then, and returning again to the same place because of the lost cap, loosening the helmet, when he saw it was missing, he asked of the squire where it was. But this one answering, that he knew nothing of it; Garcias understood it had fallen from him: and therefore resuming his arms, he wished to retrace the way by which he had come, commanding the squire, that with attentive eye he should seek the dropped thing. The armiger bearing it grievously, Up, he said, Lord, dost thou for a vile cap wish to return into so great a crisis? nor dost thou think it glory enough for thee, that thou alone didst not fear to meet seven horsemen, and despising them to advance on thy way? But Garcias: But dost thou not see, that without the cap if I be, I am without a head? (for he was bald) and saying this he returned to the place, where he had first put on his arms. Then Laurence Xuarez seeing him returning, said to the King: See how he returns to the Moors, about to attack of his own accord those, who feared to attack him passing: now thou shalt see how strongly he will charge upon them, if perchance they dare to await him. But they beholding him returning toward them, betook themselves off, nor dared to await the man. Then again Laurence: Behold, as I had said; seven Moors dare not await one Garcias Perez, he drives them into flight by the terror of himself alone. which to your Highness may be a specimen of that fame, by which even to the enemies the more generous of your Knights are known. At length coming to the place Garcias where the cap had fallen, the armiger being ordered to leap down on foot he took it up and placed it on his head, and proceeded to the foragers i. But those horsemen having returned, whom we said had gone out, to the guard of those men, and Garcias with them; Laurence asked of him before the King, who was that Knight, who had deserted him. But Garcias denied that he knew the man, nor patiently bore being praised to his face: but the same afterward often questioned, always excused himself from knowing who it was, although he saw the man daily in the camp; for he would not have anything detracted from his fame, who was commonly held a good Soldier; but he had also forbidden the armiger, to make him known to anyone, threats being interposed if he did otherwise.

[91] The camp being transferred, as has been said, into Tablada, the Moors made an assault upon it, from that part which the Masters of Calatrava, Alcantara k, and Alcanizium l, held, and finding there some wethers were leading them away. Which Ferdinand Ordoñez Master of Calatrava and the other Masters beholding, together with their Brothers, swiftly pursued the Moors. The few Christians drawn into ambushes But when they had now almost reached them, they fell into a place where five hundred Moorish horsemen had placed themselves, and proceeding further they came to another place of ambush, where three hundred horsemen stood with much foot. Then indeed bursting forth on both sides upon the Christians, caught in the midst of them, they began sharply to press them this way and that. Who finding themselves placed in such a crisis, and that they must either die or conquer, commended their souls to God; and with so great impetus leaped upon the barbarians, striking on the right and the left, that at length they compelled both into flight, although sometimes halting and renewing the fight. But that contest lasted from dawn even to the ninth hour, in which many Moors both horse and foot fell; but the Christians, the victory being obtained, returning to the camp, the victors return: met King Ferdinand, coming to their aid, with whom likewise they returned exulting over the success.

[92] While such things were being done on this part of the river with King Ferdinand, on the other were Master Pelagius Correa, Roderick Flores, Alfonso Tellez and Ferdinand Dianiez, having their station below Arnalfarache: who advancing thence rushed into Gelves m; and so strenuously assailed it, that having entered the place by force they slew or captured all the Moors found within, and others likewise, with opulent spoils. Hence indeed they proceeded to Triana, whence against them went forth many Moors, foot and horse; but the Christians so received them, that at length having driven them into flight they pursued them as far as the gates of the castle: and so, with honor and none of their own lost, they returned to the aforesaid station. * While they were there, the Moors of Arnalfarache ran out daily, not without some loss of our men and beasts: to which evil those men about to set a remedy, counsel being had among them, set an ambush. When therefore the Moors had gone forth in their wonted manner, and had come into the place prepared for them; before they had altogether crossed it, they detected the ambush. Which indeed profited them somewhat at the beginning: but before they could betake themselves off, so sharply did the Christians charge, that they slew and captured more than three hundred, and pursued them

as far as Arnalfarache, nor afterward did they dare any more to come forth from their fortification. Some little victories. After these things the Master understood, that a certain nautical Captain, sent from Hispalis, had passed Triana, and was about to come into Arnalfarache to the succor of his men there: and so he set an ambush for him: which indeed the Moor escaped by wandering from the way, yet the Christians overtook him; and nine of his retinue being slain, they cast him himself from his horse: and there was little wanting but that he was captured, had not the garrison bursting forth in great number drawn him from peril, although not without loss of their own.

ANNOTATA.

Zúñiga, in the Appendix to the Annals, for the year 1247 num. 8, The bold deed of Garcias Perez on account of his cap confesses, that there are not wanting those who think this whole narration apocryphal: nor does he himself dare to be surety for it: yet for some confirmation of it from Argote de Molina, in the 3rd part of the Nobiliary of Andalusia, he relates the same expressed in common rhythm: of which what age it is is not known, but it is known that it was even published in print two hundred years ago. I do not see however how a matter plainly fabulous could creep into this Chronicle, unless this in the course of times had been transcribed from the original and in transcribing interpolated, in an old rhythm which would have to be proved, not simply presumed; especially since the same whole matter is read in the General History, which indeed is of no small authority. There is added that the book, entitled Lucanor, composed by the great-grandson of the holy King D. John Emmanuel, says of the same Garcias Perez, that together with two Knights he presumed to run up to one of the gates of Hispalis, and to thrust his spear at it, whence followed a most bloody conflict with the Moors, going forth to avenge so great a contempt: which conflict however is here passed over, an inscription as also doubtless many other things, done in the time of the long siege. Finally the singular honors, conferred on Garcias far above the degree of his order, demonstrate his deeds to have been singular: for over the gate of Xerez there was anciently read this strophe;

Hercules me edificó, Julio Cesar me cercó De muros y torres altas: Vn Rey Godo me perdió, Vn Rey Santo me ganó, Con Garci perez de Vargas

and confirmed by sculpture. where the recovery of the city is equally attributed to the Holy King and to Garcias, or at least it is indicated that this man rendered him chief service. But what more nearly pertains to the aforementioned heroic action, is, that, when by the command of Philip II the Royal Chapel was to be renovated, and by his command all images were to be removed from it, except those which should represent Angels, Saints, Kings, or Virtues; by the inadvertence of him who was over the work, two remained entire, sculptured on the keystones of the arches containing the vault, of which one held a cap in the hand, the other a cudgel; whence they were understood to represent Garcias and his brother surnamed Maxuca: about which the King being afterward questioned what he wished to be done, ordered them altogether to be retained; judging it had happened not without a higher providence, that, contrary to what he had commanded, those two images remained untouched. I, what I have received, have simply related: let others judge what they will.

CHAPTER XV.

Fights and skirmishes by land and river, with varying outcome.

[93] After so many and so great slaughters, which the Christians inflicted on the Moors, The Moors about to open the river for themselves, Ferdinand persevering in the siege of Hispalis, they saw themselves driven into straits both by water and by land, and assailed on every side; yet they more felt the damages which they suffered from the fleet sitting on the river, and so cutting off the aid, which on that part could more easily be had. Wherefore, that they might remove that inconvenience from themselves, they had constructed of beams woven together a raft so great, that occupying the whole breadth of the river-channel it could in no way be avoided: and this they loaded with vessels, full of Greek fire, pitch, and resin, and tow and much other material, fit for catching and spreading flame. The engine being thus furnished they placed much soldiery on it, some warships going before; and with great ferocity charged into the ships of the Christians, about to throw fire on all, if they could. they try to burn the Royal fleet, But at the same time also their land forces moved themselves, and with a horrendous din of trumpets and drums on both sides and terrible vociferation the battle was joined: but in vain, for which the Christians neither by water nor by land unprepared, so received the comers, that on both sides at length they turned them into flight, repenting too late of what they had begun. Yet for a great part of the day the conflict lasted, chiefly the naval one, before the Moors confessing themselves conquered seized flight with great disaster, especially of those who leaping from the ships and from the raft into the river, were swallowed by the waters. Nor did the Christians suffer any damage from the Greek fire, which they themselves kindling rendered useless, as also the rest of the flame-bearing material. The land

forces also of the Christians, on each bank of the river, made a great slaughter of the fleeing, both horse and foot; until they drove them, partly within the gates of Hispalis, partly within the Trianan Castle: and this outcome had the so formidable machination of the Moors.

[94] Meanwhile the time of the truce, agreed with the men of Carmona, was being fulfilled: who considering that the fortune of King Ferdinand was advancing, To one reporting that the royal camp was almost empty, but that the affairs of the Moors were borne backward, bargained with the King that they should cede the town and all its dominion to him, but they themselves should be permitted to live there with all their things safe. This condition being confirmed the King sent thither D. Roderick Gonzales Giron, that in his name he should enter possession: which done, and a suitable garrison being left in the citadel, Roderick returned to Ferdinand; and rendering account of what had been done, was exceedingly well received. But it happened in those days that the royal camp was left almost without soldiery, while some had gone out to impede the provision-convoy from being brought into the city, others had run into the region of the Moors, others finally were absent accompanying foragers, the King guarding the camp with very few. In such a state of affairs a certain Moorish horseman, having gone out to spy, betook himself straight to the King's tent, simulating, by a fraud premeditated long before, that he wished to deliver himself and the citadel entrusted to him into his power. they dare not believe him: Thus benignly heard and received, he surveyed the camp secure; and all things being explored at pleasure, when he had found all so ill guarded, he took a lance; and a course toward the city being seized, he killed a certain crossbowman who met him. But when he approached the city, he began to vociferate immensely, that they should not delay to burst out upon the Christians, none of whom could escape their hands on account of their fewness. But all exhortation was in vain, and none daring to go out, even this time the peril was warded off from the Royal head.

[95] At another time it happened that the King had gone across the river to Master Pelagius, and had left the camp to be defended with little soldiery to the Infante Henry, and the Lords Laurence Xuarez and Arias Gonzales Quixada. very many having gone out, Axataf understanding this, with all his forces well numerous having gone forth from Hispalis, with vast din and clamor burst forth against the Christians, as if about to make an impression upon the camp with squadrons ordered for battle; hoping that the guards would be driven into flight by the mere terror of his coming. But the Infante Henry, with the aforesaid Leaders and that small band of soldiers, applying spurs to their horses, so ran upon the barbarians, that, God aiding them, they turned the whole multitude into flight: which seen, they generously pursued them, striking and slaying, until they thrust them back into the city. But before all who had gone out could hold the gates, they are routed by a few: charging into a cohort of fifty horsemen and a band of more than five hundred foot, they drove them into the river, to be slaughtered by the Christians who with their ships had occupied the bank: and so a great slaughter was made that day. * Yet because the Moors had been accustomed often to come with their ships thither, where the fleet of the Christians stood at anchor; it seemed to these to set an ambush in a certain density of shrubs, midway between the city and their army. The Moors therefore coming as they were wont, the Christians advancing upon them so long pursued the fleeing, until, about forty being slain, conquered and conquering in a naval fight, the rest betook themselves to safety. On another day they led their triremes into that very place, where the Christians had set the ambush before: who secure of all things as they were sailing past there, dismayed by the sudden coming and multitude of those bursting forth, were forced to seek flight back, and to make way by force, which without slaughter of about thirty men was not permitted them: thus like was rendered for like.

[96] But because the Christians vehemently feared for their ships from the Greek fire, which the Moors threw; they consulted King Ferdinand, to stakes fixed in the river-channel whether by any means they could remove the peril; who answered, that whatever remedy they had devised would succeed for them. They therefore fixed two very thick and very high beams in the middle of the river, where the ships of the Moors had to pass. Which being done, the Moors bearing it exceedingly ill, and seeing the passage cut off from them, tried to impede the matter; and so it came to pass, that at those beams daily contests were joined. But when on a certain day the Christians attended less to themselves, the Moors came in their skiffs, which they had well armed; and before they were observed, binding one of the beams with great ropes, and drawing it out from the bottom, there is often contention, they went off with great applause on account of the success. But Raymond Boniface, irritated by the injury and reproach done to his men, his triremes being taken well furnished, approached the very station of the Moorish ships, and avenged himself notably of them, many barbarians being slain and captured, and not fewer drowned; and he led off with him one larger ship of considerable value, with four smaller, himself suffering no loss of his men.

[97] In this manner daily between the Christians and the Moors the matter was conducted by land and water: but the Moors had a certain kind of crossbow, which carried such sure and strong shots, that the discharged dart would pass through a horseman, however much defended with heavy arms: and when they used it, the darts being shot into the ships of the Christians, they betook themselves off so swiftly, that the Christians could not overtake them; but doing this often they inflicted great terror and damage. the skiffs of those frequently running out, Seeing therefore his men sometimes return without fruit, Ferdinand commanded Raymond Boniface, that to the Moors about to come again he should set some ambush, and mock them if he could. He therefore commanded two vessels to be well furnished and to be filled with generous soldiery, and to be placed within a certain garden of Aycafa, on the part of the Axarafe, and to be hidden and covered with branches, so that they could not be seen: he ordered also the triremes to be ready, in support of the said vessels, whenever there should be need. These things being so disposed the Moors came in their skiffs, altogether secure and suspecting nothing of ambushes; yet when they came to the place of these, they halted there. The Christians therefore that they might draw them whither they wished beyond that place, sent one of their men, most skilled in Arabic, into the river, as if he were a Moor, they are drawn to the ambush set for them. who wished to escape by swimming to the skiffs. This one therefore vociferating in Arabic and crying out for aid, the Moors hastened to succor the same; and so they sailed past the place, where the Christians lay hidden. But these, the vessels being soon drawn into the water, began to follow those going ahead; and the triremes from the other part meeting the same, intercepted the Moors in the midst, vainly attempting return to the city. So one of the skiffs was captured, and the Moors coming in it all slain, except four whose life was preserved: but the second skiff, while the Christians are occupied in taking the other, hoped it could escape, but in vain: for upon this also the victors leaped, and the oars being cut off they hindered flight, and glad with double booty returned to the rest, no damage being received.

[98] To the marauders again advancing to the empty camp by pursuing Again further it happened that the soldiers being divided into various parts, namely to protect the foragers, to impede the convoy from being brought into the city, for some inroad upon the Moors, and finally to receive the Infante Alfonso coming from Murcia, the Royal camp remained almost desolate. On such an occasion ten Moorish horsemen coming from the Gazules, boldly entered toward the tent of the Prior of S. John; but found nothing to carry off, except a few cows wandering before it, which they straightway studied to drive away. But the Prior with some Brothers, perceiving the injury, arms being soon taken advanced and pursued the marauders; who, the cows being abandoned among the olive-groves, took flight. Then the Prior committed the recovered cows to a certain armiger to be led back by a hidden path; but he himself having followed the fleeing for some distance, was thinking of retreat; when he saw some of his foot, having advanced too far, in peril of life, if they were left alone. That he might gather these, advancing his horsemen, he fell into a place, where a hundred and fifty Moorish horsemen with much foot had hidden themselves secretly. Seeing therefore his retreat to the camp cut off, and so that he must either fight or die, the few Christians led to the ambush, although having with him only twenty horsemen and few foot, yet he charged generously upon the enemy: by whose multitude he would quickly have been overwhelmed, had not all his men with the same ardor likewise making an impression, snatched their leader from peril, one Knight Commander of Sietefilla and seven squires being lost. Then indeed the fight grew hot again, the more generous on the part of the Christians, the less hope there was of escaping the peril; and they did this only, that they might not die unavenged: wherefore of these in all twenty, of the Moors far more fell: until at length throughout the whole camp there was a cry for aid, to be brought to the Prior now captured or dead (as was believed). Then namely, the Bishop of Corduba D. Guiterius and D. Sancho Bishop of Coria having gone out among the first, with chosen Knights numerous enough, after a sharp and long fight they are aided by their men, at their hastened coming, the Moors began to look about for retreat, the Christians whom they had surrounded being let go; wherefore the arriving reinforcements, having overtaken only a few foot slower in flight, were content to have recovered the Prior safe not without some disaster.

[99] On another day D. Henry, with the Masters of Calatrava and Alcantara, They plunder the suburbs of Hispalis, and also D. Laurence Xuarez and the Prior of the Hospital of S. John, by common counsel having gone out by night to plunder the suburb called Benaljofar a, inflicted great damage on that place, a good part of it being burned, and not a few flocks and beasts of burden being led away, with much booty of garments and other things: though not without many wounds, which they received from the barbarians, of whom they wounded and slew very many, and so at length the victors returned into the camp. Again indeed the same Knights with the Infante Henry, carried by the nocturnal darkness into another suburb, called Macarena b, they take the Moors from an ambush, slew and struck very many Moors: and the place being partly burned and plundered, having returned with opulent booty, they left it desolate. But many incursions of this kind were made during the siege. Meanwhile King Ferdinand, having received to himself the Infante Alfonso, who summoned from Murcia had come, determined to move the camp nearer the city; and commanded the Infante to pitch within an olive-grove near the city, but he himself with the rest of the army stayed at Tablada: which the besieged bore exceedingly ill. So Alfonso, when he had pitched in the place prescribed to him, commanded his soldiers and the Aragonese sent by King James, to prepare what should seem expedient: who determined to set an ambush for the Moors about soon to break out, which also they did. And the Moors indeed (as was believed) ran out; but those who were set in the place of ambush, having gone out sooner than was fitting, nevertheless strongly did the matter; and when the Infante Alfonso had joined himself to them, all together followed the fugitives, slaughtering

and cutting down as far as the gates of the city. But the Aragonese, desiring some glory of their own, separated themselves from Alfonso, which by no means turned out well for them.

[100] the few rout the very many once Two months after the coming of the Infante Alfonso, there came with new forces also D. Diego Lopez de Haro: who excellently received, was ordered to pitch about the gate of Macarena, and Roderick Gonzales of Galicia was also ordered to join himself to the same. But the Moors seeing that the soldiers of these two Knights were not very numerous, more often burst out against them, daily provoking, yet always generously received. On a certain day therefore many horsemen of the Gazules the bravest Moors, with a fitting foot having advanced against D. Diego, with the same having gone out to the fight fought for some time with doubtful fortune; but at length, God granting the victory to the Christians, they were driven into flight; and although several times they turned themselves to resist, relying on their multitude and the fewness of the enemy, and again. yet again and again they were driven back as far as the gates of the city. But the Christians, many horses being obtained, returned rejoicing to their station. At another time again against the aforesaid two Knights there was sent out from the city all the strength of the Moors, and the line being well ordered they advanced to the fight: but the Christians awaited them having gone out to meet them, with no less confidence. But the Infante Alfonso, who, his station having been advanced beyond the designated place, had now proceeded across the river above Triana, seeing so great a multitude of Moors, advancing against those who were on the other bank; straightway, ships being boarded, hastened to cross to the aid of those in peril: which done, and the Moors not moving themselves further, there was quiet on both sides and the day was slipping away: wherefore the Christians moved first, but the Moors not daring to await them betook themselves into the city.

[101] At the same time and the siege lasting, the Almogavares c, who were in the camp of Ferdinand, each for his manly part wearied the Moors, now by open incursion laying waste the fields, the Almogavares fight with varying fortune, now doing the matter from ambush, with that fortune which is wont to be in sieges, while on both sides ingenuity and skill is bent to mutual damage. It happened therefore at one time, that to that place, where the Christians had set an ambush, Moors much more copious than they had expected approached. Wherefore seeing that they could with difficulty lie hidden, they generously went out to meet them; but the Moors made so strong an impetus upon them, that they compelled them to flee, twenty being lost. And so the Almogavares this time were conquered, but on other times afterward avenged themselves notably. The Master also of the Temple, in his station more often attacked by the Moors, the Templars act strongly: and so often wearied by repeated molestations, on a certain morning toward dawn went out, and placed himself in ambush with his men as near the city as he could. Into whose hands when the Moors saw themselves to have fallen, having gone out in their wonted manner, they tried indeed to betake themselves into the city; but they could not flee so quickly, but that they lost seven of their horsemen, and more than a hundred foot. And so it came to pass, that the barbarians often repulsed, remitted much of the confidence of going out, which at the beginning they used.

[102] The same Moors were also wont often to burst out through the gate of the Alcazar d, which is near the village now called of the Jews; and crossing by e the bridge of the Guadayra they attacked the camp of the Christians, Some pursuing the victory too hotly and many damages being daily inflicted they betook themselves to the bridge. With whom being indignant D. Laurence Xuarez, counsel being entered with Garcia Perez de Vargas and other Knights, that he might thenceforth deter them from undertakings of this kind, went out with the same to set an ambush. But while they went, he charged all, that if perchance it came to hands with the Moors, and it happened them to be put to flight, no one should run out beyond the bridge of the Guadayra; for it would come to pass that there they would perish, since from the scouts he had learned, that across that bridge, between the bridge f and the city, a great force of Moors had settled, which they could not resist if they entered the bridge. But this he said, wishing to try what Garcias Perez would do: and so they placed themselves about to await the Moors, in their wonted manner about to come across the bridge against the camp. When therefore they had come, and had passed the place of the ambush, those who lay hidden came forth upon the enemy, a signal being received from D. Laurence, leaping upon them so fiercely, that the Moors began to betake themselves across the bridge, Garcias Perez being left among the Moors the Christians pursuing thus far. But these making a stand here, the same Christians generously drove them across the bridge, many of the fleeing being drowned in the river. Further Laurence carried away by the sweetness of victory, had now come as far as the middle of the bridge, whence returning and looking behind his back, and perceiving Garcias Perez by no means following; he ran back to the bridge, and saw him mingled with the Moors in peril, four of them being already cast down from their horses.

[103] Then indeed Laurence, He has deceived us, he said, Garcias Perez, having advanced thither where we shall have need to use strenuous hands, if we wish to recover him safe. But fearing this, I had taken care that none of us should cross the bridge. Nevertheless, since he is now in that place, let us advance to his aid; for it would be a great disgrace to us, if so notable a Knight should through our fault be lost today. With these words they rushed against the Moors holding the bridge, they recover him with difficulty the enemy being slain. striking, slaughtering, and casting down the barbarians, of whom many given from the bridge into the river, others trying the passage from the bank by swimming, were all drowned; the rest their ranks being disordered exceedingly confusedly thrust themselves into the gate of the Alcazar, missing of their own this time more than three thousand men. But when the victorious Christians returned, Laurence Xuarez said to them, that he had not until then found one to whom he would wish to be held inferior in strength of mind and body, except Garcias Perez, who had made all that day act strongly. And from this time the Moors were no more at all daring to return to assail the camp of the Christians, but quiet contained themselves within the city.

ANNOTATA.

CHAPTER XVI.

The various fortune of the parties at the Trianan bridge and citadel.

[104] The Moors had a wooden bridge, laid over vessels, and exceedingly firmly connected with iron chains, The Trianan bridge of boats being destroyed, on that part by which there was crossing from the city to Triana: which bridge was of great convenience to the besieged; but being taken away could lead them to the utmost penury of all things. Ferdinand therefore, whose purpose was either to take the city or to die in its siege, considering all provision and all aid to come to the city through that bridge, and so the desired victory to be deferred, perhaps even that he would never gain it; into

counsel called Raymond Boniface and others experienced in maritime matters; and ordered them to devise a manner by which the bridge of Triana could be broken. After a long deliberation, first of all it pleased to take from the whole fleet two larger and firmer vessels, two vessels being prepared, and to furnish them with all necessary apparatus, and finally with sails spread to send them against the bridge. Raymond entered into one of them with a fitting number of his men: but the other those boarded whom the same Raymond had chosen for this: when about noon some little breeze rising, gave hope of the matter being well done. Intent on this the Christians let the aforesaid ships glide down the river some space, that taking thence from a greater interval an impetus, they might be more vehemently driven against the bridge.

[105] The day sacred to the holy Cross was passing and the month of May, on the feast of the Cross found, when the matter was to be attempted. King Ferdinand therefore ordered, for the ships about to serve the exaltation of the holy faith, ensigns to be placed marked with silken crosses: which when with sails stretched as much as the wind breathed they were carried up, suddenly the air grew still, and the wind remitting itself moved sadness to the Christians. But shortly another and that a stronger wind arose: by which driving the ships were carried forward, the Moors trying in vain to impede it, who arranged along the Sand-bank a with bows and crossbows and slings and engines of every kind threw greater and lesser darts, they accomplish the matter. which same was done by the guards of the golden Tower, and from the other bank by the Trianan garrison: but with little damage on both sides. And so the first ship, which was carried along the side of the sand-bank, was driven against the bridge; but the vessel with which it struck being shattered, it could not break and burst through the bridge itself. But this did the other ship, in which Raymond Boniface was carried, with great applause of the Christians beholding the matter from afar; of whom King Ferdinand, wishing the bridge being now broken to prepare a safe retreat for the aforesaid ships, with his son Alfonso and many Knights and numerous soldiery, made an impetus upon the Moors sitting on the sand-bank, and thrust all back into the city. Thenceforth the Moors began altogether to distrust their affairs, the hope also of all further succor being cut off with the bridge.

[106] But the King, with his son and the Masters of the Orders and the whole army, moved against Triana, Triana itself besieged and began to batter it on every part; for there had come thither by the river also Raymond Boniface with the whole fleet. Nevertheless the Christians, both by water and by land, suffered great inconveniences from the stones and arrows, continuously and thickly shot upon them from the castle: which perceiving Ferdinand, and that it could not for the time be guarded against by him, gave the signal for retreat. Wishing nevertheless to obtain the place, which would otherwise make a delay to the victory hoped for over the city, he sent out the Infante Alfonso and his other sons, D. Frederick and D. Henry, to survey the castle more nearly: who having executed their father's commands, ordered hurdles and mantelets to be made, by which the soldier protected might come up to the wall. There accompanied them the Master of Ucles, D. Roderick Gomez, and D. Roderick Flores, Alfonso Tellez and Peter Ponce, who took their station at Triana near the river, and the whole army soon came up to the same place: and part began to attack the castle by open force, part to lead a mine to it. But that effort could not lie hidden from the men of Triana: wherefore a mine being driven from the contrary side they met the diggers of the Christians, and intended upon every peril so vigilantly, that the Christians ceased to attempt the mines profiting nothing. Further the Moors of Triana, it is assailed in vain. who through the bridge now broken could hope for no aid, the necessary apparatus for sustaining the siege being collected from all the surrounding region, did not despond here in spirit: but with frequent eruptions wearied the besiegers, and by throwing darts and stones with their crossbows which they had most strong and with slings, inflicted no small harm. King Ferdinand therefore judged, that he had need of mural engines and machines for advancing the assault: which being prepared and brought up, the castle was indeed strongly battered: but the Moors, using their own machines against, tried either to impede the adverse ones or even to break them: often also bursting out and soon betaking themselves off, they not unhappily deceived their adversaries, drawn by the ardor of fighting and pursuing the enemy nearer to the fortifications, from which it was not easy to return without damage, however cautiously it was done. And in this manner the time was drawn out at the castle, some striving to storm it, others to defend it.

[107] Meanwhile to the camp came a certain noble, of those whom they call Infanzones b: who beholding there a Knight, A certain man indignant at Garcias Perez on account of the shield-cognizance; using the same military cognizance as himself, namely white and blue waves, came to another Knight, indignant that anyone of lesser condition used the same cognizance as himself, and saying that he would compel him to abdicate it. To whom he who was questioned answered, and the same affirmed others present, that he should well and again consider what he was undertaking. For that Knight, they said, although in exterior habit he seems despicable, is Garcias Perez de Vargas, a Knight honored and placed in dignity, and wondrously generous and strong in arms, who if he understands thy words, thou wilt not easily escape his hands: for he so avails in arms, that the other Knights willingly yield him the first place. These things heard he being ashamed kept silent: but the matter, by whose telling I know not, came to the ears of Garcias Perez, who dissembled that he knew anything. But on a certain day, the same fighting strongly against the Moors when together at the barriers of the camp he and that Noble, and some other Knights, were on watch; the Moors having gone out from Triana, some of the Christians being slain, were coming toward those Knights themselves, one before the rest going ahead and showing, that he demanded some one of them to single combat. This seen, Garcias Perez set spurs to his horse, and struck the Moor with so happy a blow, that he laid him on the ground: then the rest likewise advancing upon the Moors, drove them as far as under the citadel. Here indeed the fight grew hot, the fewness of the Christians being perceived, so that it lasted almost the whole day. But the matter was conducted with strong blows on both sides, with lances, swords and clubs, while meanwhile from the citadel a most dense rain of arrows and stones was sent upon the Christians, of whom indeed many were hurt, but far more of the Moors slain: and so these being driven within the citadel, those returned victors into the camp.

[108] Vast deeds that day had Garcias Perez done, and so many and great blows had he received on his shield, and the cognizance abolished in the conflict being mentioned, that he carried it back almost wholly shattered, and of the cognizance of the waves painted on it nothing more appeared. Seeing therefore the aforesaid Infanzon, standing at the barriers of the camp in the same place, where he had left him (for he had not moved thence) Lord, he said, Knight, in such places do I lay aside the cognizance of the waves, which is wiped out in the manner thou seest: if it please, at another time, when the Moors return, let us both together go out to meet them; there it will appear which of us more deserves to bear those waves. That sermon was not pleasing to that Knight, now for some time repenting of the words rashly said by him; and now he feared, lest he himself should be compelled to lay aside his own waves; wherefore with a modest voice he answered: and provoking to a like experiment, Lord Knight, the waved cognizance well befits thee, and much grace it receives from thee, and will henceforth be in greater esteem: I beseech thee, that as a generous man, such as thou art, thou pardon me, if I have spoken anything against thee before I had knowledge. Benignly, what that one now well humbled asked, Garcias indulged; and received thanks from his suppliant, much rejoicing, that he had redeemed his fault for so little. But D. Laurence Xuarez knew the matter done and related it to King Ferdinand, vehemently approving the deed, inasmuch as to him Garcias was for some time known: he is confounded. but soon being published throughout the whole camp, it brought no small confusion to that Noble; for everywhere he was hooted, and asked, what had happened to him with Garcias Perez.

[109] At the same time D. Arias Archbishop of S. James came into the camp, and chose his station about c the Tagarete; and soon began to fall sick both he himself and his companions. The Moors infesting the station of the Archbishop of Compostella, The Moors therefore, seeing him so far set apart from the others, more frequently ran in upon him, and inflicted great damages. This knowing D. Peter Ponce, D. Roderick Flores, and D. Alfonso Tellez; and reckoning it uncourteous and by no means to be borne, that against the sick Archbishop the Moors acted so insolently; conspired to build them ambushes. Wherefore the leaders of the ways being summoned, of whom one was Dominic Muñoz, most experienced in them, and the same a strong and generous man; they took with them some cavalry of the forces of the Infante D. Alfonso, that small but good; and disposed themselves conveniently, and to draw the Moors about to come to them exposed the sheep of the Archbishop. When therefore the barbarians came, and beheld the sheep somewhat set apart from the station, passing through the place of the ambush, they began to drive them away: but those who lay hidden going forth, the booty being abandoned they took flight as each could. they are chastised. But the Christians pursuing them, striking and slaughtering, so chastised them, that very many fell on the spot, and among them fifty Gazule horsemen of the more generous (for of these were they who had come forth) but of foot up to five hundred: and more would have perished, had not the Christians come forth from their ambush so quickly.

[110] The guards of the foragers attacked by the same The horsemen of King Ferdinand were wont, by turns and by their cohorts to go out to guard the foragers, according to the order appointed by the King. On a certain day therefore, when the turns of guard had fallen to Diego Sanchez and Sebastian Gutierrez, they went out with twenty horsemen: but a hundred and fifty Moorish horsemen, having gone out from Xerez, saw them; and the fewness of the Christians being despised, rushed upon them. Who gathered into a circle, defended themselves in the best way they could, the Moors pressing all around, and all but overwhelming with the multitude of darts and arrows. But it profited the Christians the counsel, by which the missiles thrown at them they broke all, did not hurl them back at the enemy: yet both leaders were hurt, of whom Sebastian Gutierrez at once expired; but Diego Sanchez would by no means have escaped, they hardly escape the peril of death. had he not been faithfully aided by his men. But these feeling themselves so strongly pressed, several times made an impetus upon the enemy: and so pertinacious was the fight on both sides, because to neither was aid coming, that it held almost the whole day. But all the Christians, fatigued by too much labor, would have been slaughtered or captured, had not at length, the fame of the fight being heard in the Royal camp, there been a going to aid: which seen the Moors betook themselves off, and shut themselves within the walls before those who followed could overtake them. At another time it happened, that the horsemen designated to protect the foragers, went out too late, and those going ahead fell upon the Moors: who about two hundred men being slain, led away many beasts of burden, before the arriving garrison could reach them

them.

[111] A Moorish horseman d, a pilgrim by vow, had entered Andalusia, A feigned deserter is frustrated of his hope. about to be a helper to the Moors of Hispalis: who seeing them so closely besieged, devised some manner of vengeance to be taken upon the Christians by fraud, and communicated it with the chief men of the besieged. This being approved, he sent to the Infante Alfonso one who should announce, that he would deliver to him two towers which he held, only let him come quickly to occupy them. Suspect to Alfonso was Moorish faith; and therefore not daring to go himself, he sent for himself D. Peter de Guzman with some horsemen; whom the Moors straightway destined to slaughter: but D. Peter the fraud being recognized, spurs being set to his horse, betook himself off most swiftly and others after him; the Moors pursuing, and overtaking one, who had less quickly extricated himself from them, whom also they killed: of the rest they were frustrated of their wishes and ambushes. * Further King Ferdinand, the daily conflicts of the parties. seeing the Archbishop of S. James fall sick, sent him, with the greater part of his men equally sick, back to his own land to be cured; and to his station passed Master D. Pelagius Correa f with his men, near the walls of the city: for thus far this was straitened, nor could the Moors go out save by swimming: yet not on that account did the men of Hispalis and of Triana cease to commune between themselves to and fro, the Christians not being able to close the waters. King Ferdinand bore this exceedingly ill, and was much anguished, that he could neither cut off that commerce and the communion of mutual protection and aid, nor obtain Triana by fighting. Raymond Boniface therefore being called into counsel and the rest skilled in nautical matters, he deliberated about closing that passage, and to that end wished the sand-bank to be occupied, his triremes being brought up thither. But the Moors soon poured themselves forth in so great force to meet them, to prohibit the passage, that nothing could be accomplished the whole day.

ANNOTATA.

CHAPTER XVII.

The surrender of the city of Hispalis and its description.

[112] King Ferdinand frustrated of his expectation concerning the passage, The Moor Oria being captured had proclaimed, that he would bestow rewards on him, who could impede him. When therefore on a certain day Orias and certain other Moors had crossed from Hispalis to Triana without any obstacle, they did not find the return so unimpeded: since Raymond Boniface had set himself against them, with ships and skiffs well armed. Which seen, despairing of return to their own Orias and those who were with him, asked to be brought to a colloquy with the King. But he to hear them sent Roderick Alvarez: and brought the first condition proposed by them on the part of Axataf, there is treating of the surrender of the city. that he should deliver the citadel of Hispalis to Ferdinand, but the money wont to be paid yearly to Miramolinus, he and Axataf should divide; and so the Moors should be permitted to remain in the city. But the King, who held them so closely constrained, would not even hear a condition of that kind: wherefore others a the Moors offered him, which he equally rejected; wishing altogether the city to be left free for him by them. Then at last they asked that it might be permitted them to return, with their children, wives, and faculties: but that if any wished to pass to the King's soldiery, they should be received into it: and to this condition the King not unwillingly consented. They asked then, that it might be lawful for them to level to the ground the greater Mosque: which the King left to the judgment of his son Alfonso: but he answered, that if they cast down even a single tile thence, he would not leave alive either Moor or Mooress from the whole city. Then they besought that at least it might be lawful for them to demolish the tower, for which they would build another: but to this also Alfonso answered, that even for one little brick removed he would slay all the Moors. Therefore the Moors seeing that nothing was gained by these things, which being concluded the King obtains the city Nov. 23, promised that within seven days they would deliver the city emptied. And so the King obtained the city on the day of S. Clement the 23rd b of November in the year 1248. The conditions of the surrender to be made being confirmed, straightway the Alcazar c was delivered to the King, and the Moors asked of him the space of one month, and the Moors having gone forth, in which they could sell what should be pleasing. But this being obtained, and the furniture being sold which they wished to be rid of, and the price received, they delivered the keys of the city to the King, about to make it free and empty; to whom the King commanded that to those going by sea ships and triremes d should be assigned, but to those departing by land beasts of burden and guards should be furnished, who should set them safe where they had chosen. e But there went forth toward Xerez by land journey three hundred thousand men, whom as far as Xerez the Master of Calatrava accompanied.

[113] But the noble King Ferdinand himself, whose so many illustrious deeds the present History relates, enters it Dec. 22, entered Hispalis the most noble of the cities of Andalusia on the feast of the Translation f of S. Isidore, formerly Bishop of Hispalis, the 22nd of December; received with a solemn procession by the Bishops and very much Clergy, and the common gratulation of those praising God and blessing, on account of the favors bestowed on the King, and so great victories granted over the enemies of the Christian faith. But the King having entered into the church of S. Mary, a certain noble Prelate D. Guiterius, Elect g of Toledo, celebrated Mass: which being finished the King went to his citadels, accompanied by all the Magnates; and keeping a feast-day there with them, celebrated it with all signs of joy. after infinite labors of 16 months, Further it is incredible with how great labors and watchings the winning of the aforesaid city stood Ferdinand; with how great perils and hardships, in so many battles, inroads, skirmishes; in bringing to his camp the convoy of all provisions, and cutting it off from the enemies; amid very many deaths of his men, frequent defects of necessary things, the almost daily assaults of the Moors, and the grave diseases spread through the army, which were generated by the most intense heat, so inflaming the air, that the bodies of all flowed with sweat, long fatigued and weakened by the works of the camp. But the same King had a camp like a populous city, in a most ordered camp, from the things brought in. distributed into squares and streets; so that to each kind of craftsmen there was its special habitation, in which were named weavers, and money-changers, and spice-dealers, and apothecaries, and bridle-makers: likewise fish-markets and meat-markets: so that whoever saw them, could say, that he had beheld nothing more ordered, opulent and noble than that camp, not even in the most powerful cities. For so fixed there stuck the army, with women, infants, and domestic furniture, as if it were to be inhabited there perpetually: for all knew, that King Ferdinand had a purpose, nay a vow, in all the time of his life never to depart unless the city were taken: and the certain persuasion of the constancy of the Royal will in whatever undertaking, had made men flow in from everywhere, and there so fixedly remain.

[114] Sixteen months the blessed King expended on that work: and indeed he reaped the worth of his labor. For Hispalis is in circuit most ample, To the City furnished with most ornate towers, in condition the most noble city of the whole region: whose walls most high, most ample and very strong, are adorned with towers beautifully disposed and elegantly wrought. The outer wall also is of such a kind, that any city would believe itself by that alone exceedingly well walled. On the bank of the river from the waters themselves a tower rises, called the Golden, on account of the most lovely appearance with which it shines. But of the tower of S. Mary what shall we say, since on its adornment all human industry seems to have been consumed? But it is sixty feet wide, two hundred forty high. The interior stairs, by which it is ascended, rise with steps so ample and level, that Kings, Queens, and Magnates can ascend it on a mule or horse. Above this tower another lesser one is eminent, only eighty feet high, but built with admirable workmanship: above which four brazen balls or spheres stand step-wise, so that the smallest holds the highest place, the second somewhat greater; under these the third is greater still: which although all are most beautiful, nor perhaps have their like anywhere, yet the fourth and lowest, as in magnitude so also in elegance surpasses the rest. For it is distinguished as it were by twelve channels, each of five palms' breadth; so that when this machine was to be brought into the city, and none of the gates was ample enough to receive it, a wider entrance had to be opened: but when it is illuminated by the solar rays, it shows itself to be seen more than a day's journey distant.

[115] Many other ornaments besides and prerogatives this city has, and noble with the commerce of the whole world, common to few: for to it and almost under its walls there put in ships carried from everywhere from Tangier, Ceuta, Tunis, Bugia, Alexandria, Genoa, Lusitania, England, Pisa, Bordeaux, Bayonne, Catalonia, Sicily, Gascony, Aragon, France, and other regions across the sea, both of Moors and of Christians, who there all reckon some inhabitants of their nation.

It abounds besides so in oil, that by land and sea it suffices even for great regions, and contains other innumerable riches: and in its district are numbered a hundred thousand farms, besides the harbors, whence a vast revenue comes yearly. Finally this victory was of the more memorable, which ever in so short a time were related in the world: to which it can be believed gave cause, first and chiefly the indulgence of divine favor toward His servant, the noble and blessed King D. Ferdinand: then the singular fidelity of the best subjects toward the same, because no King ever had so good and so obsequious ones, as Ferdinand his Castilians; since their very nation by its own nature is most faithful to its Kings, above any other whatever; whose probity would that God carry forward further, and raise to the increase of His own honor!

[116] But that most noble city was obtained in the year of the Lord 1248 n on the day of S. Clement, that is the 23rd of November: and afterward the noble King Ferdinand obtained many other cities and regions, the holy King orders the state of the church and polity. and joined them to his empire; subjecting to himself Kings and kingdoms, which subjected themselves to him by clientelary right, paying tributes and tolls as to a Lord: for whatever this side of the sea on the part of Castile the Moors possess, came into his power. But the first work of the King here was, to restore the long-vacant Episcopal See, to the honor of God and His Mother, to whom the church itself is dedicated; to establish in it Canonries and other Dignities, exceedingly well founded; to endow it with many possessions of towns and villages remarkable for opulence, besides the vast treasure, which he gave to its first Archbishop o, Raymond. Ecclesiastical matters being so well disposed, he also constituted the political state excellently, placing in the city inhabitants of all orders and conditions, to whom he distributed houses and estates liberally; summoning also masters of all arts and crafts, and to each kind assigning one by one their streets; inviting also lettered and learned men p; finally caring for all those things, which can adorn and ennoble any city. Likewise he commanded the surrounding territory to be inhabited and cultivated: and fortified and furnished the city with great privileges, in which they should rejoice in future, both those who should come thither to dwell, and those whom he placed there from the beginning, on account of the faithful service rendered to him in the time of the siege.

ANNOTATA.

Upon each were placed four brazen globes: Likewise Morgado says of the Tower of Morocco, that above its summit were elevated four golden orbs pierced through by an iron axis, of which the lowest held eight Hanegas of wheat, the second four, the third two, the fourth one. But the Spanish Hanega is today said to hold twelve Almegas or

Roman modii. Further Morgado testifies, that by a certain vast earthquake the axis was broken, into which those vast orbs were inserted, on the day of S. Bartholomew in the year 1374: and that this ruin was repaired by Archbishop Ferdinand de Valdes, at his own and the Chapter's expense, beyond the 250 feet which from the beginning the tower had, by raising it to another 100 feet, which after the third and fourth zone of the new work end in a most ornate pyramid, on which resting a brazen sphere gilded of five feet height, sustains an image of Victory, likewise of bronze cast and gilded, of four and a half ells. Concerning which matter there is read sculptured on a stone in that place a title, composed by the Canon Francis Pacheco in this sense:

SACRED TO ETERNITY.

for which a Victory placed above, To the great Mother the Virgin Preserver; to the holy Pontiffs Isidore and Leander; to Ermenegild the Prince, pious, happy; to the Virgins of inviolate chastity and manly constancy, Justa and Rufina, the Tutelary Saints; this Tower, of Punic structure and admirable mass, and once raised to 250 feet, into a more august aspect, with accurate and more splendid work, an additional most laborious top of a hundred feet, under the auspices of Ferdinand Valdes, a most pious Prelate, with a title witnessing the restoration in the year 1559. the Fathers of the Hispalensian Church took care to be restored at vast expense: on which, for matters of piety excellently composed, the enemies of the Roman Church being diminished as to the head and removed, they ordered to be imposed a colossus of the victorious faith, versatile for catching all the weathers of the sky for the sake of the tempest: the work being completed, in the year of restored salvation 1569, Pius V being Pontiff Best Greatest, Philip II August Catholic Pious, Happy, Victor, Father of the country, the Lords of affairs.

p Not he himself however, but his successor son, instituted the University or Academy.

PARERGON V.

To the four preceding Chapters.

From the Spanish of Spinosa, Zúñiga, and others.

§. I. The devotion of the holy King toward the Mother of God, during the siege confirmed by a notable miracle.

[117] The Licentiate Paul de Spinosa, Presbyter and citizen of Hispalis, began to publish the History, antiquities, and great deeds of his country in the year 1627; From a more recent writer in part 1 book 4 and last of which he treats of the recovery of the city by the holy King Ferdinand. There that Paul narrates not a few things, either unknown or passed over by the author of the Chronicle, chiefly intent on relating warlike successes. And since he relates accurately enough the sources from which he drew each thing, it has seemed good to gather all into one Appendix, to be subjoined to the narration of the recovery of Hispalis; and to leave to the judgment of the prudent reader, what credit he reckons ought to be given to each. And first fol. 148 from an old parchment of the Church of Hispalis, kept in the King's chapel, he asserts the same which the Lessons have, to be recited at Matins in the dedication of the Hispalensian Church on the 11th day of July, and approved by the Congregation of Rites in the year 1590. Namely how the King besieged Hispalis, stirred to that expedition by S. Isidore Bishop of Hispalis through a vision, namely that the most holy Prelate would take care that his Church, already for so many ages profaned by the infidels, should be restored to Christ. Yet with prudent caution there is added in the said Lessons, As is reported; that namely it may be understood that this is not established from certain monuments of coeval authors, but only received by constant tradition: as also that the pious King, both at other times, and in that war, of the Virgin Mother of God (whose sacred image of venerable Majesty wherever he went in the army he led with him, the devotion of the saint toward the B. V. is proved. and prosecuted with wondrous devotion and honor) felt the present help not once.

[118] But the aforesaid parchment, says Paul, containing some miracles of the holy King, was transcribed by the Licentiate Francis Pacheco, Chief Chaplain of the Royal Chapel and Canon of that same holy church, of which the copy I have had, communicated by a certain Magnate of this Kingdom. Would that in its original words, whose ancient image in the city, Spanish or Latin (for in what language it was written is not expressed) Paul had taken care to exhibit that parchment to his Reader, or that inserted into the summary of the Processes there should be found noted the miracles, as others are noted below to be given from the old book Flos-Sanctorum. Meanwhile from that parchment Paul had brought fol. 134, that after the conflagration of that fiery engine (about which prepared for the destruction of the Christian fleet it was said num. 39) the pious King about to give thanks for so singular a benefit to God and the Mother of God, to whom he referred it as received, betook himself into his tent, and prostrated himself before the image of the Virgin in prayer. But the next morning toward sunrise going out from the camp without a sword, he advanced in prayer as far as the circuit of the walls of the city, and crossing them as far as the Cordubensian gate, he entered through the same; and came to where is the place of the punishment of the Martyrs, and prayed before the Marian image, which from antiquity they call the Ancient: and the whole city being crossed, conspicuous to none of the Moors, he went out through the Xeritan gate: and coming into his tent, and laying aside his upper garment for the sake of taking rest, he found himself to be without a sword: whence is understood the fervor of ecstatic prayer, by which he was carried away in all that journey.

[119] Doctor Jerome de Gudiel, by art a Physician, who in the year 1577 at Alcala published in the vulgar tongue a Compendium of some Histories of Spain, in which both other antiquities more worthy of memory are related, and especially is illustrated the family of the Girons) chapter 11 says he saw the same case in another ancient Ms. about Spanish matters and antiquities, set forth in this tenor of words. The holy King seeing the siege drawn out long, and imputing it to his sins, and therefore vehemently afflicted, poured forth continual prayers to God and the glorious Virgin His mother, before the image which today is called of the Kings, and which he led about with him; supplicating that He would not regard his sins, but the holy zeal, by which impelled he had undertaken so arduous a siege. To him doing this one whole night it was answered, that he should take courage, for he would quickly gain the desired fruit of his glorious labor. But the King rising in the morning, walked as far as the city, the same entering it in ecstasy, had adored, not seen by his men; and through one of the gates, which between the Golden Tower and the Xeritan gate appears closed, he entered in; where they say, his sword fell from him not noticing it: and coming as far as the greater Mosque, he venerated the image which they call the Ancient, and which he found there, where even now it stands: and through the same gate having returned into the tent, he found there the sword which had fallen from him. The same morning D. Peter de Guzman and D. Peter Ponce, not finding the King in the tent, searched the whole camp, until they came to the tents of the Lords Roderick Gonzalez Giron and Diego Lopez de Haro. Who suspecting the King to have entered the city, entered themselves also through the gate of Macarena, seeking him as far as the greater Mosque. Whither when very many Moors had run up, a sharp fight arose there for them; in which, God protecting them, having advanced as far as the Xeritan gate, through the same they returned to the camp; in which they found the King, sound and cheerful, and rejoiced. These things related, Aptly, says Zúñiga, Gudiel subjoins: If that last deed was poetically feigned of Roderick Giron and his companions, aptly the author of that invention chose the person to whom he should ascribe it. We know however also in the winning of the city of Granada, on an occasion not unlike, something similar was done by Ferdinand del Pulgar. Then Spinosa continuing, Others, he says, authors say, that one whole night insisting on fervent prayer the King, and returning had found himself to have been unarmed. asked of God that there be granted him entrance into the city of Hispalis, to introduce thither the holy faith of Christ, and to visit the Marian image of great religion, which some name from the Column; because it stood at the column of a certain fountain, at the meeting of the Genoese and Marine streets: but some assert it was that miraculous image, which is called the Ancient, and was within the very Mosque of the Moors, honored by these, adored by the Christians. Afterward, they say, the King rose, as in ecstasy, by reason of the attention and fervor of spirit; and unobserved came out of the tent, and the field of Tablada being crossed as long as it was, went round the wall as far as the Cordubensian gate, and that field in which the Moors were wont to take the capital punishment of the Christians, thence called the Beheading-place of the Martyrs. Hence he was led, no one seeing, into the city by an Angel, as far as the place of the image: which being adored, the King went out through the Xeritan gate: and having entered into the tent, perceived the peril in which he had been, being without a sword.

[120] This threefold narration of that ecstatic pilgrimage, one as much in the substance of the fact, as various in the circumstances, what penances did he use during the siege? I believe Spinosa therefore proposed; that by the plurality of witnesses, not altogether recent, he might make of such a thing about the holy King the credibility, the faith of tradition, at least popular; which, although it rarely transmits anything entire and unvaried to the memory of posterity, is yet not altogether to be despised, as long as no graver reason resists to the contrary. And of this kind are those things which the same Author adds, that the King was wont thrice in the week, as long as the siege lasted, to flagellate himself by night to a copious effusion of blood; but when there was to be fighting, to wear a hair-cloth cross, rough with iron points, over the naked flesh, which embraced the breast and arms: that he had also in the army Priests, who should preach to the soldiers penance and the exercise of virtues. But less probably this also is added, that among those Priests the chief were blessed Fr. Dominic, a most holy man, disciple and companion of the glorious Patriarch Dominic, Confessor of the King, and joined to him as companion, the thaumaturge Father Fr. Peter Gonzalez, whom Christopher Nuñez asserts, the Chaplain of the Royal Chapel,

in a certain history written by him about the singular matters of the city of Hispalis, foretold many things to the holy King in the time of this siege, which the outcome demonstrated true. We treated April 15 of S. Peter Gonzalez, and there we noted at num. 15 of the Life letter d, that he died seven years earlier, than the siege was begun; but now there occurs also another error of the same Life to be noted, by which the same Peter is said the city being taken to have accompanied the King, returned to his royal city: for Ferdinand no more returned into Castile, either alive or dead. Of Fr. Dominic, the companion of Peter Gonzalez, I should doubt none the less, whether he ever was in Castile, much less in Baetica: see meanwhile what I noted of him at the Life of B. Peter num. 4 letter b. But what Lauretus book 2 page 63 says was done by the same in the camp of Ferdinand concerning a harlot soliciting to wickedness, whom he invited to lie with him on a pyre; this others and more probably in the camp of the King of Lusitania; Leander Albertus page 180, says was done in the Court of the King of the Gauls; unless perhaps it is an error, and it ought to be read of the Portuguese. and B. Dominic his companion, The same Lauretus book 1 page 347 names Dominic Mugnoz, and says he was the Confessor of the holy King, which I should wish to see more certainly proved, especially by him who presently on the following page 349, little mindful of himself, ascribes the title of Royal Confessor, for the same time of the city occupied, to Don Raymond de Lezana Bishop of Segovia. Likewise I should wish more certainly proved, the presence asserted by the same Lauretus of S. Peter of Nolasco in the same camp. For I vehemently fear, and S. Peter Nolasco? lest it have any other foundation, than that this Saint (as in the Life published by us is read January 29 num. 18) having set out from Barcelona to the Camp of James King of Aragon, in the same year in which Hispalis was besieged pressing Valencia, is said to have entered the city with him, namely on the 28th day of September, on which it, from the prediction of the same Saint, who long since had prayed God for this, was surrendered to the Christians. Yet the fame of the Convent founded at Valencia could have moved the holy King, to summon Peter also to Hispalis, to do the same there. The holy Founder could also have accompanied of his own accord those Aragonese whom, Valencia being occupied, King James is understood to have sent to Ferdinand at the siege of Hispalis in its last month, from their less happy success num. 99. But Bernard de Vargas is alleged in the Chronicle of his Order, introducing the Saint speaking thus to the Saint; Take care, not only of the building of the church and convent; but also that your Brothers pray God for me, while I live; and also for my soul, after death: for I know excellently, how pleasing to God are your holy prayers, as well as your good works.

§. II. On the Marian images, brought into Hispalis by the holy King.

[121] Wont to lead about the image of the Mother of God, Roderick the Toletan relates book 8 chapter 10, and from him the Lessons of July 11 at the feast of the Triumph of the Holy Cross among the Spaniards, that in the often-mentioned fight of the Christians at the Navas of Tolosa against the Saracens, there was on the banners of the Christian Kings, of Castile, Aragon and Navarre, an image of the B. Mary Virgin, who was ever the guardian and patroness of the Toletan province and of all Spain: at whose coming, that wonderful battle-line and innumerable throng, which hitherto remained immovable enough, and had resisted our men rebelling, slain with swords, put to flight with lances, conquered with blows, turned their backs. This religion of his ancestors and namely of his maternal Grandfather the holy King imitating, the image of the same Virgin, not indeed inserted into his banner (for this, as is described below, is marked only with the ensigns of Castile and Leon) but with greater apparatus he had, and when he went in the army led it with him, ever experiencing the present help, both in all other wars, and most in this of Hispalis, as the Lessons of the Dedication of Hispalis alleged above num. 117 testify, and the same prosecute the argument begun thus: The city being taken, Ferdinand, referring the happy victory, not to himself, but to God and His most holy Mother as received; the said image, placed in the appearance of one triumphing on a most ornate litter, the same triumphant he brings into the city: he caused to be brought to the temple, which was to be dedicated to her name. With this solemnity of triumph the same most sacred image of the Virgin, with a splendid procession of Bishops and Priests, standards and legions going before, the King and the company of Nobles following last, was brought into the city and placed in the temple: which already by Guiterius Archbishop of Toledo had been purged of the filth of superstition, and restored to Christian worship. Then indeed the same Toletan Prelate dedicated the church, in the presence of the Bishops and an innumerable multitude of peoples; with solemn ceremony to God in the title and honor of the most blessed Virgin Mary: whose venerable image, with many Relics of the Saints, the King took care to be placed there.

[122] This therefore is that, which as once in the Old Chapel of the Kings, so also today in the new, occupies the chief altar, having worked many miracles through it, at the head of the Patriarchal Church of Hispalis, as will appear below, where the form of that Chapel will be proposed. Now it is enough that the image itself be exhibited to be beheld in its silver tabernacle, in which also it is carried about. To the same image as anciently common with the holy King himself honor was paid, so to both commonly were referred as received the old miracles, to be proposed below at the beginning of the Posthumous Glory. This also indicates the Title, prefixed to the ancient Legend in these words: The Life and miracles of the glorious King D. Ferdinand, who obtained Hispalis; and to whom, by means of a certain most devout sculpted image, which he led about with him, our Lord did and does great miracles in his time and until today. On occasion of such miracles that very image of the Mother of God our William Gumppenberg related in his Marian Atlas, containing twelve centuries of miraculous images of the whole world, where from the Memorial or Life of S. Ferdinand written by John de Pineda, he has thus: where even now it is in honor, The report is that two statues of the Mother of God were brought to Hispalis by King Ferdinand. One is of silver, and is worshiped at the chief altar of the highest temple; the other, of wood and of just stature, sits, and holds the boy Jesus in its hands. This from the Kings has its name, either because it is in the Royal Chapel, or because by King Ferdinand against the Moors it was always placed among the first ranks of the soldiers: and the constant report relates, that in the storming of the city of Hispalis, King Ferdinand was taught by the Virgin, by what means he should overthrow the engines of the Moors.

[123] These things he at image 241: he then adds: So great today is the honor of this holy Statue, not however as painted by Angels, that by the Royal ministers Garrison Guards are constituted, whom they call kings of Arms. These robed with a silver club stand before the doors. From the chambers of the Mother of God, as to an Empress, all the noblest of the virgins are chosen: to all whom by Royal diploma these offices are assigned. Further so great in clothing this holy Statue is the religion, that this office is not permitted save to Canons. But these things compared with the preceding, make us believe, that the fifth Witness in the Neapolitan Process on art. 26 alleged in the Summary, used an exceedingly confused memory, when he said, that when there had appeared to the holy King a certain image of the Mother of God with a little child, promising victory in conflicts; he wishing a likeness to be made of the image shown to him, summoned several painters: of whom none could satisfy his wish, according to the lineaments which he had impressed on his memory; at last two were offered, who undertook the work, and shut together in one place completed it within some days: which perhaps was said of the Ancient, but the work being completed they were found no more, and therefore were believed to have been Angels: and this he says is devoutly kept under the altar in the Royal chapel: and so he both had often seen it, and received it from the ancient tradition of his parents. Indeed that it is not a painted, but a sculpted image; not below, but above the altar placed, ought to seem beyond controversy. But I see what deceived the man, a stranger to Spain, and in good (which is to be presumed) faith, relating things seen and heard, as he remembered. There is in the same Hispalensian church another image mentioned above, not brought, but found at Hispalis by the Holy King, and held in greatest veneration; they call it the Ancient, and it is in Gumppenberg Image 381, painted on a wall, in stature half again the human, of most beautiful form, so that it is a miracle that among the greater there was a painter so excelling in such art: and what is more wondrous than the wondrous itself, to this very day it is both entire, and has suffered no damage at all either of form or of colors, however much the Moors, to whom fame celebrates it to be more ancient, beautiful to a miracle, applied mattocks and hammers to wipe it out. The garment is wholly gilded, the worship even today vast; perpetual lamps burn in the chapel, which is most august, at no hour of the day do you approach the sacred place, but a way must be made for you through a crowded people. Almost all things surpass the litanic prayers, which we call Lauretan, and on any Sabbath, the whole Clergy assisting, the musicians of the Cathedral temple sing together, with no less piety than majesty.

[124] All the same things about the aforesaid image we have a hundred years ago printed in Morgado, book 4 chapter 10; and in the year 1578 translated, who adds that it formerly stood at the right hand of the chapel, but not so long ago (Zúñiga, who describes the matter more fully, notes the year 1578, the 18th of November) by Archbishop Christopher, with the greatest ingenuity and effort it was translated, into that place where it now is, together with all that part of the most firm wall, on which it is formed. Nor yet does that seem to have been the first translation: for when it was taken from the former place, it appeared clearly, that that part of the wall was not built with the rest of the wall, but received from elsewhere, and inserted there. And this is altogether most probable; both because the Moors must have destroyed all things to the ground, that they might build their new Mosque from the foundations, and because it is more credible that it was found by the Holy King outside the Mosque itself, than within the same, to which the Christians would not have had access. Zúñiga adds num. 17, that the Moors despairing of the destruction of that image, a wall being led out before it, hid it; but in vain, since on that account the Christians did not forget it, and even covered continued to hold it in veneration. But a few years before this expedition, that wall fell, and under it the image appearing began with a certain new brightness so to dazzle the eyes of the beholding Moors, that by a certain hidden impulse not being able to stand erect before it, they were compelled to bend the knee; as testifies, flourishing about

the year 1520, the Bachelor Peraza, whose Ms. and hitherto unpublished autograph is extant in the Library of the Duke de Alcala. This image therefore, which we represent engraved on copper; and which now is in the last of the chapels to those entering on the right side, near the lateral gate called of S. Christopher; this, I say, image that good Neapolitan witness did not distinguish from that which is called of the Kings; nor did he perceive, that it is not on a panel but painted on a wall. But that the very statue, which truly is and is called of the Kings, can be believed fabricated by Angelic hands, there seems to be need of the concordant testimony of several: which since it is wanting, there is wanting also a suitable argument for the faith to be applied to a miracle.

[125] Besides these two Marian images of chief name and veneration, of which one likewise also engraved on copper you here see; I find still others pertaining to the Saint. Of these one is of Ivory, another of Silver. Of the Ivory one Spinosa says, in the year 1579, To these add one of Ivory found with the body when the sacred body was to be transferred from the old into the new chest, it was found upon the breast of the dead man, and it was believed that he was wont always to carry it with him; and when there was to be fighting with the enemy, to fix it upon the staff of the Royal banner; which also one of the Witnesses in the Process affirmed; but another Witness said, it was heard or read by him, that he had it in such a crisis placed before him on the bow of his saddle. And hence it seems to have taken its origin, that all the more recent images of the holy King, in place of the golden Fleece, the later device of the Austrian Kings, have painted an effigy of the Mother of God hanging from the collar-chain. That one is kept even today in the Archive of the Royal Chapel, among its more precious treasures. The silver image of the Mother of God finally at Hispalis, the other of silver given by the Saint to the Church. of which Gumppenberg also makes mention, uncertain whether before or after the city was taken fabricated, is thought to be a gift of the holy King, and is called the image of the Metropolitan church, and stands above the altar of the greater Chapel, which (as below from the ichnography of the place will appear) in the middle nave of the temple serves the Archbishop and Canons for all their Offices. Lauretus book 2 page 87 indicates also other images of the Mother of God, which the Holy King is there said to have taken care to be fabricated, and others placed elsewhere. and to have established in various churches successively founded by him: of which one in the Collegiate of S. Salvator has its name from the Water; the other two are, in the church of S. Francis under the choir and of S. Clement of the Cistercian Nuns; besides several in the same city, of which there is a like tradition, and a like worship on that title. The same Lauretus alleges Fr. Alfonso de Vargas, in a relation about the Marian Hortensian image, asserting, that there are infinite churches, which the Holy King caused to be dedicated to the Mother of God: certainly I should scarcely doubt, but that in all the cities and towns occupied by him, he took care that there should be extant some monument of his piety toward the Mother of God.

[126] Lucius Marineus the Sicilian, book 5 on Spanish Matters, praises the Holy King, that the effigy of God, which he always had with him, most devoutly he adored and with the highest devotion celebrated; the image of Christ commonly the Veronica, and from it, whatever both necessarily and honestly he sought, easily obtained. By this divinity therefore aiding, he says, he gained Hispalis and several other towns. The church of Giennium has even today the countenance of Christ our God, made to the express likeness of those which are commonly called by the name of Veronicas; either because that was the name of a certain pious woman, who meeting Christ bearing His cross with others, for wiping the sweat and blood lent the veil of her head, and on it received the express lineaments of the sacred face, as is popularly reported; or because what was first called the Holy true icon, just as is said the Holy true Cross, which is worshiped at Giennium, by a slight transposition of letters changed into S. Veronica, gave occasion of inventing all those things, which in our February at day 4 learned men would prefer to see weighed by a severer balance. However it be, commonly S. Veronica is called, not only she who received that, who whether there ever was any is doubted; but without any doubt and much more commonly, the very sindon, on which is so seen expressed the countenance of Christ; and this is what Marineus calls the effigy of God, and to which he applies the appellation of the Divinity in that manner, in which figuratively are wont to be applied to images what are of the prototype; which you may the more easily pardon a man, who from zeal of refined Latinity, tolerates no foreign word at all in his writings, so that he would not even have the proper name of Luke read in them, but by a Roman vocable to be called Lucius. There is extant however a Spanish version of Marineus, older by three years than the very Latin editions (of which the first in the year 1533 cared for at Alcala); where without controversy it is named Veronica, and so is read, Traia con sigo la Veronica… y con el ayuda y socorro de nuestro Señor gano muchas victorias. it is not sufficiently proved, brought by the Saint to the siege of Hispalis, But elsewhere the same Marineus, treating of Mentesa which they call Jaen, says, that it not undeservedly glories in the sudary of Christ, which by another name they call the Veronica. These two places of Marineus being compared between themselves, Francis de Ruspuerta in the Eccl. Hist. of the city of Giennium Cent. 12 §. 5 and others reckon, that the tradition of the men of Giennium, referring it as received from their Bishop D. Nicholas, who brought it before the year 1378, can be concorded with the Adversaria of Julian; where it is said, that it from the most ancient times is worshiped among the men of Giennium and shown to pilgrims. For they think it can be said, that S. Ferdinand, Giennium being received into his dominion, found it there secretly kept, and took it with him to the war of Hispalis; and so retained at Hispalis Bishop Nicholas carried it back to Giennium. [from the faith of Marineus the Sicilian alone, compared with the Adversaria of Julian.] But we despising the Adversaria of pseudo-Julian as figments, and finding no memory among the men of Hispalis of such an image, prefer to impute to the other errors of Marineus, for the cause of which John Vasaeus in many places desires the diligence of the writer, in more his faith, prefer I say, to impute to the errors of Marineus also this, that by a failing memory he transferred to the Veronica, what he had heard of an image of the Virgin Mother of God.

§. III. On the Sword and Labarum of the holy King, and also on the Keys of the city delivered to him entering, and other monuments of this kind.

[127] Prudentius de Sandoval in the history of the three Bishops, at the end of the Life of Count Ferdinand Gonzalez (this was Count of Castile in the time of King Ranimirus, The sword and labarum brought to the siege, famous for heroic deeds against the Saracens; whom for notable piety and felicity Roderick the Toletan much praises book 5 chapter 2 and 12, and he flourished about the middle of the 10th century) to the life, I say, of this Hero adds Prudentius de Sandoval, in Spinosa, that the holy King Ferdinand, about to go to the siege of Hispalis, brought with him one bone of his body, with the sword and labarum, as of a holy man, and by whose merits he hoped to be much aided. Then Spinosa continues: Which example imitating the successor Kings, often sought the same sword, about to set out to expeditions of greatest moment, and namely the Infante Ferdinand, in the siege of Zahara and Antequera. But the sword is one ell long and most sharp, having on the top of the hilt a crystalline globe, and for the cross-piece a precious stone of yellow rock, to the thickness of one finger. in the annual procession they are carried about, But it is kept in the sacristy of the Royal Chapel, and thence is brought out to the procession, wont to be led on the day of S. Clement the 23rd of November, in thanksgiving for the city delivered from the Moors. This sword raised carries the Assistant of Hispalis, a certain more illustrious man going before, chosen on the part of the City, who bears the banner, which was carried before the holy King when he obtained the city, and is kept in the greater Sacristy of the church.

[128] The apparatus of the Royal chapel itself on such a day is this. At the right side of the gate, under a rich canopy, with greatest reverence. are placed the figures of the Holy King and of Queen Beatrice, his first wife on the left, the right side being held by the figure of his son Alfonso the Wise, all clothed most beautifully: but the figure of the King holds the aforesaid sword in the right hand. The Assistant therefore approaching the Throne, while meanwhile the pomp proceeds from the chapel, the Chief Chaplain standing there with the Guards, on bended knee kisses the said right hand, and the sword received from it delivers into the hands of the Assistant; which he with his own hands grasps, and exacts an oath in the form customary to the Castilians, that he will restore it the celebration being finished: of which matter presently a public instrument is made by a Notary, present for that end. But Christopher Nuñez the Chaplain has in his manuscripts, that in the year 1508 that sword in the procession was carried by himself, then by chance present at Hispalis, King Ferdinand; but the banner to be borne he delivered to the Legate of the Emperor Maximilian, saying, If my grandson Charles were here, his part it would be to carry this: now, since he is absent, sustain his place. So great in veneration our Kings hold those Relics to be honored. Thus far Spinosa: to which from Zúñiga I would add, that it is not equally approved by all, that for repairing that sacred banner there was added here and there other cloth, as is easily perceived by no dull eye, although the greater part is of the ancient material; for they fear, lest, the difference of the two cloths gradually vanishing, the older be not distinguished from the more recent.

[129] A silver key of the city fabricated for the holy King, There is kept besides, witness the same Zúñiga num. 24, among the rarer treasures of the church, a silver Key, partly gilded, which it is believed the Holy King ordered to be skillfully made, to be offered in future to himself and his successors entering the city, in place of another of iron, offered to him by Axataf the Moor at the entrance before the gates of the city, which today is in the power of D. Antonio Lopez de Mesa, but is thought formerly to have been kept in the archive of the city. Others prefer to believe, that the aforesaid silver key, fabricated by the Jews, was offered to the King by the Archisynagogue of Hispalis: and that it becomes probable from the added Hebrew inscription on the handle: but they note that it was the custom of the Jews, the King entering into the place where they had a Synagogue, to receive him with such a ceremony and at the same time to seek his protection. The form of each key, such as Zúñiga exhibits, I have not unwillingly represented under the Marian images, but in a somewhat smaller measure: where there is no one who does not easily understand the sense of the Castilian words, so elegantly interwoven in the secret of the Key itself, DIOS ABRIRA, REY ENTRARA. But the notion of the Hebrew writing, which is led round through the outermost circle of the ring-shaped handle, and since it could not be expressed in its place, is here noted at the side, is less obvious to all; wherefore I advise it to be rendered into Latin thus: The King of Kings will open, the King of all the earth will enter in. That almost a like sense underlay the Arabic of the Moorish

Key characters, and an iron one delivered to him by the Moors, likewise interwoven in its secret, from the sense of those skilled in that language Zúñiga says: which I make not so much of, as that the Prince of the Moors of Hispalis Axataf, wont to be portrayed at the feet of the Holy King with a key of like form in his hand, when departing thence he had come to the hill called of the Fair-view, where the sight of the city begins to vanish and the maritime shore comes into view; weeping cried out, that it could not have been that a city so generously defended, crammed with so great a number of inhabitants, another than the Holy King with an army so small should conquer; so namely the decrees of the supreme Allah had to be fulfilled, who at this time had destined the city to be lost by the Moors, who had long since had many prognostics of such an event; as in a certain old memorial he writes he has read the often-named Zúñiga num. 32 and in the Annotata to Chapter 6 letter c, it is found partly explained.

[130] of a third offered by the Jews. The same in the Appendix from Gonsalvo Argote de Molina, as an eyewitness (but he flourished a hundred years ago) makes mention of a certain third Key, in the past century likewise kept in the greater sacristy of the Metropolitan church, which, not indeed the former, the Jews offered to the King, asking the faculty (as then at the entrance of each King it was their custom to do) of dwelling in the village assigned to them: It is remarkable, he says, for the rarity of its fabric of every metal, so that each one by itself distinctly appears: its secret, likewise as that of the first, is interwoven of letters, exhibiting the same Castilian words to be read on each side: but in the ring-circle the words written in Hebrew characters, were thus by the skilled rendered into Latin, The crystalline Cup of the King. The King of Kings WILL ENTER, ALL THE WORLD WILL SEE HIM. These things being so set, you will not incongruously suspect, that this last key alone and proper was the Jews', wont to offer it to the King entering: but the former was fabricated also by a Hebrew goldsmith, but by Royal command and for the use of the City. You will also say the smith indulged his own ingenuity, in those Hebrew letters to be led round the ring of the handle; but the King chiefly intended, that praise might be rendered to God through the words of the secret; but through the signs, sculptured on the square knot of the key under the ring, he wished it designated, that the chief instrument of the victory, by which the city was added to the kingdoms of Castile and Leon, was that twin ship, applied to breaking the chain and the bridge. Finally the same Zúñiga at the year 1252 num. 30 adds, that there is also kept in the treasury of the Cathedral Church a crystalline cup, adorned and bound about with gold, on whose golden rim in ancient letters is read inscribed this sentence: My Lord: The Lord is my helper, and I will not fear what man may do to me, and I will despise my enemies: from which vessel the holy King is believed to have been wont to drink.

[131] But what is said that Axataf wondered at the smallness of the army, with which the Holy King took so great a city, deserves not to be so summarily passed over. I am indeed astonished when at num. 87 I read these words of the King: The slenderness of the Royal forces The partition is not equal between us and those who are across the river: for here we are about a thousand horsemen, and they number not three hundred; and I fear lest someone reckon, that this smacks rather of a fable, than of a history. To this doubt our Peter d'Outreman will meet, in his Belgian Constantinople page 270, narrating, how Baldwin the Constantinopolitan Emperor, about to lead out forces against the enemy Murtzuphlus, soliciting all the Greeks to defect, ordered his brother Henry to go ahead with a hundred most chosen Horsemen, who town by town should run about to receive faith and oath from each in the Emperor's name; as also in fact he did, partly by threats, partly by blandishments containing even the greatest cities, of which one Adrianople, in their duty. But such things d'Outreman having narrated: Here, he says, the reader seems to me to be admonished, that when he has heard a hundred lancer horsemen or cuirassiers sent on such arduous expeditions, yet so that single Knights by the old institution or them to rout just forces; and to storm cities in this narration; let him not at once feign to himself in mind, a band only of a hundred men of that kind, altogether bare of all guard, led out, and opposed to some thousands of enemies. But it must be known from the old institution of the Gauls (which I doubt not was also that of the Spaniards, Lombards, and Germans) that to single Knights of that kind there were wont to be joined other soldiers, those indeed of inferior note, but yet fighting from horses (our Chronicle num. 98 calls them Squires, be reckoned to have had one or more armed men with them and one of that kind it sets beside Garcias Perez num. 89) then a few foot-soldiers; so that when we say a hundred men of the equestrian Order, a band of six hundred or not much otherwise heads, by the reckoning of consequents, comes to be understood.

[132] But to illustrate this place wonderfully makes what Pausanias in the Phocica, speaking of Brennus the leader of the Gauls into Greece, says he had Horsemen twenty thousand four hundred, and presently explaining himself, the truer number, he says, were above sixty thousand Horsemen more than a thousand and two hundred: for single Horsemen were followed by two servants, themselves also on horses and skilled in equestrian arts: as once the Gauls bursting into Greece, these their masters fighting standing in the rear line were of use to him, that if perchance the horse were lost, they straightway should send up their own; if the man had fallen, the servant should succeed into his place: but if both the assault of war had overthrown, now at hand was a third, who should hold the place for the dead: but if that chief one had received wounds, of the secondaries one led him from the line, but the other took the place of the wounded man… And this institution of equestrian soldiery in their native voice they call Trimarkisia: for a horse they call Marka. Where rightly Marra ought to be written Camerarius bids, because Marca always signified something altogether else, but Marren are of a horse, whence Marscalk a keeper of horses, and Marrie a mare. But I know not whether on that account also Marrisia ought to have been written by Pausanias, since Dry-mar-kise, the choice of three horses, can conveniently be rendered. But meanwhile it appears from an Author writing about the year 150, and following those older than himself (for that expedition of the Gauls preceded the nativity of Christ by 278 years) how rightly they think; the progenitors of the Galatians. who reckon the language of the ancient Gauls to have been diverse only by dialect from the Belgic or Teutonic; and how S. Jerome, about to comment on the Pauline epistle to the Galatians, in the Preface says, that the Galatians, that is the Gallo-Greeks, the posterity of those ancients carried into Greece with Brennus, except the Greek speech, in which all the East speaks, have almost the same proper language as the Treveri. But chiefly from that place of Pausanias it appears, the ancient reckoning of equestrian discipline, suitable for solving that question which we have touched; it appears also whence it comes that the horsemen of heavy armor among the Franks, today are called Maistres, that is, Lords, namely in respect of the Squires, whom such they were once wont to lead with them: who however even four and six, added to single Knights of Ferdinand, what are they to that great multitude of Moors, with whom the matter was for the Saint storming and besieging Hispalis?

§. IV. The Ecclesiastical and Political Government, established at Hispalis by S. Ferdinand.

[133] When Pope Innocent IV, in the year 1248 dwelling at Lyons in Gaul, The King admonished by Innocent the 4th, had learned by report, how great an increase the Christian cause was receiving in Baetica, by the happy progresses of the Holy King against the Moors; solicitous that in the same measure, in which the earthly Kingdom was enlarged, also the splendor of the old Hierarchy should be restored; the 3rd of the Kalends of April, in the 5th year of his Pontificate, still running to June, and so in the aforesaid year of the Christian Era, to the Illustrious King of Castile and Leon, and to the noble man Alfonso his first-born, wrote an Epistle, which is extant in Odericus Raynaldus vol. 13 at the year aforenoted num. 47, of this tenor: The Lord of virtues is known to have conferred on each of you the grace of so great discretion, that with freely devout minds you acknowledge, that to the eyes of His Majesty you ought ever to be pleasing for this, because He has subjugated many and great kingdoms to your dominion, that the recovered cities the Episcopal Sees also be restored; with the intervention of a famous name. On this account therefore with secure confidence we have judged your greatness to be asked and admonished, with what affection we can, enjoining it to you in remission of sins, that the Episcopal Sees of those lands, which the virtue of the Most High principally through your and other faithful ones' victorious aids wrested from the hands of the Pagans, and led to the light of the Christian religion, from the manifold affluence of your goods, for the honor of the divine name, you study magnificently to endow; so that to present and posterity your name may ever shine, and God being propitious to you may accrue an increase of triumphal glory, the happy rewards afterward succeeding, which the benignity of the eternal King recompenses for the works of fruitful piety.

[134] This Brief could have been delivered to the Holy King some many months before Hispalis was surrendered: who as soon as he had the city in his power, not sluggishly began to execute what was commended to him. For just as his first care soon was, to convert and consecrate the greater Mosque into a church of the Christians: so neither does he seem to have delayed long in ordering the Clergy there, to whom he is believed straightway to have designated as future Archbishop, his son Philip: the Chronicle num. 147, therefore calls him Elect Archbishop; but in the diploma of Privileges, granted to the city of Hispalis, of which presently below, there is only subscribed, the Infante Philip, Procurator of the Church of Hispalis: Lauretus writes page 349 that he was at Paris in the Sorbonne under Albert the Great instructed in all graver science; but that very college, named from Robert de Sorbonne its founder, confesses it was not instituted before the year 1252: and Albert the Great had his lectures far from the place of the Sorbonne, in a public area, which is believed to have retained from him the name so that it is commonly called Place-Maubert as it were the Place of Master Albert. I do not reckon that Philip learned anything outside Spain, but studied at Salamanca, the University being instituted by his father, if however he ever went anywhere for the cause of studies. But that he was not soon consecrated Bishop I wonder not; for he had not yet reached the thirtieth year of age, before which to be ordained a Presbyter or Bishop by the Canons was not permitted, inasmuch as he was the third-born of parents first joined in marriage in the year 1219.

[135] Meanwhile while a fitting age might accrue to Philip, the Episcopal offices in the City, by way of Vicar, was ordered to be exercised by Raymond Bishop of Segovia; who because he afterward, Philip renouncing, was made Archbishop of Hispalis, in the Chronicle above num. 116, a Vicar being given Raymond Bishop of Segovia: and below num. 147, is thus anticipatively named. But since from the marriage of Philip afterward following it is established, that he was never even ordained a Deacon

even, which grade lay open to those 25 years old, this is an indication to us, that the youth of military spirit was always more alien from sacred ministries, although he dissembled this while his father lived. Giles Gonzalez Davila in the Theatrum of the Church of Segovia asserts, that the same a few days after the death of his father (he had better said years, or at least months) for causes alleged in the history, but not yet read by me, renounced his Election; those causes certainly Tamayo de Salazar did not read, when at March 11, in the Catalogue of the Archbishops of Hispalis, he deferred that cession to the year 1261. being then made Archbishop of Hispalis, But that in this he notably erred the Verses prove placed at Segovia in the Era 1297, that is in the year of Christ 1259, to the honor of that same Raymond, with the title of Archbishop of Hispalis twice repeated. The same Davila brings forth those Verses in the Theatrum of the Church of Segovia, as an Epitaph: by which manner of speaking deceived Tamayo, more expressly affirmed, that the memory of so great a Prelate is preserved by that inscription on his sarcophagus. Meanwhile both he himself and Giles assert that Raymond died only in the year 1288; and before in the Theatrum of Hispalis the same Davila had said, that in the year 1285 he baptized Sancho, the second-born of Alfonso the Wise, afterward King, whence also he is called Godfather of the King by Morgado in the Hist. of Hispalis fol. 111 col. 1, alleging chapter 17 of the Alfonsine Chronicle.

[136] But it is not Raymond's Epitaph that Davila calls it, nor even such, as could even to one living be set; but they are four Titles, distinctly described, and distributed through the walls of the Parish church of S. Giles, with the memory of him still living and of his parents long since entombed there. This you will understand, if it please to divide the verses, and the errors being corrected, with which Davila published them, to read how they could be read, and indeed also ought, that they might have some tolerable sense.

The glory of Raymond, surveying the climes of the world, which was in the year 1259 when certain titles were placed at Segovia His name and happy omen proclaims. At Segovia he once shone at the summit of a Pastor, Made Archbishop of Hispalis he now flourishes there.

II. This temple he endowed at present and built The aforesaid Prelate Raymond: where is entombed The father of the Prelate himself Hugo, and Richarda the mother, Whom the Presbyter himself treads with his foot in the marble fane.

III. These places he founded, founded he prepared with his own Expenses, Raymond the Prelate of Segovia.

IV. This foundation holds the bones of the holy parents Of the Prelate; Hugo the father, the mother is called Ricarda. Segovia once was famous from his merits, And he at length was the same Archbishop of Hispalis.

Era 1297.

[137] To the same Raymond, that is to his counsel and direction, he directing the Chapter and Clergy was ordered, the aforepraised Davila ascribes also the erection of the Dignities, Canonries, and Prebends in the Metropolitan Church itself; where today the Chapter consists of ninety Prebendaries, among whom eleven Dignities, who assist the Archbishop celebrating Pontifically mitered. But of all the assiduity in frequenting the divine Office is commended: but chiefly of the Beneficiaries whom they call the Twentieth, because twenty Presbyters, more excellent in voice and skill of song, are by Capitular suffrages chosen for this, that to the diurnal and nocturnal Hours they should incessantly assist. To these are added more than forty Chaplains, likewise chosen by the suffrages of the Chapter. Of this third and last class was the Venerable Father Ferdinand de Contreras, a preacher plainly of Apostolic spirit, and burning with so great zeal of souls, that not only was he assiduous for hearing Confessions, but frequently also crossed over into Africa, to redeem Christian captives from the servitude of the barbarians. Of him as of a holy man the cause being treated in the Roman Rota, and a great instance being made on the part of the King and Chapter for obtaining canonization, it will perhaps have to be more fully treated of him sometime in the Supplement of February, on the 20th day of which month in the year 1548 he died, buried in a notable tomb between the two choirs, where not even to Archbishops is burial granted. To commend also the preeminence of this Royal Chapter makes, that by the institution of the Catholic Kings Ferdinand and Isabella, as many Churches as are instituted in the new World, with the title of a Chaplaincy are subjected to the Church of Hispalis, and are ordered to be ordained according to its statutes and ceremonies. Likewise that Urban VIII the 18th of November 1637 by a special indult ceded the provision of Prebends falling vacant within the Pontifical months, this right being transferred to the Archbishop and Chapter, even if it should happen that the deceased Prebendary was a Cardinal of the same Holy Roman Church: as both these and several other things were written to us at Hispalis.

[138] While these things are so summarily indicated to me, which fully and minutely are treated by the Spanish writers of the Hispalensian history, for which into the right of the Church of Hispalis, and also by Michael Angelo Lauretus in Italian; there had come forth at Naples, namely in the year 1681, a historical Discourse, in which through the series of deeds done it is demonstrated that the Holy King Ferdinand III, and Alfonso X surnamed the Wise his son, and their predecessors Kings of Castile and Leon, had the right of disposing of the Tithes of the lands, which they recovered from the hands of the Saracens: which Discourse from authentic documents and the traditions of illustrious Writers he professes to have composed D. Roderick de Quintanilla, Archdeacon of Xerez, a Dignity and Canon of the Metropolitan Church of Hispalis Doctor of both Laws. It is not of this place that treatise, although historical, I do not say to insert whole into the present work, but even summarily to run through, as it is distinguished into 118 Paragraphs. It will be enough from §. 92 to teach, how that, which there is claimed of the faculty of applying the Tithes at will, the Holy King used in favor of the Church of Hispalis. The Instrument of the Donation, from the old Castilian rendered into Latin, the aforesaid Archdeacon thus tastes. Be it known to all &c. how I Don Ferdinand King of Castile &c. to the honor of Jesus Christ, who is the true God, who directed me and aided me in my deeds, and especially in the acquisition of the city of Hispalis; the King transcribes the Tithes of the tolls of the city, I give and grant to the Church of Hispalis in perpetuity, the Tithe of my Hispalensian tolls, of all things there coming in by sea and by land, of which I ought to have my rights. And likewise I give to the Church of Hispalis the Tithe of all other tolls, existing in the acquisitions made and to be made by me, God favoring, and by those reigning after me in Castile and Leon, and in the Archbishopric of Hispalis. And if perchance Queen Donna Joanna or Don Henry should show Apostolic letters, reasonably and juridically such, that they ought to avail to excuse them from the Tithe, let their right avail them. And the Archbishopric I intend in this manner, that there be not comprehended there other Bishoprics of the Province of Hispalis, nor the things pertaining to them: but I wish, that if any town of the Province of Hispalis was anciently a Bishopric in the time of the Christians, and of the whole Province of Hispalis, and some other towns were of that Bishopric and are not now acquired; when I shall acquire those, or he who after me in Castile and Leon shall reign shall acquire; the Church of Hispalis shall have the Tithe and right, which I, or he who after me in Castile and Leon shall reign, shall have in those places, until there be a Bishop in the place: and when there shall be a Bishop in the place, let the Tithe and right which there in those places, I or who after me shall reign in Castile and Leon shall have, in the year 1250. return to the Bishop and Church of that same town; and let the Archbishop and Church of Hispalis be excluded. These and several other things together with the Tithes given, the Instrument contains, made in the Era 1288, or in the year of Christ 1250; which donation, says the Archdeacon, was subscribed and confirmed by two sons of the King, as Procurators of the Archiepiscopal Churches of Toledo and Hispalis, and by one and twenty Bishops, and other Nobles.

[139] And let these things, about the state of the Church, ordered at Hispalis, be said: of the political, Mariana book 13 chapter 8. The Royal, He likewise orders the civil state of the city, he says, Senate, whose at this time for adjudicating suits the highest authority is in Castile, by this King (S. Ferdinand) is recorded to have been devised, a College of twelve men being created, to whom the greater controversies pertain, and the causes adjudged by others on appeal, at the peril of money, if he who appealed be conquered. Calumny gradually spreading and the multitude of causes increasing, it was needful to constitute a new court, since before the cities, content with domestic judgments, or certainly appealing only to the nearest assemblies for the cause of seeking justice, reckoned it base and importunate, to implore Royal aid. To great men besides the power of making laws was given, the care of collecting those which they commonly call Partidas being enjoined: which work of vast labor was at length completed under King Alfonso. But what manner of pronouncing justice the Holy King instituted at Hispalis, it is permitted to gather from that which Morgado writes was observed in his time book 2 chapter 16, in the first place constituting the Royal Audience, and communicates to it the privileges of the city of Toledo. from which there is given no appeal. Not a few things making for the same Zúñiga also has, at the year 1250, after he had narrated, how the Holy King, the Comitia of the Kingdom being convoked at Hispalis, the Forum of Toledo, that is the rights, privileges, and immunities granted to the Royal city of Toledo by his grandfather and great-great-great-grandfather, Alfonso VIII and IX, and once confirmed by himself, even more ample in some, communicated with the new inhabitants and dwellers of the restored city, in that tenor which he himself exhibits, according to the authentic copy, by the command of Ferdinand and Isabella the Catholic Kings written out, and kept in the public Archive (for the original parchment perished) of which the beginning from the old Castilian idiom it pleases to make Latin, because it breathes the notable gratitude of the Holy King toward God and men.

[140] In the name of that true and permanent God, who is one God with the Son and the Holy Spirit, and by a diploma, begun from a profession of faith, one Lord, in Persons triune and in substance one; of that, I say, God who revealed these things to us of His glory, of whom also we believe the same as they were revealed to us, of His glory, and of His Son, and of the Holy Spirit: and so we hold and receive the true and permanent Deity, adoring the property in the Persons, and in the Essence the unity and equality of the Divinity. But in the name of this Trinity, in its essence indivisible, we have begun and end all the good works which we have done, and we invoke the same, that it may be also of this our action the beginning and end. Amen.

[140] Let all remember, as many as shall read this writing, the great goods, the great graces, the great benefits, the great honors and prosperous successes, which he did and showed who is the beginning and fount of all goods to all Christianity, and especially in Castile and Leon, he refers his successes as received to God and the Saints, in our days and times, namely of Me

the Lord Ferdinand, by the grace of God King of Castile, Toledo, Leon, Galicia, Sevilla and Jaen. Let them understand moreover and know, that God did and bestowed on us so great goods, both against Christians and against Moors, not on account of our merits, but on account of His great goodness and great mercy; and on account of the deprecations and merits of S. Mary, whose servant we are; and also on account of the aid which she brought us with her blessed Son: likewise on account of the deprecations and merits of S. James, whose Standard-bearer we are, holding his sign, who was ever our helper to victory; and who, that He might do well to Us and to our Sons, and our Rich-men and our Vassals, and all the peoples of Spain, constituted, ordained and accomplished through Us, who are His Soldier, and through our labor, and with the aid and counsel of D. Alfonso our first-born son, and of D. Alfonso our own brother, and of our other sons; and also with the aid and counsel of our other Rich-men, and our faithful Vassals, the Castilians and Leonese, that we might acquire all Andalusia, to the service of God and the increase of Christianity, more amply and more perfectly than by any other King it was won, whether man or woman: who indeed much honored Us, and did us great grace in our other victories through Andalusia; we believe however, but to the men his helpers he renders thanks, that so much more abundant and fuller favor He showed us in the winning of Sevilla, which we did with the aid of His power, by how much that is greater and nobler than all the other cities of Spain. Therefore we Ferdinand, the servant and soldier of Christ, since so great benefits, and so great graces, and in so many ways, we have received from Him who is all good; reckon it just and congruous to reason, to make our vassals partakers of those goods, which God did us, and the people which came to us to settle Sevilla. And for this cause, We, King Don Ferdinand, together with Queen D. Joanna our wife, and with the Infante D. Alfonso our first heir son, and our other sons D. Frederick, and D. Henry, give and grant to these the privilege and liberties contained in this charter.

[141] We give to you, citizens of Sevilla, that which is commonly called the Forum of Toledo: in the year 1250, the Bishops subscribing. and we give to the Knights all the immunities, which the Knights of Toledo enjoy. The King then proceeds to amplify the same privileges and immunities in some points; also for the nautical people to constitute a proper magistracy, rights, and privileges (which at Toledo, namely in an inland city, had had no place) and to forecaution against difficulties, between sailors and citizens and their magistrates about to emerge by reason of jurisdiction. Finally ending, on all about to violate the things there contained he threatens his own and the divine wrath, and indicates a fine of a hundred marks of gold, to be paid to him or to him reigning after him. But these things being so deduced in the old Castilian tongue, all the following are subjoined in Latin, for the notice of the style of that time, and of the persons, then representing the States of the whole Kingdom, not unworthy here to be read. The charter made at Sevilla, at Royal expense, the fifteenth of June, in the Era of 1288 years. And we the aforenamed King Ferdinand, reigning in Castile, Leon, Galicia, Sevilla, Corduva, Murcia, Jaen, Baetia, this Privilege, which I ordered to be made, I approve, and with my own hand strengthen and confirm.

The Church of Toledo is vacant. Conf. The Infante Philip Procurator of the Church of Hispalis. Conf. Giles Bishop of Burgos. Conf. Nunnius Bishop of Leon. Conf. Peter Bishop of Zamora. Conf. Peter Bishop of Salamanca. Conf. Roderick Bishop of Palencia. Conf. Raymond Bishop of Segovia. Conf. Giles Bishop of Osma. Conf. Matthew Bishop of Concha. Conf. Benedict Bishop of Avila. Conf. Haznarius Bishop of Calahorra. Conf. Paschasius Bishop of Giennium. Conf. Adam Bishop of Placentia. Conf. The Church of Corduba is vacant. Conf. Peter Bishop of Astorga. Conf. Leonard Bishop of Ciudad. Conf. Michael Bishop of Lugo. Conf. John Bishop of Orense. Conf. Giles Bishop of Tuy. Conf. John Bishop of Mondoñedo. Conf. Sancho Bishop of Coria. Conf.

[142] Thus far the Bishops, where that account is had of the Churches of Toledo and Corduba being vacant, rather than of Compostella and others, not present through their Bishops and therefore not named, seems to indicate a special right of vacant Churches, that through a Delegate they can obtain their place in the States of the Kingdom and confirm public acts; not so other Churches having a Bishop, from whatever cause not able to be present. It appears meanwhile that to the Bishop of Segovia, by reason of the Church of Hispalis committed to him, no special prerogative belongs among the others. But after their subscriptions, follow in columns the Nobles, eight and eight, first the Castilians, then the Leonese and Galicians, of those who above seem to be called Rich-men, and now perhaps would be called Grandees of Spain, in this order:

Further after the already said Nobles of each Nation there sign under each column, in a single order one by one, certain chief Ministers of the King, in this manner: the Magnates,

Diego Lopez de Faro, Alferez of the Lord King. Conf. Roderick Gonzalez, Major-domo of the King's Court. Conf. Ferdinand Gonzalez, Major-merino in Castile. Conf. Peter Gutierrez, Major-merino in Leon. Conf. Munio Ferdinand, Major-merino in Galicia. Conf.

Where Alferez, is the same as Gonfaloniere to the Italians, and the chief officials. an Arabic word, signifying a Knight, as it were antonomastically, to denote the first office in the Equestrian Order. Merino, contracted from Majorinus, denotes a Prefect for pronouncing justice, in whatever village, town, city (others say Major, the French Mayre); but he who in that Order is first, and presides over a whole Province or Kingdom with Praetorian power, Major-merino.

Sancho of Segovia wrote, by the command of Master Raymond, Bishop of Segovia and Notary of the Lord King, in the third year from that, in which the same most glorious King Ferdinand took Hispalis, the most noble city, and restored it to Christian worship.

But Zúñiga notes, that custom of distinguishing, in subscriptions of that kind, the Castilians from the Leonese and Galicians, to be found straightway after the conjunction of the two Kingdoms was made, from the year 1231. But whoever shall wish to see the very text of the Forum of Toledo, anciently translated from Latin into the Castilian idiom, will find it in the already said Zúñiga, after the text of the Forum or Privilege of Hispalis.

[143] The partition of the city and field the successor son completes, The Holy King had also begun to partition among the new inhabitants the city and territory of Hispalis: but the matter was of longer labor, than that the holy King could see it entirely completed. Therefore the distribution begun by the father his successor Alfonso completed, and consigned it with legitimate records, in the year next from the father's death 1253: which records entire Morgado exhibits book 2 chapter 1, and from him Caro transcribed part 2. Their beginning, worthy of relation, is this, translated from the Spanish.

At Sevilla on Thursday the first of May, in the era one thousand two hundred ninety-one, from the knowledge and great will which D. Alfonso had, in the year 1253 the 1st of May. by the grace of God King of Castile, Toledo, Leon, Galicia, Sevilla, Corduba, Murcia, Jaen, of rendering obeisance to God; and to the honor of the most noble King D. Ferdinand his father; and to remunerate the Infante D. Alfonso his uncle, and his Brothers and his Rich-men, and his Orders, and his Nobles, and all who aided him in obtaining the most noble city Sevilla; on account of the service and aid which they did to King D. Ferdinand his father and to himself in acquiring it, and subjugating Andalusia, and settling and composing the aforesaid noble city of Sevilla; he had need to know how many there were there farms, fig-orchards, olive-groves, gardens, vineyards, fields: and this he knew through D. Raymond Bishop of Segovia and through Lupus de Mendoza… who went round the whole Hispalensian territory, and one by one knew all things: and according to what they reported to be in each place, the King made a distribution, as is described in this book. The book itself is extant in the Archive of the Chapter of Hispalis, the book about it originally to be found in Spinosa. from which the whole Paul Spinosa transcribed, and put at the front of book 5 of his Hispalensian History; which book, if it is not the first and original writing, is at least an authentic copy taken from the first: for thus it is subscribed in Latin words. This book Gomez Martin de la Mota copied out, Notary of the Most High King of Castile. Blessed be the Lord for ever and ever. Amen. Many places are there indicated, whose old appellation by the King's command is said to have been changed into another. So it is said straightway in the beginning, that to D. Alfonso his uncle the King gave a village, which in the time of the Moors was called Corcolina; but the King put to it the name of Molina, and it is in the territory of San-Lucar. And hence in Morgado, doubtless following old monuments, the aforesaid Prince is always called Lord of Molina, not from any other place in Castile or Leon. But since it can scarcely be doubted, but that from that time several other places either altogether ceased to be named, or changed their appellation; it also becomes probable, that the notice of these too can be renewed by the help of the aforesaid book; namely from the names of neighboring places, still in some measure surviving; to say nothing of the progenitors of many illustrious families, thence to be drawn out for him, to whom Genealogical study should be pleasing. Lauretus adds page 355. That the first Prefect of the Alcazar of Hispalis constituted by the holy King was Don Nunnius Gonzalez de Lara y Herrera, which dignity even today is preserved in the most excellent family of the Lords Counts Dukes of Olivares; which I have a mind neither to deny nor to assert, not knowing on the testimony of how great or small antiquity and authority it rests.

CHAPTER XVIII.

The last deeds of King Ferdinand and his most pious death.

[144] Afterward the illustrious King prosecuting his victory himself by himself, obtained Xerez, Medina, After 8 years passed in Andalusia, Alcala, Bejar, Santa-Maria of the port, and Cadiz situated within the sea itself; and also Sanlucar de Alpechin, Arcos, Lebrixa, Rota, Trebuxena and very many other places, not easy to be named one by one, and finally whatever to this side of the sea is of regions. * Whole eight years in Andalusia Ferdinand passed, nor any more returned into Castile; and in that time he sustained hardships and many perils; because whatever place he had girt with a siege, he scarcely dismissed before he had obtained it, however grave and long an agony he saw set before him. But he lived after Hispalis was occupied three years and five months; and here he finished with his very life the course of his glorious contests, because so great an ardor was in him of recovering all Andalusia, that he never suffered himself to be persuaded of a return into Castile. But because he had now obtained whatever this side of the sea the Moors possess, he desired also b to cross over, to war upon them in Africa. And now the fame of his coming running ahead had spread a great terror everywhere, the Saint about to cross into Africa dies. both because they believed

he would not desist from his purpose, which was said to be fixed and certain to him; both because they distrusted that they could resist his power, spirit, and fortune. Whence very many Toparchs of those parts had resolved, to subject themselves to the same, if he should cross over c; so that there is no doubt, but that he would have vehemently enlarged the empire even there, if a longer life had befallen him. But it seemed otherwise to God, the Lord of life and death; whose disposition neither King, nor Emperor, nor other man of whatever condition can resist, and by fleeing decline the death decreed by Him. For death is common to all, yet to some that honored and happy befalls, to others unfortunate and inglorious. Now therefore what kind the Blessed King Ferdinand obtained, let the history narrate.

[145] The renowned King Ferdinand died, after so many and so heroic deeds, A Life adorned with all virtues, after so notable victories over the Moors, after so great a heap of praise and honor won: who besides that he was dear to men, was also most beloved of God; from Him having obtained a space of life, in which he could do so great things for the glory of the divine name on earth, and in the heavens obtain the crown due to so great merits. But thus dead, how shall he not be said to have had a happy and honored death, although to all Christianity, exalted and adorned through him, mournful? But chiefly his subjects mourned him, to whom the so excellent virtue of their King was at once a protection and an ornament. For he was ever intent on the exercise of heroic virtues, never idle; strong in conflicts, happy in advances, glorious in victories; liberal and munificent toward the well-deserving, especially noble Men, Churches, religious Orders, Adalides, and Almogavares; a founder of the best laws and customs, a bestower of immunities and privileges, an administrator of justice; endowed with much prudence, knowledge, clemency and piety; amiable to the good, terrible to the evil; a guardian of truth, most observant of faith: and therefore the Moors, although they feared him, yet loved him, because they never did not experience him faithful. The chief exalter of the Christian faith, a most keen persecutor of infidels, most observant of the divine commands was this King; and therefore, just as in all his actions he ever had the honor and glory of God before his eyes, caring for the things which are of God before all things; so also God aided him in all things and made him prosper, giving him so many and so great victories over the enemies of our holy faith, and subjecting to him so many, so noble cities and towns throughout Spain, as many and as great as in this history are commemorated. Finally so many were his virtues, that to enumerate and explain all surpasses the strength of human ingenuity.

[146] The Catholic King Ferdinand reigned thirty-five years, Ferdinand concludes, in the 35th year of his reign, and died in the most noble of cities Hispalis, which he had wrested from the Moors. But when he felt that he must die, he summoned his son D. Philip, elected d Archbishop of Hispalis, and the other Bishops there present and the whole Clergy, and asked that the Body of our Lord Jesus Christ be furnished him. Which when he saw being brought in by the Priest, with most profound humility wishing to receive it, he cast himself from the bed onto his knees; and entwining his neck with a halter taken, placed the image of the Crucified asked for before him. To which most humbly inclining himself, and adoring it, he enumerated one by one all the torments of the Lord's passion borne on the cross: and venerating it with frequent kisses, and with much contrition and tears striking his breast, he confessed himself the greatest sinner, and asked pardon of his sins from God. Then he protested, that he firmly held and believed all the articles of the Christian faith, and in that faith wished to die. Then indeed he asked the Body of the Lord; which exhibited to him he adored most devoutly, raising his hands to heaven, fortified with the Viaticum and his eyes fixed upon it he pronounced some prayers, containing a formula of great faith and contrition; and so at last received the most holy Sacrament adored from the hand of D. Raymond Archbishop of Hispalis.

[147] This done he ordered to be taken off and removed from him all the garments of the Royal dignity, and all his children to be called to him, namely these, D. Alfonso, the first-born and heir of his kingdoms; and his children being convoked; D. Frederick, D. Henry, D. Philip, D. Emmanuel; but absent were D. Sancho, as being e Archbishop; and D. Berengaria, a nun at Burgos in the monastery de las Huelgas. And these had been born of his first wife D. Beatrice: but of the second D. Joanna there were present, D. Ferdinand, D. Leonora, and D. Louis the youngest of all. But these when he saw to be present together, together with D. Joanna f much afflicted; first he addressed D. Alfonso, the future successor, and imparted to him his blessing, then to the rest of the children in order. Before all the Magnates of his kingdom besides he turned his speech to Alfonso, teaching and instructing, in what manner he ought to rule and govern his states; enjoining also to the same the care of his brothers, to be educated in all virtue, and to be raised as much as he could to dignities fitting to each in the kingdom, leaving to the first-born Alfonso his last admonitions, and to be embraced with brotherly love; then that he should hold Queen Joanna most commended to him, should honor her as a mother, should cherish her with all solace and obsequiousness; he wished also the Infante his brother Alfonso and his other brothers g commended to the same. Finally he enjoined him, that he should hold the Nobles of the Kingdom, the Nobles and all the Knights honorably and munificently, and should keep each one's privileges inviolate: and added, that if he fulfilled all these things, his full blessing would descend upon him; but if not, a curse would come upon him; and he wished that he himself should subjoin, Amen. Then he said: My son, thou seest, how thou art increased in wealth, subjects, possessions, beyond any other Christian King: take care that thou rightly use all things; and be good, having obtained so many means of acting well. Thou remainest Lord of all that land, which from King h Roderick the Moors wrested: if thou shalt know how to preserve the kingdom in this state, which I leave thee, thou shalt be as good a King as I was: not so, if thou shalt have lost anything.

[148] with a candle in his hands And when the hour had now come, in which the holy King was to render his soul to his Creator, he beheld the society of the Saints awaiting him; and much refreshed by that sight, he gave thanks to God: and asked the blessed Candle, to be held in his hands by Christian rite. Yet before he grasped it, his eyes raised to heaven, he said: Lord, Thou hast given me a kingdom, which I had not; and greater honor and power, than I deserved: Thou hast given me as much as was of Thy holy will: and for all these things I render Thee thanks, and resign into Thy hands the kingdom, increased with as great increments as I could: he piously dies, my soul also I offer to Thee. Then he asked pardon of all the bystanders, requesting forgiveness, if he had given any of them cause of complaining of him: and they in turn weeping prayed, that he would forgive them their faults. Soon he received the candle, and raising it aloft with both hands, Lord, he said, Jesus Christ, my Redeemer, naked I came forth from my mother's womb, and naked I return into the earth: receive, Lord, my soul; and through the merits of Thy most holy Passion, may it please to place it among Thy servants. Then he let down his hands with the candle, and as a faithful Christian adored God the father, and ordered that the whole Clergy should recite the Litanies, and with raised voice chant Te Deum laudamus. Finally his head being inclined and his eyes closed, he rendered his soul to God, which among the faithful and the saints may the heavenly glory hold. Amen.

[149] No tongue will be able to explain, what wailing, what lamentations there were through all parts of the kingdom, on account of the death of so holy a King. For who ever saw so many matrons and virgins of the highest birth lay aside their hair, tear their cheeks, lament with querulous voices? who so many Infantes, Knights, Infanzones, Nobles, Rich-men i, shave their beards, pluck their hair, rage upon themselves? Truly no one beheld mourning of this kind over the death of any King. But that mournful day was the day k of Jove (Thursday), and the same the thirtieth of the month of May, the 30th of May 1252, in the year of the Lord one thousand two hundred fifty-two: and on the third day, namely Saturday, the body was buried in the holy Hispalensian l church: where until today it is held in greatest veneration. The Archbishop of Hispalis celebrated Mass: and then in praise of the deceased had a sermon. But the King of Granada, his death being understood, ordered the greatest wailing to be made through the whole kingdom; and that by most deserved right, because under his protection and tutelage he had dwelt secure. deplored by his subjects, even the Moors. Nor only through the kingdoms of Castile and Leon, but through all Spain, the death of Ferdinand was lamented: for on account of him it was celebrated through the whole world, still more to be exalted, if he could have lived longer. But it was specially granted to him by God, that while he reigned no year in Spain and especially in the dominions subject to him, was marked by sterility or pestilence. Blessed be the day, on which that King was born: since God did him the grace, that through his holy actions he obtained so great honor in this world, and in the other permanent glory; in which may God have him with the Saints, enjoying everlasting beatitude. Amen. But to us may He grant the grace, that we may be able to do similar works, by which we may merit to have part in His holy kingdom, where is perpetual brightness and infinite glory, for eternal ages. Amen. Thanks be to God.

ANNOTATA.

to the Lusitanians to be claimed, as a part of old Lusitania. Certainly first Alfonso X is found to have written himself King of the Algarves, and that after Pelagius Correa, of whom frequent mention in this history, had stormed certain chief places, and subjected the rest to tribute. But after the same Alfonso joined his natural daughter Beatrice in marriage to Alfonso III King of Lusitania, by way of dowry there accrued to the same the Algarves, and from that time they remained of the Portuguese domination.

We have already said num. 17, that Alfonso of Leon had several children, begotten outside marriage, Alfonso of Leon by Nature had several, brothers of the holy King, and probably after the double divorce from those whom he had ill married as Queens. Roderick Mendez de Silva enumerates them, in the Royal-Genealogical Catalogue in this order:

Don Ferdinand, Dean of S. James. Don Alfonso, Major Praetor of the Frontier. Don Peter, the 13th Master of the Order of S. James, who died in the year 1228. Doña Teresa, married to Don Nunio Gonzales de Lara. Doña Aldonza, betrothed of Count Peter, whence proceeds the family of the Lords Ponce de Leon, Dukes of Arcos. Doña Urraca, married to Don Lupo Diaz de Haro, whose daughter Mencia married Sancho II King of Lusitania. Don Martin, (of whose second marriage proceeded the stock of the celebrated Girons, Dukes of Ossuna) buried in the monastery of S. Spiritus of Salamanca. Doña Maria. Doña Sancia, married to D. Simon Ruiz de Haro, Lord of Camberiae. Doña Urraca, wife of D. Peter Nuñez de Gusman, Prefect of Castile. Don Nunius, father of much nobility in Castile.

COROLLARY.

Of the similar death also of Ferdinand the Great: and of his and the Holy King's Anniversaries.

Ferdinand, King of Castile and Leon, at Hispalis in Baetica (St.)

[143] Let it now be permitted me to institute a comparison between the First and the Third King Ferdinand. This one, Ferdinand the Great King of Castile and Leon at once, by the benefit of his mother Berengaria, we have seen obtained the ancestral kingdom of Castile, vacant by the death of the boy Henry; that first one was called King of the same Castile, by the favor of his mother Elvira, or Nunnia, to whom that Principate, by the death of his brother Garcia, equally a boy, had devolved. To the third one his father Alfonso, King of Leon, envying the ancestral kingdom, so nothing profited that he left him his own also even unwilling: a more hostile one the First also suffered in Veremundus, a tamer of the Moors, King of Leon, his brother-in-law, and him being dead likewise succeeded, and held the kingdoms of Castile and Leon joined. Each, freed from domestic troubles, with like success turned his arms upon the Moors; which as of the Third it has now been explained, so of the First it will be enough to have indicated, how into the middle of Lusitania he advanced his victorious standards, and wresting Coimbra and Viseu from the Moors, set the river Mondego as the boundary of his empire, almost all Extremadura being joined to him; but the Kings of Toledo and Hispalis most powerful, and several Petty-kings of the barbarous nation, he held tributary. But as to his notable religion and the most piously met death, that you may understand how alike both were, receive, what the Toletan has book 6, chapter 14, concluding the deeds of Ferdinand I. He, he says, now worn out with old age, dedicated his life to good works and pleasing to God. The Churches of his Kingdom, and especially of S. James, of S. Salvator, liberal toward churches, of S. Isidore, and the Cathedral church of Leon, he ennobled with possessions and donations: he also relieved the indigence of the monasteries from his faculties. But when on a certain day in the Cathedral church of Leon he was hearing the Divine Office, he saw the ministers of the church, by reason of household want, ministering with bare feet; and straightway he instituted certain revenues for the footwear of the ministers. For the rest when he came to the monastery of S. Facundus, content with their food, in equal order and consort, as one of them, both insisted on the divine offices, and used the regular fare. and assiduous as a religious Monk, And when he had received a glass vessel offered from the hand of the Abbot sitting at table, the vessel falling from the King's hand was at once broken. But the King, exceedingly repenting for the negligence, straightway caused a golden vessel adorned with gems to be brought, and offering it to the Abbot made satisfaction for the glass one. He offered besides to the Cluniac monastery from the Royal treasury a thousand of gold, to be paid yearly in perpetuity… But the term of his life now threatening him, B. Isidore appeared to him, and intimated the day of his death.

And when after a little he began to fall sick, from S. Isidore he learns the day of his death, he had himself brought to Leon, and on the ninth of the Kalends of January on the day of the Sabbath he entered the city, and after his custom adored the bodies of the Saints on bended knees; asking and supplicating, that since the day of his death now was at hand, his soul might be led by the Angels. But on the very night of the Lord's Nativity, although sick, the King himself with the Clerics was present at Matins, singing together as his infirmity tolerated; and there was observed at that time the Office of Toledo. But the day being made, the Bishops being called, he had Mass solemnly celebrated for him, and received the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of the Lord.

[144] But on the morrow, the Bishops and the Abbot and religious men being called, together with them he had himself carried to the church: and a diadem being placed on his head, and clothed in royal garments, about to die he is carried into the church, before the sarcophagus of S. Isidore he cried out to the Lord with a clear voice: Thine is the power, Thine is the kingdom, Lord: Thou art above all Kings: to Thy command all things are subject. What by Thy gift I received, I restore to Thee the kingdom: only command my soul to be placed in eternal light. And these things being said, divested of the Royal ornaments, he prayed for pardon: and having received from the Bishops penance and the grace of the last Unction, clothed in hair-cloth and sprinkled with ashes, for two days he survived in penance and tears. But on the third feria, at the sixth hour, on the feast of S. John the Evangelist, where the sacraments being received he expires the 27th of December. full of days he rendered to God an immaculate Spirit, and beside his father in the same church of S. Isidore was buried. But he had reigned his father living 12 years, in Castile his father being dead 12 years, in Castile and Leon 16 years, in all 40 years, 6 months, 12 days. Mariana book 9 chapter 6 says the year was 1065: which also the concurrence of the Lord's Day and of the Nativity proves, but he thus concludes the relation. Indeed Ferdinand, while he lived, was of notable piety: his Anniversary at Leon, by which merit at Leon by anniversary rites his memory is celebrated, and he has a place in the number of the Heavenly ones. For my part I have found no other hitherto, who reckoned him among the Saints, among the old and new writers; and therefore I reckon that Anniversary to have been performed and still performed no otherwise than by funeral rite; since to Ferdinand the Third, undoubtedly a Saint, no other thing befell until our age, as from what is presently to be said will appear. If anything more done or being done be proved, by reason of which the First also ought in our work to be related as a Saint; let posterity wish to learn that accurately, before they come to the very last month.

[145] These things being premised I come to the aforenoted Anniversary of the Holy King himself: of which in Morgado and Spinosa I read as follows: The Anniversary of the Third honored by the Moors, After the death of the Holy King, the Granatensian Moorish King (Morgado calls him Mahomad, Spinosa Alhomad) not content with the aforesaid demonstration of grief, sent yearly, as long as he lived, on the day of the recurring Anniversary, a hundred men chosen from the Equestrian order of his men; and for greater testification of mourning, ordered them to go on foot, each with a white candle, which they should place lighted round the cenotaph: and he wished the example to pass to posterity, as it were a tribute. This custom lasted until the times of the Catholic Kings Ferdinand and Isabella: under whom the Granatensian kingdom of the Moors being utterly extinguished and the city subdued, that tribute ceased, and there was substituted a certain number of Moors, from the very city of Hispalis, of those who dwell in the Region of Adarbegi (today we call it the Moorish Quarter) of the Collation of S. Peter. These assisted at the Royal exequies at the Vigils and Mass, with hoods of whatever color each chose, and green tops, and in the middle over them a half-moon likewise of green color, standing round the tomb and holding white torches in their hands. Afterward, when this obligation became grievous to them, they asked of the Chapter and obtained, that it might be lawful for them to redeem it by an annual pension of wax, of a certain weight to be consumed on that day at their expense, as the Chaplain of the Royal chapel Christopher Nuñez writes.

[146] The instituter of this Anniversary was the son and successor of Ferdinand, Alfonso: and on that day and the preceding it was not permitted, long celebrated at Hispalis by funeral rite, that anyone should either open shops or exercise his accustomed craft: and that was observed as long as Alfonso survived. The same day the Leonese and Castilians all, but especially the Andalusians, were wont also to keep with the greatest demonstration of grief: and all the chief of those kingdoms strove to be present at that funeral office, each bringing the standards and ensigns of their cities and towns, with many torches of white wax: which standards indeed were disposed through the greater church; but the torches were lighted early in the morning, and placed round the place of burial, where they burned the whole day because they were very large. But that Anniversary until today (say Morgado and Spinosa, the former writing in the year 1587, the latter in 1627) with the Office of the Dead the Chapter of the holy greater church of Hispalis celebrates, from a particular foundation, with music and a sermon to the people, and all funeral honor for the soul of the Holy King D. Ferdinand, the Chapter of the City with the Royal Audience intervening, on the day of the most holy Trinity in the evening and the following day: and to the same end a cenotaph is built between the two choirs; on which placed cushions interwoven with gold, sustain the sword and royal crown: there is also exposed on the same occasion the Royal standard, and it is placed at the pulpit of the Gospel.

[147] Thus far they: which all things now at least I reckon to cease, and to be changed into a more august and joyful rite, after the Apostolic See decreed an Office of Ferdinand to be recited as of a Saint, without prejudice to his Sanctity, according to the form of the Roman Breviary, as below will be said. Yet that they should be done even today, would not prejudice the certitude acquired of the eternal beatitude of Ferdinand, which that solemn worship confirmed by Pontifical decree makes indubitable to all the faithful; but only would be a pious and simple observation of the primitive institution, not for the solace, but the honor of the soul of a King so well deserving; but for the refreshment of other souls, in whatever way pertaining to him. So on February 21, we observed, at Nivelles in Brabant done for SS. Pippin and Iduberga, the parents of S. Gertrude: so on May 11, at Malbodium in Hainaut we have said it was once wont to be performed for SS. Walbert and Bertilia, the parents of SS. Aldegundis and Waldetrudis. Nay even in the whole Sacred Order of the Premonstratensians we know there was in use, and only by the author Molanus omitted, the funeral Anniversary of their own holy founder Norbert; which even today is continued, but for the deceased sprung from the same family. But this I would say for this reason, lest anyone attributing it to the womanly simplicity of the Nuns of Nivelles and Malbodium, should think that a rite of this kind should be pardoned rather than tolerated to our ancestors; especially with this other Hispalensian example added, which to the most wise Archbishops of that church and the most ample Chapter of most grave men never displeased nor was disapproved, until our age; in which however more prudently such things are omitted, to cut off from men more curious than religious matter of cavilling. Further the reason of the Anniversary, to be celebrated after the feast of the most holy Trinity, after the Sunday of the Trinity. was, that the 30th day of May, on which the Holy King died, mostly concurs with the Octaves of the Ascension or of Pentecost, whose festive joy it was not fitting to be made mournful by a lugubrious office. Wishing therefore to choose a day never or most rarely to be impeded; no account being had of the day of death, they chose the first Feria after the aforesaid Octaves, the more suitable for this office for this reason, that the universal Church, having the Lord's Day dedicated to Christ rising, is wont on the second Feria to recall the memory of the faithful deceased in Christ, whom by His example it believes to be raised again. But it is begun the day before in the Evening, namely after the whole office of the Lord's Day is completed: and when in the year 1579 the most apparatus Translation of the sacred Body was to be made, aptly was chosen the same Feria, as anciently dedicated to the annual memory of the Saint.

[148] The testimonies of the Pontiffs soon from his death, To prove further, that Ferdinand straightway from his death began to be held and called a Saint, makes the diploma of D. Raymond, Bishop of Segovia, and then serving the Church of Hispalis in Pontificals for the Elect Infante Philip, about Chaplaincies, signed in the Era 1291, that is in the year of Christ 1253, with this beginning: Recognizing the many goods and vast benefits, which the noble and holy King Ferdinand conferred on us, and how he entrusted to us his body and soul. Not unlike a testimony to the same gave Innocent IV, in a twin brief, of which one, given on the Ides of October, in the fifth month after the King's death, in the 10th year of his Pontificate, thus begins: Of bright memory Ferdinand King of Castile and Leon, is believed to have directed his steps in the worship of God's commands, magnificently amplifying the worship of His name; the other was dispatched in the 12th year of the same Pontificate, with Indulgences for the soul of the deceased. the 5th of the Ides of July, and begins, Of bright memory Ferdinand, King of Castile and Leon, is believed so to have walked in the way of God's commands, that from Him he obtains pardon of his sins. Yet by each of those Briefs, as if the cause of sanctity were not yet discussed, Indulgences are granted, in favor of the deceased, to all about to pray for his soul, if perchance he have need; first indeed of one year and 40 days, on the day of burial and the anniversary of death; then of 20 days on all Sabbaths, on which anyone visiting the church of Hispalis shall in the same manner commend his soul. Succeeding Innocent IV likewise Alexander IV, wished also himself soon to make testified, in the 1st year of his Pontificate, which was of Christ 1255, the 8th of the Ides of July, how much he made of the deceased; the Dignities instituted by him in the Cathedral of Hispalis adorning with Episcopal Mitres, under this kind of beginning of the Bull; The pious and magnificent works of bright memory Ferdinand King of Castile and Leon, and the use of the mitre granted to the worthier Canons, who as a Catholic Prince laudably expended, against the blasphemers of Christ, his days, to amplify the worship of the Divine name, admonish and induce us; that honoring your church, in which the aforesaid body of the King is known to be buried, we may render the same marked with special titles.

[149] The tomb of the Holy King, It would remain to describe the marble tomb, within which the Body of the Saint was composed, had I not believed I had found in the following Treatise num. 26, treating of his translation, a place more suitable for such a description: and so this only I shall say, that that tomb was so ample, cared for by Alfonso the successor, that it could hold also the body of Queen Beatrice, who died 18 years before; nay even his own, as after 32 years was done. Yet of these no notice was sculptured on the tomb itself; only of Ferdinand, as if he alone were contained there, the Epitaph sounds, sculptured in the Latin, Arabic, Hebrew, and Castilian language. Lauretus reckons book 1 page 434, that the Wise successor, by no means content to have praised his parent in all those languages, also wished round the same tomb twelve sentences to be read, according to the number of Counselors, whom he had received from his father ten,

and two he himself had hitherto substituted in the place of the dead. But these from the old Castilian rendered into Latin thus sound.

I. Better is thy end, than thy beginning.

II. In death the sciences are ended; but in the death of this King wisdom grew. to him once set 12 sentences

III. Thou wast living always adorned with much virtue, and in death thou shalt be wise.

IV. Of more worth will be thy memory, than the time of thy life.

V. Greater is what thou hast done, than those who subjugated the World.

VI. Thou hast esteemed things not at all fleeting, and even to the end will endure thy name.

VII. Of thy dominion nothing remains, except the command which thou hast left; and the wise; and the good which thou hast done.

VIII. Only to be wise didst thou greatly esteem, and therefore now will the wise praise thee.

IX. With a small expense of money thou hast built thyself a comely house.

X. In life thou hadst beauty of body: but in death thou hast shown the comeliness of the soul.

XI. More known wilt thou be dead than living thou wast.

XII. Hitherto, those who knew thee praised thee; now they will praise thee, even those who knew thee not.

whether they regard him or the son, I doubt. These all can indeed not incongruously be fitted to the Holy King: but a suitable witness from the ancients failing, who may teach that for his honor they were so written, the suspicion is not easily plucked from me, lest they regard his son Alfonso, surnamed the Wise, entombed with his father, the sentences, in which so express is contained the praise of wisdom; wherefore content to have related the same as I found them, I make an end of illustrating the Chronicle; and pass to the Posthumous Glory of the Holy King, to be gathered from more certain monuments.

POSTHUMOUS GLORY.

Collected from various Authors and Monuments.

Ferdinand, King of Castile and Leon, at Hispalis in Baetica (St.)

FROM VARIOUS by D. P.

CHAPTER I.

Miracles after death from the old Spanish, of the Hispalensian Edition, of the year 1532.

The older ones given to oblivion. I know not what more I can say of the deeds of this holy King in life: but after death, so many and so great miracles have been wrought, by his merits and the intercession of our Lady, that they cannot be numbered. But on account of the small diligence of our ancestors and the remissness of mind, all were given to oblivion: unless rather God now wished them to be unknown, because the men of this age are unworthy to obtain salvation on hearing these things, on account of the excess of iniquities, which today are publicly perpetrated in the world. But of those which at this time shone forth since I know some, done to persons even today living, the same recounted in order thou shalt hear.

I The owner of a certain Hispalensian ship, who, while there was war with the Lusitanians a, had inflicted many damages on them, in turn he himself and several others were captured by them; who all the others indeed they shut in dire prisons, A captive in Lusitania and condemned to death, where they should behold no light at all, but the owner of the ship they shut apart. When his wife learned this, most devoted to King Ferdinand, she went into his chapel, to a certain image, to which the aforesaid King while he lived was himself devoted: and began at length to pray King Ferdinand, that he would intercede with our Lady, that her husband might be freed from so great a calamity: adding a vow, by which she obliged herself to have thirty Masses said before the aforesaid image during as many days, and to offer to the glorious King bread and wine and a lighted candle. But on the first day, and at the very hour at which the first Mass began, and bread, wine and wax were brought; her husband, who was held in that dark prison, almost killed with hunger and thirst, saw a wax candle lighted before him, and bread and wine offered by his wife, and was refreshed by them. But while the prayers and offerings were continued at Hispalis, the captive also at Lisbon at a like hour and manner was illuminated and refreshed. And when the keeper of the prison, sustained by the offerings made by his wife at Hispalis, on the eighth day of the begun miracle, had beheld the wax candle lighted, and perceived that nothing was wanting to his captive, he wished to torture him: wherefore he opened the mystery, and manifested what had been done for him the whole eight days. When these things came to the ears of the Lusitanian King, and were proved true; although he had adjudged him to a well-deserved death, he summoned him; and exacted an oath, that returned into his country, he would announce to him what had there been done for him. Meanwhile it was announced at Hispalis, the sentence of death being received, that the man had been taken out of the way: but not on that account did the pious woman dismiss the begun sacrifice and vow. and the miracle being acknowledged he is freed. But on the twentieth day from the same being completed, the woman returning home, found there her husband: whom taking by the hand she led to the chapel of the aforesaid King, where they gave thanks to God and His glorious Mother and the glorious King himself. But after taking rest for some days, he returned into Portugal, to narrate, what in his absence his wife had done at home.

II A certain one for a grave crime adjudged to death, to be executed by the arrows of the Confraternity b, was held captive in a tower, entwined with manacles, Likewise another to be led out to death. with a block at his neck and a heavy chain at his feet. But the day before he was to be led out to punishment, he commended himself to this glorious King: and the same night, not knowing himself how, he wondered to be loosed from all his bonds; and the following morning came to the chapel of the Blessed one, and saved his life by the merits of that glorious King.

III From a certain devotee of our Lady and of the same King a slave had fled, whom when he had commended to both, A fugitive slave is brought back, in seeking him he omitted no diligence. Then the hope of recovering him being lost, the eighth day of the flight now running, he asked a Mass to be said for him before the image of our Lady, of her Conception; praying the glorious King, that he would deign to intercede for him. And when he was hearing the aforesaid Mass in the chapel of the Saint on his knees, looking behind his back, he saw standing his fugitive: who being asked, where he had been, answered: This night I was fourteen leagues hence, sitting on an ass, and in the morning I found myself near Hispalis.

IV To a certain poor virgin there were adjudged for a dowry ten thousand maravedis: a dowry is provided for a poor girl, but to the same now betrothed, those who had promised the dowry, could not furnish it: for which cause the bridegroom would not receive her. But she, having only sixty-five maravedis, prayed the glorious King, that he would succor her in the best way he could. And so those few coins which she had, she resolved to expose in his name to the lots, which at Hispalis were wont to be drawn. But the first lot came out for this girl and that glorious King, which was of a hundred Castilian doubloons and three ells of velvet shaggy: wherefore the bridegroom who was asked, had need himself to ask: and so the marriage was celebrated, in which she served God and the glorious King.

V To a certain man his cow either wandering was lost, or by theft driven away; a cow led away is restored, which seeking many days with great labor, and not finding, he vowed a Mass with an offering to the glorious King Ferdinand. But in the evening he came, bringing the alms for the Mass to be said the following day. At the same hour, when the butchers were leading into Hispalis the animals destined for the shambles, it is not known how, all at once entering into the city, were dispersed here and there; but the aforesaid cow held the way toward the church of S. Mary, nor could she be stopped by anyone, running through many squares and lanes, until she stood behind the sepulcher of the glorious King. But her master, coming out from counting the alms, saw straightway and recognized his cow, and for this miracle greatly praised God and the glorious King.

VI A certain woman's captive son, for the cause of a crime, was adjudged to death: one adjudged to death is freed. but because she was a poor little woman, she went weeping to the sepulcher of the glorious King, daily offering a candle. And when the sentence was to be put into execution, he was declared free and absolved from guilt: and so the woman was taken from sadness, the son from ignominy.

VII A certain sacristan of this King's chapel, when too small a stipend was furnished him than that he could lead a life by it, a needy sacristan is helped, resolved to seek another sacristy of greater emolument: but this being obtained, he felt himself pressed by greater need than before. Therefore turned upon himself, and perceiving that the devotion toward the glorious King had dried up in his soul; he returned to his service, about to acquiesce in the accustomed stipend: and soon all began to help him, so that he confesses his need was excellently provided for, and even now is.

VIII A certain Scepter-bearer c of the church of Hispalis, while he was going to receive the sword, which the King held in his hand when he entered the city, a lost rosary is recovered, to be carried to the public Procession; in the crowded multitude of men, gathering on such a day, lost a string of prayer-beads of by no means contemptible value. But prayer being made to the glorious King, he said, that the crown lost in his service by the same interceding he hoped to receive. But a year turning round, at the same hour praying before the image of the Blessed one, he saw that crown in the hands of a certain woman; who willingly restored it, narrating how she had found it: which benefit he referred as received to God and the blessed King.

IX A poor little woman from d Palomares, wont to carry rosemary plants for sale at Hispalis through the squares, likewise a beast of burden: had lost the beast which she used to carry them, together with the little loaves of bread, bought for the food of her family: and having nothing besides that very beast, by which to sustain life, she went round the city weeping. Some compassionating her labor, suggested, that she should carry a candle to King Ferdinand, and commend the beast to him. She did this on a certain Sabbath day, between the ninth and tenth hour; and the prayer being completed returning to the steps of the chapel, she found by public proclamation it being cried out where the animal was: and so she found what she had lost, and praised God our Lord with the holy Virgin Mary and the glorious King.

X A certain Ethiopian, because he had struck a married woman with a slap, is dismissed who was to have his hand cut off, had been captured and accused of the crime; and was in peril at least of losing his hand, according to the reason of the delated and ascertained delict. But promising to the Lady of the Kings, and to King Ferdinand a Mass, with a wax candle of the likeness of one hand, a little after he was dismissed free, without any punishment.

XI A certain attendant of the e modern Kings had an Ethiopian slave, and a slave adjudged to the gallows, for various deeds condemned to death. And when he was being led to the gallows, his master commended him to King Ferdinand the glorious; saying, that he was no less his servant than the King's. And soon he was led back to prison, and within a few days loosed from the peril of death, which ten times and more he had deserved.

XII A woman dwelling at Triana had two Moors, but a mother devoted to this King. But when the aforesaid Moors had fled, two fugitive Moors are brought back, and had hidden themselves in a certain little wood, they broke all their bonds. But as soon as the mother of that woman knew that they had disappeared, she took care for some Masses to be said to the aforesaid our Lady and the glorious King: and when the Moors prepared themselves for departure, there appeared

to them an old man, hoary, and venerable, who did not dismiss them before he compelled them to present themselves at the door of their Lady; where being recognized they were led back into the house, by the intercession of that glorious King, who (as far as could be known from the image) had appeared to them, according to the confession of him, to whom such a vision befell.

lost money is recovered. XIII A certain armiger, coming from Corduba, had lost a wallet, containing a hundred gold coins, and a silver cup, and many other things: for the seeking of which when he had expended much labor in vain, he was admonished, to commend the lost things to the glorious King. But as soon as a Mass being heard he proceeded to the steps of the chapel, he received a sure indication of them, and recovered all things by the merits of this glorious King.

XIV A sailor of Triana carried twelve Henry-Alfonso pieces f in a little purse; and this, I know not how, being opened, he lost them in various places through which he passed, now single, now two, or even four. Which when he saw to be missing, nor the diligence applied in seeking to profit, the hope of finding the same being lost, he had recourse to King Ferdinand, and took care for a certain number of Masses to be said to his honor. And soon in the hands of various persons divided he found what he had lost.

XV A married woman, hearing nothing for a long time of her husband, took care for certain Masses to be said with an offering, and soon a message being received was refreshed.

These and other similar, if they were to be deduced at length, I could not quickly finish: meanwhile from what is related it appears, The prerogatives of three Saints in Ferdinand. that there belong to this glorious King the prerogatives of three Saints, namely S. Anthony of Padua, in recovering lost things; S. Dominic, in loosing captives and freeing prisoners; S. Nicholas, in helping the poor and pilgrims g. Wherefore I greatly wonder at the ingratitude of the men of Hispalis, who having obtained a new Patron in Ferdinand and such an Advocate, whose sanctity within so short a time God and our Lord manifested through so many miracles; have not yet sent a supplication for his canonization. Thus far the third part of the old Legend, printed in the book called Flos-Sanctorum, whence we gave the second part of the Life: I pass to more recent things.

ANNOTATA.

CHAPTER II.

The Translation of the incorrupt Body into the new Chapel in the year 1579.

[16] The eighth year after the Translation aforenoted in the title, the History of the city of Hispalis, there at Hispalis and in the Spanish language, Alfonso Morgado published, a Priest, born at Alcantara, in the Annotata already often named: where book 4 chapter 7 he treats the argument proposed to us, an eyewitness perhaps of all things; but who omitted to explain many things, to be found minutely in Paul Spinosa; writing indeed about fifty years after the matter done, but from a relation, as it seems, once made. Therefore receive the narration woven from both, so that you may understand the beginning to have been received from Morgado, the rest chiefly from Spinosa. King Ferdinand the Saint, says Morgado, had ordered the Royal bodies being buried in the old chapel, his body to be buried in the greater church of Hispalis, which he had taken care to be consecrated to God and the Mother of God: and likewise there had been buried his son Alfonso the Wise, some Queens, and several Infantes: whose bodies, together with the Relics of S. Leander, and two statues of our Lady, and the Sword and Standard, which Ferdinand had used in acquiring the city, had been deposited once in the Mosque, then the greater and Cathedral church: and there so for a long time they remained, first in one of the naves of the said Mosque, where now is the Chapel, called of the Damsels, in the body of the new church: and deposited meanwhile in another, and thence they were translated to another more recent nave of the same Mosque; which now is for a library, near the stairs. Those naves or chapels the second and third, are those which remained of the cloister of the old Mosque: and to them were translated the aforesaid Bodies, Relics and Images, meanwhile while the fabric of the new royal Chapel was being completed, at the head of the very greater church.

[17] But Zúñiga writes, that the fabric was completed in the year 1575. About which matter when King Philip had been admonished, nor did anyone doubt but that he would soon order the Translation to be made; the Royal Chaplains anticipating the command, ordered to be sculptured on the plinth, on which were to be placed the tombs of the Royal bodies, such as had stood in the old chapel, this title, which even today imperfect and fallacious perseveres: To Ferdinand III, with the most illustrious Beatrice his wife, and Alfonso the King their son, translated from a humbler chapel, in the year from the beginning of eternal salvation 1575, the Sodalists of the Divine Virgin caring for it. But the King acting more slowly, and meanwhile ordering many things making for the same through four years, at length in the year 1579, on the Saturday before the Sunday of the most holy Trinity, the 13th of June, by the command of the King himself, at the seventh hour of the evening there assembled in the chapel, where the royal bodies were placed, the Archbishop of this city, D. Christopher de Rojas a of holy memory, the Regent of the Royal Audience of Hispalis, and the Assistant of the City, at the seventh hour of the evening; there being present likewise the Royal Auditors, and many of the Four-and-twenty-men and the Sworn, and some Commanders of the Soldiery of S. James, and also various titled Lords then existing in the city, namely the Marquises of Tarifa, Alcala, Villa-Manrique, Algava, and Del-valle, in the year 1579 to be translated into the new one, also the Counts of Gelves and Castellano; but the Duke of Alcala, that he should not be present, made the great sickness by which he was detained. There were present also the Dean of that same holy church, with some Canons and Rationaries, and finally the President and Chaplains and Guards of the aforesaid Royal Chapel. Before whom was uncovered the body of S. Leander, and two very ancient and devout images of our Lady: the body likewise of the holy King D. Ferdinand, and of the Most Serene Queen D. Beatrice his wife, and of King D. Alfonso the Wise their son, and of D. Maria b de Padilla; and also the bodies of the Infantes D. Alfonso c, D. Peter, and D. Frederick d Master of the Order of S. James. The Sword also and the royal Standard being inspected, and the other requisite ceremonies diligently completed, while all things are prepared, before the Royal Notary they carried the aforesaid bodies, to the magnificent tomb, between the two e choirs of the church built for that end, where they left them that night, with as great decency and majesty as could be done. But the images of the most glorious Virgin our Lady, one indeed, which is called of the Kings, they placed upon its litter within the Royal chapel: the other, which is wholly of ivory, they put upon the greater altar, with the body of the glorious Prelate Leander.

[18] The Holy King was found with a ring, in whose bezel was inserted a blue stone, on one of the fingers of the right hand; the same being taken from the decayed sarcophagi, girded with a sword, and shod with spurs. Queen Beatrice had at one of her wrists a bracelet, of black weaving, sprinkled in a circle with gems. King Alfonso, girded with a sword, had a scepter and crown, with some Imperial insignia; on his feet also he had shoes of ancient form with silver buckles: and it was noted, that his forehead and head exceeded the common standard in size, but his beard was somewhat longer than is Clerical. But all the sarcophagi, except that of Queen Beatrice, were found so decayed, that for all the other bodies new chests had to be made: of which those which were to receive the bodies of the Holy King and his son Alfonso, were lined within with scarlet linen, but outside overlaid with golden cloth, and fastened with gilded nails, and over them was stretched a cross of silver cloth. the single ones are placed in new chests, The Master's sarcophagus it pleased to clothe outside with blue velvet, and within with linen of the same color, with similar gilded studding with which the two former chests were adorned and the splendor of borders woven of gold and silk: which was also added to the other sarcophagi, overlaid outside with scarlet velvet, within with linen. On the three former were then cast palls, of gold-scarlet cloth, with fringes woven of gold and silk of like color, and decently adorned. and with tassels of similar texture. The other chests were covered by palls of the same form scarlet: and in the middle of each pall were embroidered with the needle the royal insignia, except in that which covered the Master's chest, of blue color, which was marked with the Cross of the Order of S. James with its shells. The order, in which they were carried, was this. There went before the sarcophagus containing the body of the Master; The same to be carried about solemnly, then with the bodies of the two Infantes was borne the body of D. Maria de Padilla: afterward the single bodies followed in order, of Alfonso, Beatrice, and Ferdinand; and this last was carried under a most beautiful canopy of silver cloth, ten ells wide, whose staves the Beneficiaries of the Metropolitan church held, the Count of Villar Assistant of the City carrying the sword before; but last of all was borne the Body of S. Leander, the Archbishop and the rest following behind, on the day, as has been said, the 13th of June.

[19] The tomb set up for that end between both choirs, filled that vast space with its circumference, rising in the form of a pyramid, and ending in a globe, they are composed into one structure on the 13th of June, which almost touched the vault itself. But the whole mass was adorned with paintings, representing the victories of those glorious Kings and their illustrious deeds, with marvelous artifice and grace. Among these were eminent four figures of exceptional height, composed in such a manner, that although the names were wanting, you would understand Wisdom, Munificence, Sanctity, and Victory to be referred to by them; and to each were subjoined their hieroglyphics, with epigrams fitted to each virtue, and alluding to those histories, through which it was demonstrated, that the holy King had been excellent in all those four. At the feet of Wisdom on a throne sat King Alfonso, as in a tribunal adjudging causes; but at the feet of the other three was seen the holy King, here indeed with a large hand pouring forth treasures; there accompanied by the supreme Pontiff and many Saints and Martyrs, to whom he was the more devoutly affected; elsewhere finally in a triumphal chariot, crowned with laurel, with a palm in his hand: and all these were explained in Latin verses. But the whole matter was described in the form of a history, in a beautiful order. and offered to the Royal Majesty; but I know not through what carelessness that relation perished, as well as the instruction for adorning and leading the whole pomp, which with his own hand the King himself had written. But so were all things ordered, that in the structure the first place held the Master, after him stood the three sarcophagi of the Infantes and of Maria de Padilla; but in a more eminent place above the rest was beheld elevated the chest of the holy King; on each side, but at a step a little lower, having the bodies of his wife and son, of this last on the left, of that on the right placed. Above these three chests were placed four cushions of golden cloth: two namely above the chest of the holy King, sustaining a golden crown; the other two over each collateral one, sustaining as many crowns likewise golden. But round the structure disposed shone a vast supply of great torches of white wax.

[20] To the twelve Chaplains about to watch that night at the funeral structure the Archbishop had commanded, that they should occupy themselves with reciting the Psalter: but the guard he had committed to D. Jerome de Montalvo chosen for this, To this structure on the morrow they assemble, the supreme Prefect of the city watch, who with several lesser Prefects of the same watch, and other persons deputed for this, watching within the church, kept the gates closed until morning to the fourth hour of the matins: when first into the church entered the Archbishop, then all who ought to be present at the procession, and betook themselves to be seated to the places, prescribed to each order by his Majesty, in this manner. The Royal Audience, in the greater chapel at the side of the Epistle, took place; the Tribunal of the holy Office, at the horn of the Gospel; the Magistrate of the City with their Knights, held each side of the tomb; behind the same tomb, all the Magistrates and both the Clergy, the Doctors and Masters of the University sat. The Titular Lords, who were of the Chapter of the City, with other Rectors of the same although they were not of the Chapter, were received to the seats of the choir among the more worthy of the Clergy; the Knights and Brothers of the Military Orders, to the lower benches of that choir, which pertains to the Archdeacon of Hispalis; and over against in the other choir, the Judges of the Indian Commerce: but for all there was one rule, that to no one should either a particular chair, or a cushion be furnished, but they should sit equally on bare benches; that during the Office no one should cover his head; that no one should bear mourning in his habit.

[21] The Religious Orders and the whole Clergy were distributed through the chapels of the church, but in the hands of each shone a white candle of one pound: each furnished with his own candle. but the Confraternities occupied the School of S. Michael, and there composed themselves, that according to the age of each they might come forth in order. But there entered D. Jerome Montalvo with his hundred axe-bearers, and hedged the tomb in a most beautiful order. Lest wax should be wanting the City had provided, so copiously, that when to all persons of any dignity it had been given as a tribute according to each one's grade, very much would superabound. Wherefore two men were designated, who should have ready candles in gilded baskets, to be dispensed to men of whatever condition, about to come upon the begun pomp; especially the Knights, who when they had for some time carried the Royal bodies, were to deliver their turns to others to be again and again exchanged. The City had also provided forty attendants, besides the twenty ordinary ones, and those whom the holy Fraternity was about to add; who should restrain the popular throng, lest any cause tumult by an immoderate zeal of beholding and assisting more nearly; likewise the hundred axe-bearers already mentioned, all shoemakers and tailors: who had specially demanded that office for themselves, as inscribed to the Confraternity of S. Matthew, which the holy King himself is believed to have instituted.

[22] How now further the whole pomp proceeded, the same authors as above declare to us in almost these words. Things being so arranged, as has been said, D. the Archbishop, vested Pontifically, proceeded to begin the Mass: which since it ought to agree with the celebration, chiefly regarding the Image of our Lady and the Relics of the glorious Pontiff Leander, it pleased that the Office should be of the Lord's Day rather than of Requiem. In the best order they began to proceed, As soon as the beginning was given to the Mass, there began to come forth from the College of S. Michael the Confraternities successively all, in the most beautiful order, with standards and torches, which above fifteen thousand were numbered; with so great reverence and decency, that there was not even the least (which otherwise is wont to happen) contention among them. Next there succeeded, according to the age of their institution, as many congregations of religious Orders as are within and outside the city, none at all excepted; so that, besides those who are wont to assemble for general Processions, there were present also the Carthusians and Hieronymites, both those who dwell in the House of the Fair-aspect, and those at S. Isidore in the fields; the Monks likewise of the glorious Patriarch Benedict, the Religious of the most holy Trinity, and the most holy Order of the Society of Jesus; all in number one thousand five hundred. In the third place followed the Religious and Brothers of S. James, bearing in the midst the body of their Master, on which the Knights of the same habit with their palls and insignia carried it. Then the Parochial Crosses twenty-five, the column led by the Cross of the Metropolitan church, which was followed and accompanied by the Canon D. Louis Pontius, with litters of Relics, in the habit of a Subdeacon, with the Clergy and Chaplains more than six hundred, having with them most ornate biers seven, in which were borne the more notable Relics of the same church, enclosed in great silver reliquaries, with silver candlesticks at each corner and wax candles burning, four Chaplains carrying each bier, clothed in precious Dalmatics.

[23] Next to these walked first the Chaplains and Vicenaries of the church itself, then the University of Parochial Beneficiaries with their Abbot, then the Canons of S. Salvator, and finally the Capitulars themselves, all clothed with white choral copes: among whom was carried a most ornate bier, with a chest composed in the manner of a tomb, and overlaid with a precious pall, containing the body of S. Leander: and over it a great statue of the same in silver, and with the body of S. Leander, to the measure of human stature, in which the head of the Saint was enclosed: which bier indeed under a beautiful canopy was carried by the Beneficiaries. After this chest was borne the small ivory image of the Mother of God, which had been found in the chest of the Holy King: but it was borne exceedingly devoutly and reverently in the hands of a Rationary. From this, at a small interval, was carried in a great bier the image of the same Mother of God, surnamed from the Kings, clothed in a garment sprinkled with most precious necklaces, and having on her head a golden crown, which had been the holy King's own; under a canopy sustained by four silver staves, all of red silk, with Phrygian needlework, with the insignia of the church: but the image itself the Royal Chaplains of that chapel bore on their shoulders. Then there succeeded the Dignities of the church, clothed in copes and mitres, and among them the Archiepiscopal Cross, the Archbishop following behind in Pontificals, likewise with the two Marian images, with his Clergy and Chapter. After these went the Tribunal of the holy Inquisition, namely the Inquisitors themselves, and their Fiscal Advocate and the supreme Prefect of the Watch, the Secretaries and Judges of the Fisc with the other Officials; the University of Doctors and Masters, these the Archbishop follows, in the accustomed form, with the Beadles bearing silver clubs: then the Prior and Consuls of the House of Contracts, and the Judges and ministers pertaining to the same; and last of all, the Chapter of the same city with the more Noble and the Knights, all with burning torches, the Inquisition, their Scepter-bearers going before them, and after them the Sworn; and at the same time there proceeded the public musicians, the University, under the direction of the Major Standard-bearer: and among these were borne the bodies of the two Infantes the Magistrates, and of Maria de Padilla, then the body of King Alfonso, and finally of his mother Queen Beatrice, twenty-four noble men of the Equestrian order carrying them.

[24] The Royal Standard afterward, with which this city was received from the Moors, was carried by D. John de Sandoval, with the Standard, brother of the Marquis of Denia and cousin of the Archbishop, clothed in a habit of silver embroidery, and surrounded by four Club-bearers, wearing a red cloak covered at the shoulders with silver plates. Soon there succeeded the aforenamed Assistant of the City D. the Count of Villar, carrying the Sword of the holy King, between four Heralds or Kings-of-arms, clothed in the habit of their profession. with the Sword, Last of all was borne by the Titular Lords the body of the holy King, the canopy being carried by their sons or brothers, and the royal Audience following, so that the Regent of it closed the column: from behind whose back as far as the body of the Master, in a long order on each side, the attendants of Justice and of the Fraternity covered the pomp and kept off the throng; nor were wanting in certain places mingled trumpeters and instruments of music of every kind, and with the body of S. Ferdinand, with singers and musicians. In this manner the pomp was led through all those squares, through which in the feast of Corpus Christi the most holy Sacrament is wont to be carried about; and they were on that day most opulently adorned, triumphal arches of new and curious invention being also disposed through opportune places. And when to the greater church, in the same order in which it had gone forth, the procession had returned; again in their structure the bodies were placed, in the same situation in which the preceding night they had stood; through squares beautifully adorned. but the images in the chapel; and the other Relics were carried back to their repositories. From the same day and from the hour of vespers, until the following Monday, the twenty-four bells of the greater tower were rung, to the singular delight of the ears, on account of their harmonic consonance among themselves: and so the festivity of that day was finished.

[25] The next morning the 15th of June, there returned to the church the Tribunal of the Inquisition, the Magistrate of the City, Before the same, the 15th of June returned to the same place, the Royal Audience, the Court of Commerce, the Titular Lords, all clothed in mourning: whom soon followed the University, and the Knights and Brothers of S. James, entering through the Gate of the church which is surnamed the Painted, through which also the day before the procession had gone forth and entered. But they came

precisely at that hour, at which they were awaited by the Archbishop and Chapter, and occupied the same places as the day before. There entered also with his hundred axe-bearers the Major Prefect of the Watch, and disposed the same around the structure. Then all the doors were opened, and to the people running together was permitted access to the church. There were present also, as before, the religious Orders, the funeral Offices are renewed, and divided themselves through the chapels assigned to each, where each recited the Office of the dead with a Mass, the City furnishing wax as before: but in the choir all the musicians began most solemnly the same Office, the Archbishop singing Pontifically the Mass of Requiem: and there followed an oration, which a notable preacher of the Order of S. Dominic, P. Mag. John de Spinosa pronounced. Then the Chapter going forth processionally, with burning candles went round through the temple, carrying with them the images of the Mother of God and the body of the glorious Prelate Isidore, the Archbishop following them; whom succeeded the chief Officials of the holy Inquisition, the University, the Commerce, and the City, expressed above. But after the Sworn was borne the standard of the City by D. Ferdinand de Solis: then the Knights of S. James took up the body of their Master, the Four-and-twenty-men and other Nobles likewise receiving the other Royal bodies. and the bodies are brought into the new Chapel; There followed the Assistant of Hispalis with the Sword, and D. John de Sandoval with the Royal Standard, and the titular Nobles with the Body of the holy King, the Royal Audience closing the pomp. So they came to the Royal chapel, upon whose chief altar were placed the images of the Most Blessed Virgin with the body of S. Leander, and at each side of the same altar, four bodies, namely of the Infantes, of Maria de Padilla, and of the Master, under two arches, built for that end, and clothed with rich cloth. At the steps of the altar stood the marble tomb, overlaid with golden cloth: within which were placed the bodies of the holy King, of Queen Beatrice, and of their son Alfonso; the chests being first opened, that they being soon signed under the security of public faith by the Notary's hand, the Count Assistant should deliver them to the Chief Chaplain: to whom also, under the testimony of similar authentic faith, the holy Sword was delivered. These things being accomplished the musicians raised a Responsory, and the Archbishop subjoined an oration for the Deceased.

[26] Thus far by a briefer relation Morgado book 4, chapter 7, by a more prolix one Spinosa book 7 chapter 6, and likewise Zúñiga at the aforenoted year, but the body of S. Ferdinand into the marble tomb, likewise translated: producing also the very public Instruments made about these things; but that marble tomb, in which, together with the body of the holy King, until the proper tombs should be made, were placed the bodies of Beatrice and Alfonso, venerable indeed those, yet not to be prosecuted with the religious worship of Saints, was not new; but the same old one, in which before had lain the body of the Holy King. Its form Lauretus paints us thus book 1 page 430, It is a quadrilateral work, nine feet deep, seven and a half wide, but three and a half high, in the manner of the old Roman tombs, of the stone which Baetica calls Martellian, which white jasper studiously inset adorns with a sufficiently elegant border. But of the three faces the first, which occurs to the eyes divided in two, has in the middle a womanly figure of relief work, by which Charity is designated the adjuncts say, his epitaph, just as on the other sides by similar relief are seen expressed other virtues of the holy King, namely the same which are praised in the Epitaph, whose tenor sculptured on the jasper running round, in letters of ancient form smeared with gold, in four diverse languages (Alfonso the successor caring for it) can even now be read, namely Latin, Arabic, Hebrew and Castilian: for us it will be enough, that it here appear in Latin from Zúñiga, Here lies the Most Illustrious King Ferdinand, of Castile, Toledo, Leon, Galicia, Sevilla, Corduba, Jaen, most constant, most just, most strenuous, most decent, most liberal; in the fear and service of God most efficacious: who utterly crushed and exterminated the insolence of his enemies, who sublimated and exalted all his friends, and the title prepared from the year 1575. who wrested the city of Hispalis (which is the head and metropolis of all Spain) from the hands of the Pagans, and restored it to Christian worship: where paying the debt of nature he passed over, on the penultimate day of May, in the year from the Incarnation of the Lord 1252. Of the new Chapel, built at the head of the whole church, between the collateral chapels of SS. Peter and Paul, the architectonic description whoever wishes to read, let him go to Zúñiga; minutely explaining each thing at the year 1575, in which the business of this Translation began to be treated, and was so certainly hoped to be completed, that even then this title was sculptured: To Ferdinand III with the most illustrious Beatrice his wife, and Alfonso the King their son, translated from a humbler chapel, in the year from the beginning of eternal salvation 1575, the Sodalists of the Divine Virgin caring for it. But various causes intervening the Translation had to be deferred and not before the aforenoted year 1579 could the matter be accomplished; but it was concluded by an authentic Act of restitution made by the Count Assistant, of the Bodies and all other things entrusted to him by the church: which instrument whole Zúñiga describes page 557 and following.

[27] Afterward, but it is not expressed when, the bodies of Beatrice and Alfonso, Alfonso the son and Beatrice the wife being afterward placed separately, were placed within proper chests at each side of the Holy King; and above the marble and to the three chests common tomb, described above, three cenotaphs were composed, each overlaid with a precious funeral pall, and crowned in royal manner: so however that the middle one set for the Saint should be eminent above the two collateral; and be distinguished also by the yellow color of the pall; for which, Lauretus being witness, a white one was placed, after the Roman Pontiff approved the old worship (as below will be said). Then also it was cared for, that before the front of the middle cenotaph should be erected a statue of the Saint himself, between two candle-bearing Angels of just height: whose mass however nothing impedes the prospect to the Marian image, set higher on an altar elevated by several steps, as is to be seen in the scheme of the Royal chapel, below at Chapter VII to be proposed. And so all things remained, until in the year 1679, by the command of his Majesty, a new worship is added to the tomb of the holy King: the bones of Beatrice and Alfonso were translated into their loculi, excavated at the side of the royal chapel: where new Epitaphs for them, in letters cast of bronze, were placed upon a marble tablet, with proper crowns over each one, an Imperial one over the tomb of Alfonso, a Royal one over that of Beatrice. The other bodies, of which above as likewise translated we made mention (as it was answered me by the Capitular Deputies) from the beginning were, and are even now, removed from the sacred tomb of S. Ferdinand by a notable interval, within the Pantheon, which they call royal, into which there is entrance through certain porticoes; so that there is not even the least appearance, that any other honor is paid them than purely civil and befitting royal persons. But after the two, which I said above, Royal bodies were removed farther from him, to whom alone a more religious honor was due; above his very tomb was erected a canopy of golden cloth, with a sculptured image; by which it might be understood, that the body of him whom it represented was there: now a silver chest is prepared for the same, and that image stands at an altar set at the foot of the tomb, at which are said votive Masses of the Saint. And now by the command of his Majesty through various Commissaries it has more than once been treated, of the manner of placing the holy body itself much nearer to the Image of the Mother of God, which they call of the Kings: and the matter is today brought to this point (as it was written hither on the part of the Chapter in the month of November of the year 1681) that shortly there seems to be discerned the construction of a silver chest, to be placed above the altar of our Lady called of the Kings, at whose feet the Saint always desired to stand. But most recently that business was committed to the Regent of the Royal Audience of the city of Hispalis, that as soon as possible it might be put into execution: and to this end his Royal Majesty designated certain rights of the aforesaid city, that all things might be transacted as decently as possible; remaining nevertheless near the very sepulcher the altar, which we have said, with the Statue of the Saint. But when these things shall be prepared, occasion will be given for a new solemnity, after that which was cared for, when first in the year 1671 the feast of the holy King, approved by the use of so many ages, the sentence of the Apostolic See being premised, was renewed, as below more fully will have to be said.

ANNOTATA.

whose sudden death was a no doubtful effect of the divine vengeance upon her and upon Peter. Meanwhile it does not seem to have pleased the holy King, that with the same honor with him was translated a most wicked woman, and the execration of all Spain (so far as fear did not repress free voices). Since for the public felicity, to be hoped from an act otherwise so religious, there came upon all the provinces of the Spanish Kingdoms a two years' pestilence, by which the Archbishop himself died: whereas yet in the Chronicle of the holy King num. 220 it is said, that while he reigned no year in Spain, and especially in the dominions subject to him, was marked by sterility or pestilence.

CHAPTER III.

More recent miracles from the Summary of the Processes printed at Rome.

[28] We have heard the old writer of the miracles, related in the first Chapter, expostulating about the ingratitude of the men of Hispalis, To the cause of canonization, begun to be treated in this age, that having obtained a new Patron in Ferdinand and such an Advocate, they had not yet sent a supplication for his canonization. These things since in the vulgar tongue in the book called Flos-Sanctorum were everywhere read by all, could not but sharply prick devout and generous minds; yet that goad lacked its effect long, and the business first began to be cared for in our age, Philip IV King of the Spains reigning, and Urban VIII obtaining the Apostolic See; under whom Alexander Mansonius the Advocate, in the year 1638 at Rome took care to have printed a supplicatory libellus, offered to the Most Eminent and Most Reverend Lords Cardinals of the sacred Congregation of Rites, Antony Cardinal Barberino Proposing, the Most Serene Catholic King instancing, in the cause of the Canonization of the servant of God, the most glorious, most unconquered and holy King Ferdinand III, King of Castile and Leon, in plainly the same form, in which are wont to be made the Relations of the Auditors of the sacred Rota, such as we have often alleged in other similar causes, with the Summary of the Process. In this libellus is fully contained whatever until then had been done: but the older miracles being alleged, which we have related above from the Legend, it is added, that omnipotent God deigned recently to work other five miracles, which are proved from the Apostolic Process, made in the city of Hispalis: and, that many other miracles are established from the ordinary Process, which are given for support in the aforecited Summary num. 77. But receive these word for word, in the very (so far as it shall be permitted) Latin words of the Summary, or (where these shall be wanting) rendered into Latin from the Italian (for in Italian it pleased to read what was to be exhibited at Rome, which had been received in Spanish) and first the four more notable.

[29] At Hispalis on the 25th day of the month of February 1631, before the Apostolic Judges, The Apostolic Judges, in the year 1631, delegated, being in the place and hour of audience, D. the Sworn Felix Escudero de Spinosa, in the name of his principals, for information presented as witness Gabriel Perez, an inhabitant of the said city: who I, was admonished of the gravity of perjury, especially in similar causes of canonizations, such as is this about which he ought to be examined. II, was questioned about his name, surname, country, age, parents and the office he has: and whether he be rich or poor, and at whose expense he lives. III, whether he had confessed and communicated, and from what time, by what Priest, and in what church. IV, whether he had been accused of any crime, for what cause and before what judge, and whether he had been condemned or freed, or until now the cause is pending. V, whether at any time he had been named publicly or denounced as excommunicate, and for what cause, and whether he is still such. VI, whether he had been instructed by any person; how and about what; and who instructed him; and whether anything had been given, promised, or remitted to him, or he hoped to be given anything to him, or to obtain any advantage for this kind of examination. after preliminary questions, VII, how he came to testify; whether he had been called and required, and what cause moved him to come to this place. To all these when he had answered fittingly, and by the Lord judges the oath had been received from him, by God our Lord, and by the sign of the Cross, which he made with the fingers of his right hand upon the Missal book: then being required, what he could declare of the life and miracles of the servant of God King Ferdinand; Gabriel Perez being admitted to testify, he answered, that he remembered, in the year 1627 he had made a certain declaration of one miracle, which he asked to be read. And straightway it was commanded in the summary informations, which had been compelled, to search out the said declaration: and it was searched out, and found of the following tenor.

[30] they hear his declaration read; At Hispalis on the 23rd day of the month of May 1627, when I the undersigned Notary had given extreme Unction in my parish of S. Marina, to a certain man who said he was called Gabriel Perez Coramarius, on the Saturday the eighth of the present month; and had given him counsel that he should commend himself to the holy King D. Ferdinand, who would obtain health for him: and when I knew that he was now well, I betook myself to his house, and from him received an oath according to the form of law, that he should declare whatever had happened under that obligation, of which he promised to tell the truth. And being asked how he had been healed of his infirmity, he said, that on a certain day of April last past, ascending a certain wooden bed, he set his foot on a board: which being broken, since he feared to hurt his leg, with as great force as he could applied he cast his body outside, far beyond the bed, with so heavy a fall, that being alienated from his senses he had his arm exceedingly affected, how being in peril from a fall, and his whole body as it were crushed. Therefore placed in bed, the next day he rose from it, and walked for some days consequently; until, the blood which was diffused through the body being putrefied, he began as it were to be suffocated; and at length fell into a grave infirmity: from which that he might be cured he ordered to be called Sebastian de la Torre, a Master in the parish of S. Roman, because he knew that man, of no less age than of great experience, and of the best fame in curing diseases. But he, when he had applied many remedies to the sick man, ordered that as quickly as possible the Sacraments be given him, as was done on the Saturday, the 8th day of the present month.

[31] But the extreme Unction being received, when he had been admonished to commend himself to the holy King D. Ferdinand, and commending himself to the Saint, there entered to him a certain Knight, whom he heard called the Sworn Felix Escudero. But he said to him, that, if from his whole heart he commended himself to the holy King, he promised him, that he would be free the next Wednesday; adding, that he should order also some Mass to be said. Then the Deponent himself commended himself straightway to the Saint, and likewise that very night, on account of his grave pains: but when it dawned, early in the morning he sent his son-in-law, to have a Mass said in the Royal chapel: and from that hour he evidently knew he was better. But when D. Sebastian de la Torre had come to visit him, he wondered, seeing in him so great a change; and all peril of life driven away; and asked, what diligence he had used for this. The sick man narrated what had happened, and how he had commended himself to the holy King, who would obtain health for him from God. And I, said the physician, believe it will be so. The health therefore proceeded for the better, until the 22nd day of the month, the next day he began to be healed. which was Wednesday; when Gabriel felt himself so confirmed, that (if his wife and children had permitted) he would have gone out to the courtyard of his house: and they deprecating it on account of his weakness, he nevertheless rose from the bed, and within the chamber, where the sick man had lain, sat in a chair; and so he proceeded daily to rise until today, on which he makes the present declaration, and is strong and robust, as far as his great age permits, and the magnitude of the disease which he sustained. But what he has said, he held and holds for a miracle, granted him on account of the devotion which he showed toward the holy King; and the same all thought who knew the fact. And this he said to be true by the oath taken, and to be of an age of more than sixty-six years: and he did not subscribe, because he said,

that he knew not how. His deposition was read to him, and he ratified it John de Pineda, before me the Bachelor de Robles Apostolic Notary.

[32] And when the said declaration had been read to him and shown, he said that he recognized and recognized by his own saying and declaration that which was shown to him; and that he had said and declared it, Which he again declares; just as and in the manner in which in it it is written … And that further, when a certain daughter of the same Declarant was pregnant, joined to Diego d'Avila, a gold-wire-drawer and silversmith of this city, he persuaded the aforesaid his son-in-law, that, what his wife was to bring forth, he should commend to the holy King: which he did, saying, if a male should be born, the name of Ferdinand should be put to him. And the woman brought forth a little after exceedingly happily and easily, affirming also the daughter being delivered and the infant was named Ferdinand, as the father had vowed. But the boy when he was a month and a half old, began to fall so gravely sick, that for nineteen continuous days he sucked no milk, but suffered most grave pains, as much as could outwardly be known: for with his head and hands and feet and whole body he made those motions, which are indices of such torments, and he seemed as it were possessed by some malign spirit. Which the witness himself and the parents of the infant beholding, with great devotion began to invoke the holy King, and the grandson in a like crisis aided: asking that he would obtain health for the boy from God. A wondrous thing! He who for whole nineteen days had abstained from milk, suddenly seized the breast and was well. And for this so certain a miracle all that family is most piously affected toward the holy King. And this is true by the oath taken, and he did not subscribe, because he said he knew not how: and the Apostolic Judges subscribed, in whose presence he declared. His deposition was read to him, and he ratified it.

The Licentiate Don Francis de Monsalve. The Licentiate Don Diego de Guzman. Doctor Don Francis de Cassaùs. Matthew Vasquez de Leca. Before me Gundisalvo della Cueva Notary.

Likewise presented, questioned, and sworn the aforesaid Diego d'Avila, son-in-law of Gabriel, confirmed all the aforesaid, adding, his son-in-law attests to the same. that his father-in-law's body in that infirmity had been inflated like a wineskin; and that the physicians and surgeons despairing of his health, and asserting that he would not survive until morning, toward evening at the Ave-Maria, the Viaticum was administered to him, and then the sacred Oil; but that he himself on Sunday morning had gone to have a Mass said: but of his son he had nothing to add.

[33] To the aforesaid miracle, indeed most evident, let two others from the same Summary succeed. A Hispalensian Shoemaker, on a journey, On the … day of the month of March 1630, presented Christopher Marquez, a Master shoemaker, an inhabitant of the city of Hispalis, of the parish of S. Salvator in the street of the Galicians; and questioned and sworn as above, said he knew, that four months past, he and Francis de Enzinas, a master shoemaker of the same city, went together to the city of Jaen, to buy Cordovan leather. But on the third day of the journey they stopped, to pass the night in an inn which is called of Lady Maria, between this and the aforesaid city on the straight road in the Field. On which whole night they were sound and cheerful: seized by paralysis, but the following day, which was Thursday, when toward dawn they were to go out of the inn, the Witness himself felt himself ill disposed; and so he mounted his mule, on which he also remained until the exit of the Village called Torre-campo, of the diocese of Jaen: where he felt himself far worse and without strength. But the mule on which he was carried entered into a certain house, whose gate it found open; nor could the Witness with his left hand, with which he held the bridle, make any force to lead the mule thence, because the whole arm and that side with the left leg were drawn together, and destitute of all vigor. When therefore he wished to help himself with the right hand, there came up the aforesaid Francis de Enzinas, following a little after; and asked what had happened to him: but he could not answer him distinctly, and only with a confused voice said, Let us go. Then Francis, beholding his companion in such a state, said to some there present, that they should hold the man, lest he fall from the mule, while he himself descended; and so all took him down, the physician despairing, and between their arms led him into the house, and there placed him upon cushions. He hindered and drawn together in his whole left side, could move neither foot nor arm, had besides his face distorted, and believed the end of his life to be at hand: nor less grieving at that case Francis, showed his sorrow to many; as the witness himself noted, who had not altogether lost the use of his senses; although from the time he began to use reason, he did not remember himself ever to have been in such straits, and so dejected in mind, as when he saw himself far from home, so contracted and distorted.

[34] Meanwhile Francis ordered physicians, to see the sick man; he invokes the saint, the Curate, to hear his Confession, to be summoned: and straightway one of the former came, a physician or surgeon: who, the pulse being explored, said this was the breath of a certain malign air, for which there was no suitable remedy at hand, and therefore he seemed to despair of the health of the sick man. Then approaching him Francis; Up, he said, Comrade, from thy heart invoke the holy King D. Ferdinand, and commend thyself to him, vowing a Mass and a novena, because he will obtain health for thee from God, and free thee from all trouble. To whom the Deponent, as best he could, with a confused sound of tongue answered, So: I commend myself: and at once being healed and the same he did inwardly with a more prolix affection. But while he tries to express those few words, with great violence; he began in the place where he was set to turn his body, and to move his left arm and leg, which before he was altogether unable to do; then he rose on his feet, saying, Let us go. Filled moreover with great consolation of mind, he felt the whole evil continuously dissipate, his face also being turned to its former state; and for the sake of greater security he confessed to that Curate who had come: who also together with D. Francis and others present cried out, A miracle, a miracle, which God has wrought through the intercession of the holy King Ferdinand. But the Confession being absolved, the Witness himself said to Francis his companion, that the holy King and the Virgin Mary had given him health and great strength. And when Francis had taken care to have a chair brought, in which the Witness might be carried to the city of Jaen, distant only one league from Torre-campo; he prosecutes the journey begun he himself would not use it, but again ascended his mule: and the matter was held for a miracle, because so great a change, as we have said, could not naturally have happened, as it did, within the space of one hour, which flowed from the beginning of the evil until its cure. His journey therefore being prosecuted, and the business completed having returned to Hispalis, he visited the chapel, in which the holy body rests, and thenceforth lives most devoted to the same. All which things are certain and true, and so happened in the manner and form declared; and he did not subscribe, because he said he knew not how, but the Lord Judges subscribed: with his companion attesting to the same. who likewise also questioned, and heard D. Francis de Enzinas, a master Shoemaker in the collation of S. Maria-major in the street of the Franks. He confessing of himself, that before he went out of the city he commended the success of the journey to the Saint, to whom he is much affected, explained all the same things, though in other words; and added, that the Curate having heard the Confession wrote the miracle and the name of the Saint: but that Christopher was of a full and fat body, to which kind of men an apoplexy coming, is wont to make them contracted for all life. Finally he said, on the same journey many other things befell him, by which he knew, how efficacious with God is the intercession of the holy King.

[35] At Hispalis on the 10th day of the month of March 1631, presented as Witness Don John Panduro, an inhabitant of the said city in the parish of the Holy Cross … and questioned whether he knew anything … he said, about six months had passed, Innumerable locusts, that when the Witness himself was at his house, there came Michael Sanchez, the prefect of the workmen, whom he has in a certain estate of his, situated within the territory of this city in the Vineyard of Tarrazana, two leagues from the city; announcing that on the same day into his vineyard, olive-grove, and garden had rushed an infinite multitude of locusts: let him see whether he knew any remedy for that evil: for the fields and estates of the neighbors, in which they had settled, were utterly consumed. Then indeed he, for the great devotion with which he is borne toward the holy King, knowing no surer protection, had run to the chapel, where his body lies buried in the Cathedral church, and had commended his faculties to him, and taken care for some Masses to be said; then had returned to take dinner, and soon had sent into the estate a certain slave of his, to see in what state the matter was. But he before evening returned and said; Lord, a Mass being said at the sepulcher of the Saint, thou hast had worth of thy labor in having those Masses said: for the locusts which had rushed into the estate, flying up fell all into the fish-pond, and were suffocated. These things heard, the next day in the morning the Witness himself went, to see the prodigious thing; and so found it as he had said. But because so great was the supply of drowned locusts, lest by their putrefaction the air should be corrupted, he judged it necessary to make pits, in which they collected might be covered with earth: and on this there was labor for whole four days; all wondering that that plague in the twinkling of an eye was wholly removed, and no vestige of any harm inflicted by them appeared. And so not only this Witness, but all the surrounding neighborhood was freed from a plague of that kind … All which things he said he knew, because so he saw it to be and be done, and subscribed together with the Lord Judges: in whose presence he declared all the same things. Likewise did presented, sworn, questioned Don Peter de los Rios, an inhabitant of the said city in the parish of the Holy Cross, present in the house of John, when Michael Sanchez brought the sad message: who then betaking himself to the aforesaid estate, beheld the very locusts, all at once are suffocated, as has been said, drowned. The same things the aforesaid Michael Sanchez confirmed, who serves in the exercise of Caporal of D. John de Panduro, in the possession which the aforesaid has at Terrazana, expressly noting, the month of August of the year 1630, in which the thing was done: and saying that fish-pond to have been in the garden of that estate, well ample and spacious; and that he, as soon as he returned thither, there saw the suffocated locusts.

[36] Of the fifty Miracles after death, more recent and modern, The Guardian of the Minorites laboring with quinsy there are given the ten subscribed only, for the sake of brevity, with the Witnesses deposing upon article 66 in the Ordinary Process: P. Fr. Peter de Piña, Ex-provincial of the Order of S. Francis in this province, and even today Guardian in the greater Convent of S. Francis of this city the 22nd Witness, said, that

six months before, he suffered a quinsy so grave, that the six Doctors physicians who cured him, the chief of the whole city, Mexia, Biscardus, Ancona, Valverde, Figueroa, Muñoz, despairing of the life of the sick man, ordered the extreme Sacraments to be administered to him. And so on the day of S. James in the morning he received the most holy Sacrament by way of Viaticum, but on the following feast of S. Anna the sacred Oil. But when they spoke of his soon-to-be death, as of a most certain thing, all asking in what state he was, both the Religious within the Convent, and several seculars through the city; and now near to death the Minister of that Province, who was then at Hispalis, commended the funeral oration, and the exequial apparatus to P. Fr. Alfonso Venegas, Lector of the first Theology; and the Witness himself, admonished by the aforesaid physicians of the extreme peril, charged the Brothers assisting him in that disease, that they should permit no one either religious or secular more to enter to him, because that small remaining of life, he wished to transact wholly with God. Being so constituted when he lay on the feast of S. Anna in the morning, one of his companions entering, announced that the Consul of the city was present, Felix Escudero, who wished to speak to him a single word only. And when he excused himself saying; Did I not order, that no one should be admitted, because it is not the time of speaking with men, but with God? and the Brother had brought this answer to the one waiting; he persisted to instance, that he had a single word only to say, and that of greatest moment. Believing therefore the sick man that he would say something which would be of conscience, he permitted him to be received: who entering, admonished that he should commend himself to the holy King Ferdinand, who in those very days had given health to others equally as he despaired of, and should have a Mass said in his honor. The sick man assented to the one admonishing salutary things with thanksgiving; and soon summoning to him P. Fr. Francis of the Cross, the Vice-commissary of Jerusalem, asked him whether he had celebrated Mass: who assenting, because the day was now more advanced; admonished to invoke the Saint, he enjoined the same, that the next day he should go to celebrate at the chapel of S. Maria-of-the-Kings, at the altar where is the body or sepulcher of the said holy King, asking from God through his merits health and life for himself the Witness. Which when he had done, the physicians returning after dinner, found the sick man so notably better, that they were vehemently astonished.

[37] Thenceforth the health proceeding daily for the better, the Witness himself gradually obtained it perfect: after a Mass said for him he convalesces, who had nothing prior, as soon as it was permitted to go out of the Convent, than to visit the sepulcher of the holy King, by whose miracle he believed himself preserved, he and others, attentive to the reason of the disease, led to this, that, when he was fortified with extreme Unction, he lacked the use of his senses; and to the brevity of the time, in which the extreme peril was driven away. But what meanwhile happened worthy of note, none could better have observed, than the aforesaid P. Vice-Commissary of Jerusalem, and P. Fr. John Garciaz the apothecary of the same Convent; who said to the Deponent himself, that for many years, in which he there performed the office of apothecary and infirmarian, he had seen no Religious, who had been anointed with the sacred Oil, recover; but that he had been brought to it on the fifth day of the disease. Things consonant to these said the 24th Witness, the same to whom the Mass to be said at the sepulcher was commended, more particularly expressing, how on the fifth day of the disease, after the precipitated administration of the Sacraments, the Witness himself explored the artery of the sick man by touch, and judged him to die; the Physicians ascribing it to a miracle. but for greater certitude he called the aforesaid Fr. John Garcia, a most experienced man and inferior to none of the six aforenamed physicians, whose opinion was the same: but the physicians coming in the morning, being asked by him whether any hope remained, all alike said, that none. And when nevertheless some of them had brought into deliberation, whether the vein under the tongue should be opened, Doctor Ancina answered, that not without injury to the art are remedies applied to a body already dead. To this acceded the 47th Witness, one of the aforenamed six Physicians, namely Doctor Ancina himself, who about the blood-letting through the tongue had said, that it would be nothing other, than to detract from the esteem of a remedy so singularly efficacious, by applying it to a body already dead, such as was that P. Guardian. He added also, that he had therefore only returned to the Convent in the afternoon, that he might know whether he had expired.

[38] Peter de Chavarria, the 72nd Witness, said of a little nephew of his of the same surname, a boy of eight years, that sixteen or seventeen days before, on the fourteenth day struggling with a pestilent and spotted fever, which the Italians call Petecchie, but the Spaniards Tabardillos, the Doctors physicians Sola and Silva curing him, and many remedies vainly applied, he was abandoned by the same for dead; and they only ordered that for sustaining life somehow they should furnish him certain strengthening things: and for an extreme remedy should apply to his head a dove's chick, By a like vow a dying boy is cured, which they had opened alive. Which seen and known, the Witness himself betook himself to the chapel of S. Maria-of-the-Kings, commending to the holy King his little nephew. But in the evening the physicians returning, found him in the same state in which they had left him: but the following morning they found him so much better, that they were astonished: and hearing from the Witness himself what he had done, they judged that change to be miraculous. And so the boy ever progressing, at the last term of the disease, which is reckoned the twenty-first day, was free from all fever, only weakness remaining, from which without any other remedy he gradually convalesced. The same affirmed the 76th Witness, the father of that boy and son of the prior Witness; and added, that by the opinion of the said physicians, on the very day, on which the holy King was invoked for him by his grandfather, extreme Unction was given him: and that the next day Doctor Sola returning abdicated himself from his care, saying that nothing other than good regimen was further needed. The same said Doctor Silva, who proceeded to visit the boy, the 77th Witness, more distinctly explaining the progress of the disease, namely how the boy, until the seventh day most restless and sleeping very little, a noxious humor ascending to the head, began to sleep and rave; but on the eleventh day some hope indeed had been given from the urine, somehow better cooked; but the same shortly again disturbed, vanished, the peril ever growing until the fourteenth day, on and after which were done all the abovesaid things.

[39] D. Martin de Zúñiga, the 35th Witness said, that twelve or fifteen days before, his wife D. Catharine de Arellano, going to the Convent of S. Elizabeth of this city, a lost adamantine bracelet is found, that she might be present at the veiling of a certain Nun; lost at the very entrance of the church a golden bracelet, set with forty diamonds; which having entered she perceived to be missing, and had it cried out by public proclamation. But when for whole six days no indication of it was brought, and the Witness himself was in his domestic oratory; there came to him the thought to commend the lost thing to the intercession of the holy King: which he did, and ordered his wife to do the same; and the following day in the Royal chapel he had a Mass said. But the first or the other day after, a certain woman, as it seemed a poor little woman, brought the aforesaid bracelet to D. Josepha de Zúñiga, the sister of the Witness himself, saying that she had found it in the gate of the church, and that she had shown it to goldsmiths; who offering for it nine hundred Julii, she had made it a scruple to sell it, and therefore had gone to the Sacristan of the aforesaid Convent; who conscious of the loss made, had directed her to the house of D. Josepha, and ordered it to be given to her, as she did; all holding the matter for a miracle, attentive to the circumstances of the place, most crowded with people, where the bracelet had fallen; the condition of her, who brought it back; and the day, on which it was brought back, the same on which the Mass had been said. The like asserted D. Catharine, the 38th Witness, saying that to that church she had gone in the company of the aforesaid D. Josepha, and her husband, within those days during which the bracelet remained lost, had had said several Masses of S. Anthony of Padua, of the Dead, and of S. Charles Borromeo: but on the seventh day, on which the husband had had a Mass said in honor of the holy King, she had received a message from D. Josepha, of its restitution made to her, so that nothing at all was wanting to her.

[40] These things being more prolixly related in the Summary, the rest, more succinctly there narrated, will be aptly subjoined, in almost these words: The 301st Witness, Toothache is healed by the touch of an image. a domestic and servant in the house of D. Felix Escudero and D. Anna de Spinosa, said she remembered excellently, as if the thing were done today, that to the aforesaid D. Anna there came a most grave toothache, which granted her no rest or sleep, day and night for three weeks, no remedies whatever profiting. Nay she remembered, that, when it had at some time been suggested to her, that she should apply a little leaf of tobacco to the aching tooth; the evil grew so cruel, that losing the use of her senses, she was believed to be near death. But Anna, seeing nothing profit her, on a certain night took an image of King Ferdinand, which she had on paper, and applied it to her jaw on the part where it ached. And straightway seized by sleep she slept until morning, and waking from all torment, felt nothing of the kind afterward: which the Witness herself attributed to a miracle, because the deliverance followed immediately the application of the image, after the Pater and Ave had been recited once. The same said another, the 131st Witness, likewise staying then with the aforesaid D. Anna.

[41] In the fifth place is set the miraculous healing of Gabriel Perez, among the five more principal miracles above mentioned; but there are introduced as speaking, A Mass being said a lost golden cross is found, Gabriel Perez himself the 145th Witness, his wife the 146th Witness, and Mag. Sebastian de la Torre the surgeon the 147th Witness: whose words from the ordinary Process transferred hither it concerns not to repeat, since they are already had from the later Process made by Apostolic authority. I proceed therefore to the sixth, of which Hippolytus de Vergara, the 142nd Witness, said, that having a certain little golden cross, not greater than his thumb, but very precious to him, because it contained a particle of the wood of the true Cross; and on a certain day of the year 1621 being with his wife in his estate, half a league distant from Hispalis, he lost the same: which when he perceived to be missing he grieved vehemently, and for whole three days had it sought most diligently, by the eight domestic persons he had there. But when all the labor, expended at home and abroad, was in vain; he had one Mass of the day said in honor of the holy King Ferdinand; and on the very day a certain girl of servile condition, entered an area, in which rabbits ran about, and in which the aforesaid little cross had been sought a third time; and wishing to lift from under one of those animals a tile, as soon as it leaped down thence, found the little cross which had perished, all wondering at such a success

. Among these were the wife of Hippolytus himself, the 143rd Witness; and the servant the 144th Witness, the same who found it, sought most diligently for one whole night and the two following days, because her Master had promised a liberal reward to the finder.

[42] D. Leonora Romero, the 101st Witness, said, that about a month and a half before she had a childbirth so difficult, a dying woman in childbed is freed that the fetus died for her in the womb; and she was brought within three days to this, that Doctor Ibañez the physician and Gregoria de Casanova the midwife, held her for dead. In which crisis when she had commended herself to various Saints, certain kinswomen there present suggested, that she should invoke the holy King Ferdinand: which as soon as she did, there were also (as she afterward understood) some Masses said in the Royal Chapel. And suddenly she cast out the dead fetus and now plainly swollen; and she who before suffered a grave fever, was wholly free from the same, and within the fifteenth day from the birth rose from the bed: with the common joy and sense of all, that this ought to be ascribed to a miracle: as did the Deponent's own mother the 102nd Witness, who had suggested the counsel of invoking the holy King, and had had Masses said; and the Sister of the Deponent the 103rd Witness.

[43] Felix Escudero de Spinosa, performing the office which is called of Contador, the 124th Witness, said, that when in the year last past 1626 the Indian Galleons had arrived, he with several others, and namely with Captain John Nuñez de Jeroci, and Captain Eugene Delgado, and Isidore de Aguilar of Hispalis, on the 28th day of November the fourth feria, boarded the boat of the Averia, a ship in peril its rudder being lost, to receive the aforesaid Galleons. But when the admiral-ship, pertaining to Captain Eugene Delgado, in which as Admiral was the General Ferdinand de Losa, wished to enter through the mouth of San Lucar, at the beginning of the night there came up a storm so savage, that it could not enter; and four anchors with as many cables being cast into the sea, three of them being broken, the ship remained with one alone and that not very strong; whence it came into the greatest peril, especially when the rudder also failed. They therefore believing the ship lost, wished to take from it the silver, which was of more than four millions; but on account of the savagery of the sea no ships could be joined to the galleon, the storm being calmed it is brought into harbor, although the cannon being discharged several times those who were within had demanded aid. So that whole night was passed, the aforesaid Captain Eugene Delgado being much anxious, and all who beheld the crisis despairing of the safety of that vessel. Then indeed the Witness himself, for the singular devotion with which he is borne toward the holy King Ferdinand, and the experience of the favors which he renders to those invoking him, persuaded the aforesaid Captain, that he should promise some Masses to him being invoked. Which when he had done, the wind began continuously to settle, and the ship could subsist until morning; when with great labor indeed, but yet without any damage, having been so long in peril without a rudder, it was brought into harbor: and all acknowledged the benefit of the holy King. To the same benefit faith also gave, those who were present together, agreeing in all things, the 125th, 126th and 127th Witness.

[44] The Licentiate Thomas de Velasco, Portionary of the holy church of Hispalis, the 86th Witness, said, that eight or nine months before there grew on his forehead a carbuncle; which believing to be by no means malicious, a pestilent carbuncle with fever is healed. he despised; as also the fever, coming to him thence. But applying some medicine to each, when he believed the carbuncle healed, he felt the fever to have burned up vehemently, so that his judgment being lost he could not even receive the Sacraments. When therefore Doctor Nuñez and the Licentiate Louis de Herrera physicians of Hispalis visited him, whom he chiefly employed, they said he would die: and that by another paroxysm similar, such as he then suffered, coming on, he was certainly to be taken from life: wherefore they ordered, that, as soon as the sick man returned to his senses, the last things should be administered to him. These things so standing, Antony de Merlo, Portionary of the Metropolitan of Hispalis, said to the Witness himself, that he should commend himself to the holy King Ferdinand; which returned to himself he did, vowing that the first Mass, which he could say, he would say in the Royal Chapel, and according to his strength would labor for his Canonization. But it pleased God, that on the same day he was much better; and the physicians returning found him almost without fever; but the following day wholly free: whence on the fourth or fifth day after he rose from the bed; and believed, that his health, so quickly recovered, ought to be ascribed to a miracle. But their testimony to the same cure, as miraculous, added Thomas's brother, the 87th Witness, saying the thing happened on the feast of Corpus Domini; and another friend, who was present when the vow was made, the hundredth Witness.

[45] Hippolytus de Vergara, the 142nd Witness, said, that when in whole twelve years of his marriage with D. Joanna de la Puente, A son is obtained for a barren woman. he had begotten a single son only, and he had died; but his wife herself by the judgment of physicians and midwives showed signs of perpetual sterility, both were vehemently saddened, for the desire of obtaining an heir. But because the Witness himself was for some time devoted to the holy King Ferdinand, he suggested to his wife a vow to be commonly made, that, if through his intercession God should give him another son, they would name him Ferdinand, and would confer for promoting the Canonization whatever they could: and straightway they had a Mass said in the Royal chapel. Without delay, the woman was made pregnant, and in the ninth month after this brought forth a son, who named Ferdinand still lives. The same said D. Joanna, the 143rd Witness, adding that after the death of the prior son, for five years and more she had remained without children. The 144th Witness also, dwelling then in the same house, subjoins, that in the boy many particular signs are noted, by which it appears he was obtained by the intercession of the holy King.

CHAPTER IV.

The Process indicted for the Canonization: images with a diadem permitted to be sculptured at Rome.

[46] Those Processes, from which the aforesaid miracles were collected, had begun to be made, Remissorials being dispatched at Rome in the year 1629, after on the 15th day of the month of October of the year 1629, the Most Eminent and Most Reverend D. Antony Barberino proposing, by virtue of a special commission, signed by the hand of the Most Holy D. our Lord Pope Urban VIII, there were dispatched by the sacred Congregation of Rites Remissorial and Compulsorial letters, to the effect of making Processes by Apostolic authority in general and in particular, upon the virtues and sanctity of the servant of God and holy King Ferdinand, and also upon the miracles wrought by God through his intercession, as is read in the aforementioned summary. But what further was done in Spain, thus Zúñiga prosecutes at the year 1630. Such letters being brought from Rome, a consultation was instituted thereupon in the King's court, from which on the 23rd of the following January came forth an Answer to be brought to the King. In this the deputed Consultors, the sum of the Apostolic letters being set forth, deservedly add, that both the Cardinal proposing and the other Cardinals of the Congregation of Rites, blaming the carelessness of past times, through which the cause was not first begun to be treated, which two hundred years before ought to have been made; held its evidence so certain, that they permitted the informations brought for its proof to be printed in Latin and Italian, expressly pretitling them to be of the holy King Don Ferdinand: which in such a cause had never been seen, namely that the very thing should be asserted in the Process, which was to be proved. Then the same Consultors judge, that the aforesaid Remissorials, since they are directed to the Archbishop, although they are also directed to six Dignities (as they call them) of the Church of Hispalis on this condition that two of all may proceed in the cause, ought yet to be deferred until the Archbishop, then absent, should return to Hispalis; but meanwhile to be committed to P. John Pineda of the Society of Jesus, by whom the Memorial composed had promoted the cause at Rome, and to be enjoined to him that against his coming he should prepare all things: the same also should be ordered to provide and dispose, that letters of that kind should not be brought forth without some solemnity and a public testification of joy.

[47] The King approved the counsel offered him: but the men of Hispalis not bearing delay and supplicating the King, that, to be presented at Hispalis, since enough of those to whom the letters were directed were present, he would suffer them to be opened, he assented also to their petition, by an epistle dispatched the 15th of July: by which, on the 24th day of the same month, recited to the Chapter, by the Consultors chosen for it, there was designated for that solemn and most joyful action the day the 22nd of September, falling on a Sunday. But this approaching, amid the festive sounds of bells and the din of bombards, the Marquis de Villa-Manrique D. Melchior de Guzman, with a splendid company proceeded toward the church, by the accustomed rite and ceremony to receive the sacred Standard of the holy King, which after the night (if however that was a night, the Assistant of the city having proceeded solemnly, to which the lights granted no darkness, the whole city being lighted) appeared before the house of the Assistant on a podium displayed, between eighteen displayed standards of the military cohorts, in a beautiful and long order through the windows. Meanwhile a most noble company collected of all the Orders began to proceed: in which P. John Pineda, so well deserving of the cause, was led in the midst by Don Stephen Hurtado de Mendoza, the first-born of the Assistant; and D. Louis Ortiz de Zúñiga Ponce de Leon y Sandoval: but the Assistant, who carried suspended within a precious purse of Phrygian work the Apostolic Remissorials, was preceded by the Sworn and Rectors of the city.

[48] through six triumphal arches, The pomp was led through the street of the Serpent, at whose entrance stood a triumphal arch, erected by the Lusitanian nation with magnificent apparatus near the royal prisons; nor did the second yield anything to this, cared for by the Flemings and Germans, where the Cutlers' street opens; as neither the third in the area of S. Salvator, built at the expense of the neighbors; just as also a fourth built by the inhabitants of the street of the Franks was seen in their own street: to this further a fifth, of the very French nation, succeeded in the street called of the men of Placentia; and finally a sixth of the Italian nation, near the Genoese street. and brought into the church to the Judges, So they came to one of the chief gates of the Cathedral Basilica, in its front toward the West, named from S. Michael. There the comers were awaited by the Chapter and Clergy; and by these the Assistant being taken in the midst, proceeded to the Royal chapel; and to the Apostolic Commissaries sitting in it, D. Francis de Monsalio the Dean, D. Diego de Guzman the Archdeacon, D. Francis de Casaos the Treasurer, and D. Matthew Vasquez de Leca Archdeacon of Carmona. And when the Marquis de Villa-Manrique had deposited the Standard beside the altar, the Assistant spoke in this manner.

[49] After the singular benefits, which this notable city refers as received from the divine Majesty; he addresses the same, more special and infinite are those, by which it is bound

to the holy King Ferdinand, our Lord; bestowed not so much as on vassals, as on sons: because their Lord, having embraced the same with a paternal rather than a lordly affection, surpassed the praise given by Homer to a certain King of the Greeks, in these words; A good King, who ruled himself well, and to those whom he commanded was the cause of felicity. For ours was at once King and father: but the felicity, which he procured for his own, is not stayed on earth, while he himself prepares it for us in the heavens, as the beginnings of his Canonization make us certain: a felicity, which S. Ambrose acknowledging, said: It is to be desired by us that we may be able to have a King glorious, perfect, and blessed. This wish is the cause of today's joy, placed in this, that to your justice and care we offer the Apostolic rescripts; and commends the cause. since of your zeal and diligence the City secure, believes you will nowhere be wanting to the common desires of all the Orders. There concur in this cause the obligations of sons, of vassals, and of judges; which as all know, so they hope a brief and happy expedition; supplicating, that you act, as it becomes you to act, by the title of justice and of esteem, accruing from this, that you are constituted Judges in that cause, in which it would be most glorious to be ministers; and that by virtue of the commission, directed to you from our most blessed Father the holy Pontiff, which Hispalis delivers into your hands.

[50] These things being said there came John Guittierez Tello, the Leader of the Urban militia (they call him Master-of-the-camp) with the title of Procurator on the part of the Chapter assisting at this function; and taking the purse from the neck of the Assistant and unfolding it, delivered the letters to the Judges. These when in the name of all the Dean had received, The Dean accepts the Letters, and had promised with a grave oration that he with his Colleagues would respond according to his strength to the office imposed, there began to be sung with a most full concert, Te Deum laudamus. The Collect of the Holy Spirit was subjoined by D. Ferdinand de Quesada Archdeacon of Niebla; and the Standard the Marquis de Villa-Manrique restored to the Royal chapel. So when on that day there had been a departure, in the same order in which there had been a coming, in like manner all assembled again the next day in the church, for a solemn Mass, and a Mass of the Holy Spirit is sung. to be celebrated for imploring the divine aid. At which a grave and learned sermon had D. Manuel Sarmiento de Mendoza, the Magistral Canon, the theme being assumed, The just man is first the accuser of himself: there will come a friend and will investigate him. Proverbs 18, V. 17.

[51] Meanwhile at Rome P. Bernard de Toro was not torpid, constituted by his Royal Majesty as Agent in the Court for this cause: but obtained license from the sacred Congregation of Rites and the Pontiff himself for having an image made, with a diadem and rays as of a Saint, with this subscribed motto: Ferdinand III King of Spain, Images with a diadem are permitted. surnamed the Saint, the terror of the Saracens and defender of the Catholic Religion. Of this image many copies the same Father sent to Hispalis to various persons, under the date of the 24th of December, congratulating himself and the city on this presage of the best omen. These things Zúñiga has deduced most amply, we have contracted into a few; but we add that this image, to the measure of half a small folio, is found prefixed to the printed Summary, of which above, in which the cuirassed Saint stands, clothed in a paludament distinguished with Lions and Castles, with the right hand sustaining a sword, with the left a globe, and toward heaven as if pronouncing the words painted above, The Lord is my helper. But when a more elegant and greater other one, to be expressed in a royal folio, by my direction had been delineated and sculptured in the year 1677, he who then flourished at Antwerp most skilled in each art Cornelius Galle, where also in the recess far off is beheld the holy King, in sight of the city of Hispalis routing the Moors in an equestrian battle, he subjoined this dedicatory inscription; S. Ferdinand, King of this name the third, the terror of barbarians, the protection of Christians, the defender of his country, to the Most Illustrious Lord Don Ambrose Ignatius de Spinola y Guzman, of the Metropolis of Hispalis (which he freed from the Saracens) Archbishop, of the Catholic Majesty Counselor of state &c. Cornelius Galle in this image presents him, for patronage; himself, for obsequiousness dedicates, consecrates.

[52] But as these merit praise from the art and ingenuity of the sculptor, yet a greater veneration will always merit that which at the beginning before the prolegomena we exhibited, received from the book of feasts, at whose beginning also it is prefixed, as the true effigy with this kind of epigram:

Of great Ferdinand the true countenance in the image for which we have given the true effigy, Thou seest, which a learned hand expressed for thee. He who painted the face of this Alexander, an Apelles Perhaps gave: but the soul no one can paint.

The prototype, where and of what kind it is, it pleases from the book of Feasts already said page 325 to explain. It is a cedar panel, representing the King, before the image of the Mother of God genuflecting, in the same habit in which here he is expressed, except that he holds a crown in his hands. This crown in the engraving you see placed on the head, otherwise there bare, and for which in the hands he inserted a sword and the imperial globe Bartholomew Morell, who studied to imitate the prototype as to the rest; and added the diadem the sign of beatitude, today befitting him. received from the original a few things being changed, The King in the same panel two persons assisting on each side surround; of whom one womanly, seems to represent Queen Beatrice his spouse; the other childish, the then still tender son Alfonso, kneeling to the same Mother of God. To this panel the common judgment cedes the prerogative of antiquity and authority for this reason; because it is believed to have been given by the holy King himself to the Confraternity of S. Matthew, to which living he wished to be inscribed, under the care of the Master Tailors, who today preserve the same panel in the notable Convent of S. Francis, with such a tradition and authentic writings. For although also certain others are believed to contain the true likeness, and namely that which is in S. Clement's, yet to all those the appearance of more recent age takes away faith, and the diadem or splendors led round the head, which would not have been made for one living. Further since the aforesaid Beatrice died in the year 1234, painted about the year 1225. when her first-born had now reached the 15th year of age, the conjecture does not seem about to err, which would persuade the prior panel to have been painted about the year of the Lord 1225, the Saint not yet having entered the 30th of age. But it pleased the Chapter to command, that the same effigy here sculptured by us, should be adorned with an ampler border, and at the same time fitted to this our greater work, to be inserted into it, and to subserve private use distributed one by one. In this border, the highest place obtains the queen of birds the Eagle, pressing a thunderbolt with its talons, the symbol of a power penetrating and crushing whatever is opposed, with its beak presenting a serpent twisted back upon itself, the image of Eternity. At the sides assist, on this side the firmness of the Christian Religion, on that the authority of the Royal Majesty; so that to Majesty, Fortitude; to Religion, fervent Prayer and sublime Contemplation are associated: but below is beheld the Christian World, sacred to just Empire, and to the orthodox Faith.

CHAPTER V.

The progress of the business at Rome: and the proof of the case excepted as to the worship of the Saint from time immemorial.

[53] How the business afterward progressed at Rome the Relation printed there will teach us better, Processes being made at Hispalis and Naples, in which it is asserted, that by virtue of the said Remissorials Processes were made, in the city of Hispalis, and in the city of Naples: which were presented in this sacred Congregation of Rites, by the decree of the same through the Most Illustrious D. Protonotary opened, and successively recognized and interpreted. But all things were done the decrees of the same sacred Congregation being observed, and in all things the Most Illustrious D. Antony Cerro Promoter of the Faith being cited, so that it fully is established of the proving form of the said Processes. And when their examination had been committed to the Most Illustrious Lords three Auditors of the sacred Rota the more senior, the Chapter of the Metropolitan Church of Hispalis, in whose church and Royal chapel of S. Maria-of-the-Kings the body of the said Servant of God and holy King rests; and also the Chaplains of the said Royal Chapel and all the Convents, and all the Religious Orders, and all the Colleges of that city, and the very city of Hispalis itself; but especially the Most Serene Catholic King Philip IV, in the name of the King it is asked, descending from the said holy King Ferdinand in the thirteenth degree; greatly desiring to come to the formal Canonization of the same holy King, with reiterated instances several times insisted and insist for the expedition, as appears from the said instances and Royal letters presented by the Most Illustrious and Most Excellent D. Emanuel de Moura y Cortereal, Marquis of Castro Roderici, Grand Commander of the Order of Christ, Duke and perpetual Governor of the islands of Terceira, S. George, Fayal, and Pico, and Chamberlain of the same Catholic King, Prefect of the Royal revenues in the Kingdom of Lusitania, and with our Most Holy Lord Orator of the said Catholic Majesty; together with the Most Illustrious D. Doctor Bernard de Toro, by the same Catholic King specially deputed to prosecute the cause of the said Canonization; and the Most Illustrious D. Diego Lopez de Zúñiga, by the same Chapter of the Metropolitan Church of Hispalis, with the said D. Bernard de Toro, deputed likewise as Agent.

[45] that it be declared, But because on account of the new form of proceeding, prescribed in similar causes by the same sacred Congregation, Remissories are no more granted in a single context in general and in particular; but first in general only: and successively, the Process being examined in general, a resolution is taken, whether from it it ought to be granted in particular; therefore there was on the part of the said D. Promoter of the Faith objected, that by a recent Decree of the same sacred Congregation it was sanctioned, that in causes in which Remissories had been relaxed in a single context in general and in particular, before the said new form of proceeding first in general then in particular was prescribed, without a new process it ought to be remitted to the arbitration of the said sacred Congregation, whether there should be a proceeding to further things, and the arbitration pending nothing should be innovated: therefore the Most Eminent and Most Reverend D. Cardinal Antony Barberino proposing, in the next Congregation on the part of the same Most Serene King it is instanced to come to a favorable declaration of the arbitration for the Process, not only to further things in the said cause, but also to the effectual Canonization of the said holy King: which seems ought to be granted from the following. First. Because since we are concerned with a servant of God and a most ancient holy King, who died in the year of the Lord 1252, that it can be come to canonization: and so from three hundred eighty years and more; and in a most ancient cause, the Witnesses deposing of fame fully prove, by a conclusion in law most received, which also the sacred Congregation of Rites followed in several causes of Canonizations, but especially of S. Hyacinth, S. Raymond, and others… and in the cause of which it is treated several Witnesses deposing, deposing of the fame of sanctity of the said holy King, most fully questioned of the cause of knowledge, having also rendered a most full reason… without doubt we are beyond all controversy.

[57] Secondly. In a cause of this kind there concur historians of almost all nations, [because it is established from time immemorial of the title of Saint from fame and books.] who testify of the fame of Sanctity of the same servant of God, but among the rest

the chief are the following, namely: Gilbert Genebrard, a French Bishop, in his Chronicle at the year 1244, says the subscribed, S. Ferdinand expels the Moors from almost all the bounds of Spain: and at the year 1245. The magnificence of SS. Ferdinand and Louis the Kings, Theology and the good Arts, which had greatly languished for a hundred years, recovered their strength. In this manner further are numbered, the places of each being alleged where they call Ferdinand a Saint, Authors more than eighty; and it is added that the same do several other historians, French, German, Italian, Scottish, Polish, Catalan, both Latin and vulgar, whose names all are recounted by John de Pineda of the Society of Jesus, in his Memorial of the Life of the said holy King. But among those named in this Relation is the original book in the Archive of the city of Hispalis, which begins from almost three hundred years, in which are registered the privileges granted to it by the said holy King, in which he is named by the title of Saint. Likewise the Supplement of the History of Don Roderick Archbishop of Toledo Ms. chapter 103: but it is not added how far this Supplement extends, whence neither of its age can we say anything, yet it appears it is supposed the Ms. to be old.

[58] likewise from ancient paintings, Thirdly. There concur paintings and sculptures of the same Servant of God and Holy King most ancient, with the title and inscription of Blessed and Saint: to which inscriptions in the most ancient ones much is deferred… which veneration and the abovesaid public worship can by inspiration be called the voice of God, since it is of a Catholic people venerating the Saints, and moved only by the lead of piety and divine honor, by no other worldly affection and interest, as was considered in the Relations of S. Philip Neri, S. Isidore, and others. And of the said paintings and sculptures with a diadem and the inscription of Saint ancient, besides the depositions of Witnesses, it is established most fully from ocular inspection, made by the Most Illustrious Lords the Apostolic Remissorial and Compulsorial Judges, but especially of the following. In the old chapel of S. Maria de las Cuevas there are painted eight Saints, from an old painting, with diadems and the splendors of Saints, among whom is the holy King Ferdinand. In the church and monastery of S. Clement and in its greater chapel, over against the Royal sepulcher, there is a painting of the same Holy King, with a diadem as a Saint. In another of the principal gates of the city of Hispalis, and from their epigraphs, named de Xerez, in the midst of the Saints Isidore and Leander, there is painted the holy King Ferdinand, with the diadem of a Saint; and all these paintings on the wall are very ancient. And in this manner there are indicated paintings, representing the holy King, now with others, now alone, all old, in number eleven: but the authentic acts of the single inspections, from the 8th day of the month of April 1631 until the 7th of May of the same year, are deduced in the Summary num. 4 through twelve pages. But those which represent him with SS. Isidore and Leander, as the third already indicated has, express him on a throne in the manner of a tabernacle, with a diadem or splendor and a royal crown, see these inspections. and in the left hand the globe of the world (some in the right add a sword) and at the same time all set him in a more elevated place, than the aforesaid Saints standing at the sides: but under most is written, The holy King Don Ferdinand.

[59] Fourthly. There concur innumerable Masses of the holy King, The same is proved from the use of votive Masses, which were celebrated and are celebrated, with public worship and veneration, continued from almost four hundred years until the present… As also from most ancient time the Sword of the holy King with great veneration is carried in public processions… the Archbishop and other ministers ecclesiastical and secular seeing and consenting… The body also of the said holy King, honorably elevated above the ground, is venerated; which is not wont to be granted save to the Blessed and Saints… Which all conclusions of law without doubt proceed in a cause of this kind, in which there concurs not only the license of the Apostolic See and its consent presumptively, but even expressly, as is clear from the attestations of the supreme Pontiffs; namely Innocent IV, who testifies that the holy King walked in the way of the Lord's commands; Gregory XIII, who confirmed the Office which is recited in the Church of Toledo, in whose Lessons it is said, that the said holy King Ferdinand, for the excellence of his virtues, obtained the surname of Saint: and the same is had in the Office, which is recited in the Metropolitan church of Hispalis, confirmed by Sixtus V.

[60] Further besides the Witnesses related in the Summary, concerning the use of saying the Masses of the holy King, from a time which exceeds their memory, there is alleged num. 4 the protocol book of memorials and possessions of the Confraternity of the blessed souls of purgatory, in the Convent of S. Francis of Hispalis, in which exists the chapter of an endowment made to the said Confraternity, whose tenor is as follows. Catharina Diaz de Castellijo, formerly wife of Francis de Avila, and her children, gave to this Confraternity a hundred forty Ducats of cash in Reals, and from a testament of foundations, with the burden that every year in perpetuity there be said for the souls of the abovesaid in the Convent of S. Francis, on the day of all the Saints Vespers and a Mass sung with Deacons… likewise there be said another eleven Masses of the holy Festivities following, of the holy King Don Ferdinand, of S. Roch, of S. Peter… as the whole is established by a writing before John Bernal de Heredia, public Scribe of Hispalis, on the 4th day of February 1590. But Christopher Bañez writes to me, that afterward, new diligence being applied, an older copy was found, in the archive of that very Chapel whence first this had been received; for there is extant a Writing of the same Notary, made the 4th of August in the year 1586, by which Hippolyta Muñoz, Widow of John Gomez de Aguirre, bequeathed to the same Chapel and Confraternity a hundred Ducats, under the obligation of celebrating three feasts of the Blessed Virgin, and having said twelve Masses, of which six be of Requiem, but the other six of SS. Francis, Anthony, Joseph, Onuphrius, Michael, and the holy King D. Ferdinand. There is added a legacy of five hundred Ducats, before Jerome de Lura, the 4th of November 1607, made by Peter Ximenez Aillon and Catharina Aguirre his wife, for a certain number of Masses to be sung and recited, but among those to be recited six are defined in honor of SS. Blasius, Laureanus, Isidore, Hyacinth, Justa and Rufina, and the holy King D. Ferdinand. Nor does the same Christopher doubt, but that, the registers of several Confraternities and Communities being examined, several foundations of similar Masses ancient are to be found.

[61] Of the Sword, in the same Summary num. 6 the Witnesses assert, from the veneration of the Sword and sepulcher, that every year on the feast of S. Clement from the sepulcher and the hands of the holy King it is taken, to be carried in procession, and that with a ceremony and attestation of public faith of restoring it. But this is done in memory of the victory, which the Saint with that Sword on such a day bore off over the Moors, the city of Hispalis being obtained from them; and with a like ceremony again is placed back the said Sword between the hands of the Saint, that is of the image representing the Saint to the life, and to that end placed in a Royal habit and on a throne, as said num. 39. Finally of the veneration of the Sepulcher there are alleged witnesses in the Summary num. 7, of whom one affirms more expressly, that to the said Sepulcher and altar are offered wax candles, candles, images, mortuary garments, and tablets, in which are contained the vows of several persons, who through the intercession of the holy King obtained graces and innumerable favors. Fifthly. There concurs also the fame of miracles, not only in general, but even in particular expressed in the book entitled Flos-Sanctorum… which book… was always held by all, from the fame of miracles, held and reputed as veracious, as most amply depose the Witnesses, of whom in the Summary num. 10. But there no one alleges an edition older than the Hispalensian of the year 1568, whereas ours is of the year 1532. Sixthly. Because the State of Sanctity of the said Servant of God and Holy King is also fully proved, with all the requisites of the immemorial… so that there does not seem to be any more place for disputing… Nor is there to be inquired about the proof of virtues in general or in particular, and of virtues, since a proof of this kind tends to seeing, whether he was a Saint; and we ought to suppose his sanctity in general and in particular, from this that as a Saint he was openly and publicly venerated by all as above: for the consequent supposes its necessary antecedent…

[62] From the immemorial custom alone in the cause of S. Peter of Nolasco, (sufficient for canonization) a Decree of the sacred Congregation preceding, by our Most Holy Lord S. Peter Nolasco was described in the Catalogue of the Saints, as is established from the letters dispatched in the form of a Brief. It is established also that Pope Leo X canonized S. Guibert, with only the book of his life; and Pope Alexander III reckoned in the number of the Saints Edward King of England, only the book of his miracles being inspected, and the letters of Innocent II, as appears from the Bull of the same Alexander III. Whence it seems so much the more ought to be assented to the reiterated instances of the supplicants, and especially of the Most Serene Catholic King, for the Canonization of the said holy King, for whom so many and so great things above adduced concur, which are proved from the ordinary and Apostolic process… In which Apostolic process several Witnesses also depose most fully of all the virtues in particular, even in the most excellent degree, namely faith, meditation, contemplation, in general contempt of the world, purity of heart, hope, confidence, charity toward God and neighbor, zeal of the honor of God and of the salvation of souls, joy, peace, mercy, beneficence, prudence, discretion, docility, solicitude, circumspection, justice, religion, vocal and mental prayer, penance, piety, observance, obedience, poverty, gratitude, truth, simplicity, friendship, liberality, fortitude, magnanimity, security, magnificence, patience, longanimity, perseverance, sobriety, chastity, maceration, constancy, temperance, abstinence, gentleness, clemency, humility, studiousness, taciturnity, and modesty: and to God he referred the operations of all virtues… And although the premised things seem to be enough, without any other discussion of virtues and sanctity, since in the most ancient ones it is not necessary to express causes and reasons; nevertheless, that more clearly from every part the sanctity of the said holy King may become known, I have judged it worth the trouble (says the Author) also particular acts, pertaining to the said virtues, to recount, which constitute a perfect and holy life, and in particular, and were most fully in his soul. Then indeed he proceeds one by one through the threefold kind of virtues, namely the Theological, the Intellectual, and the Moral.

[63] But these things being amply deduced and proved, by alleging the Witnesses deduced in the Summary, finally from the incorruption of the body and its sweet odor. who had their things mostly from the reading of old and recent authors, or the relation of their elders; the Relation weighs that to the present cause there concurs the incorruption of the body above all the power of nature

, in the space of almost four hundred years; of which depose the witnesses Physicians, employed by the Most Illustrious Lords the Remissorial Judges in the visitation of the body of the said Holy King, and not only no sign of stench or evil odor arises from it, as according to the custom of nature happens in the bodies of the dead; but rather a good odor and a sweet fragrance, which likewise is a sign of sanctity. I know not why in this place the Author of the Summary omitted to produce the very Act of the ocular inspection: for whose testimonies he alleges num. 84, These things being legitimately ascertained, only proceed from hearing in general from parents and fame, except the 6th Witness, who simply said, I saw the body of the Holy King; and the 3rd Witness, who alleges by name the assertion of Don Paul, who saw it and experienced it a third time: which though they might suffice to believe the integrity of the body for that time, do not prove it to be miraculous. But what from the acts of that time we cannot have, Zúñiga will suggest to us in the following Chapter from the acts of the year 1668: for so long and longer the cause lasted. After those things which in this and the preceding Chapter were related, done and exhibited at Rome, more slowly there the progress in the business was. For (as Zúñiga prosecutes) in the year 1643, there died P. Bernard de Toro, the Agent on the part of his Majesty, both in that cause and in another of the Immaculate Conception; and his place, with all the documents and instruments which were in his keeping, P. John de Lugo took up, of the Society of Jesus, he who afterward as Cardinal died in the year 1660. in the year 1655 the case is declared excepted from the decrees of Urban 8. Meanwhile the processes were formed: which when in the year 1652 they were remitted to Rome, and the Congregation had moved a difficulty upon the article of non-worship, the same John Lugo now a Cardinal acting, the sacred Congregation, assembling in the Quirinal on the 29th day of May in the year 1655, judged that there was established the excepted case, from the worship applied through an immemorial course of time, exceeding the bound of a hundred years before the decrees, with the knowledge and tolerance of the Ordinaries, and therefore that there could be a proceeding to further things.

CHAPTER VI.

The inspection of the incorrupt Body in the year 1668, and the judgment of the Physicians concerning it.

[64] With how great diligence this inspection was performed, most amply appears from the Relation, In the year 1668 the Archbishop of Hispalis which the Archbishop of Hispalis D. Antony Paino sent to Pope Alexander VII: where when after other things he had narrated, how about to proceed to the inspection of the very holy Body, he chose the 17th of March of the year 1668, he thus writes: Being personally constituted in the royal chapel of this holy church, from the skilled men for knowing of the incorruption of the body, and from those deposing about the notice and antiquity of the sepulcher, I exacted a reiterated oath: and the same and the Promoter fiscal and the Witnesses being present, the sepulcher was opened, in which was found a black wooden chest. But because the place was rather dark, at the instance of the same skilled men, that chest was extracted from the sepulcher into full light: and it being unlocked exhibited another chest, more ornate and overlaid with precious cloth, within which was the body of the venerable servant of God. When therefore we had seen it; and reverently handling it with our own hands, consults the skilled men about the incorruption of the body. had found it with all its members continuous and entire; the skilled men likewise approaching, all together and one by one separately, inspected it and touched it in its various parts: who when they had made their declarations and signed them, all things were again closed, and replaced in the same manner and place in which they had been before; and about the whole matter an instrument was composed by the present Notary, and together with the rest of the Process and the very declarations sent to Rome. To this action the Chaplains prepared all things, That inspection the Chaplains had anticipated, on occasion of preparing all things necessary for it: but what then was done, has most accurately described, he who was present and most curiously noted each thing, D. Christopher Bañez: whose this relation is extant in Zúñiga, thus to be rendered into Latin.

[65] On the 17th day of March in the year 1668, was made the visitation of the body of the holy King D. Ferdinand, by D. Antony Paino Archbishop of Hispalis, and his Provisor, and two of the Dignities of the holy church, with pious curiosity they unlock Remissorial Judges for the process of his Canonization. On that day I saw the aforesaid holy body, remaining at noon in its royal chapel; because I had heard, that the royal Chaplains at such an hour ought to dispose all things necessary for the visitation; and because it seemed to me, that on such an occasion, with greater leisure, I could satisfy the desire, which I always had of seeing the miracle of that holy and so incorrupt body. And I satisfied it as I had hoped. For when an experiment had been taken of the two keys of that tomb, the Chaplains there present and the two seculars who were present, namely Diego de Gongora and I, instanced so greatly; that the persuaded President of the Chapel suffered himself to be conquered by his devotion and ours, the triple chest, and showed us that venerable Relic. There was opened therefore the first chest, which is closed with three keys, and is of walnut or oak. This contains another second, which is closed with two leaves, and is covered with blue silk with a red border, each exceedingly old. Within this again is a third chest, more narrow at the feet than a sarcophagus, whose lid was convex in the manner of a tomb, and was covered with an exceedingly precious cloth of red color, adorned with a cross of silver worked of notable artifice, which descends from the head to the feet, two palms wide in its shaft and in its arms. This being unlocked there was lifted a tapestry of crimson color, and there lay open to the eyes of the beholders the holy body: and it inflicted on us great astonishment and joy, with its so rare and marvelous incorruption, after four hundred and sixteen years.

[66] The body is of full stature, and is clothed with an ankle-length tunic of a cloth of a texture unknown to us, which is wholly distinguished with royal insignia, namely Castles and Lions, with proportioned sleeves. At the head it has the same cloth round the crown whence the hairs emerge: and inspect the body, nor could we distinguish, whether by it as a crown he was bound, or whether it had the form of a hood, as is wont to be seen in an Episcopal mozzetta; or finally whether it was an eared cap: for the distinction was intercepted by the pillow, into which the head of the Saint immersed by its own weight, had made it be raised up at each temple. But it lies upon a mattress and pillow of red silk, exceedingly ill affected by the antiquity of time, as it was clothed in its garments, shod with shoes of green leather illumined with gold; in which in place of ears were hooks for binding them. There was one who said they were spurs: but the hooks stuck affixed to the very shoes, nor does any indication of spurs of that kind appear. The same shoes covered the bare feet without any stockings, and were almost three fingers broader than the measure of the feet, ending in a triangularly sharp point: the rest of the part was cut into thongs, and offered through intervals to be beheld the flesh of the feet and their toes. Over the breast was stretched a sword, furnished with a simple cross at the hilt, of the same form as is that a sword being placed which is carried in procession on the day of S. Clement: but the hilt of this, that is the cross, the grip, and the pommel, are of silver and distinguished with certain granules, and it is covered with a leather scabbard of an amber color, interspersed with silver bands. But when we had obtained from the President, that he should give us the said sword to be more accurately considered; we both tried together to draw it from the scabbard, here and there, one by the hilt, the other by the scabbard pulling, a ring, and a scepter; with great effort, but in vain. There was a ring of gold, of inferior quality as it seemed, but thick without any chasing or enamel: in which for a bezel was a blue stone like a sapphire, of the size of a medium bean and of an oval figure. Finally with the right hand over the left, with the arms crossed over the breast, he holds a rod or scepter of a grained wood, or like material, at that time precious, of the measure of one ell, fortified at each end with ivory.

[67] As soon as the first tomb was unlocked, there began to be diffused and felt a certain sweet odor, without any indication of balsam, as of a certain aromatic, but unknown species. But the body is wholly united in a solid frame; and that it itself is not embalmed with balsam, I knew, because I saw the tongue lying on the jaw and the lower teeth; nor has it any section or any other sign in the forehead; nor was it bound as bodies to be embalmed with balsam are wont; nor finally did the physicians find anything in the intestines, whence they did not certainly gather that no unction had been applied. The face is entire, not consumed, but turgid, of that color which is wont to remain after death in a man naturally ruddy, but as if lightly sprinkled with dust. the face being entire, The eyes not deeply drawn in, but within a small cavity decently depressed; where also is a darker color, as in a place more apt to retain dust. No beard, the mouth is open, so that one may see in the upper part all the molar teeth: but in the lower part the extremities of the teeth of one side: among which in the middle is beheld the tongue, the rest the lip covers. The bones of the temples large show themselves through the skin, as of a robust man: the neck lies open to view, so far as it is not hidden by the tunic, and is plainly entire with its skin, and the skin of the same color as the face. Whatever of the arms and hands can be seen bare, as far as the beginning of the fingers, is clothed with its skin, and the same of native color: only to the fingers the skin is wanting. But the cause of the defect seems to be, that they were adorned with many rings, of which only that one was left which I said above; but by drawing off and inserting more often those rings that skin seems to have been worn away: except in the fingers but what can be beheld in the fingers, are not the articular bones, but fibers or nerves of a dusky color, somewhat tending to silver, as of dry flesh.

[68] The shins from the knees to the ankle show the bones bare, and the shins, but of a color much more lively than are the bones of bodies dissolved by corruption. The feet, so far as they can be beheld through the shoes, appear with their skin white, well formed, but for the stature small enough, and as of a man still living. But I judge that therefore the skin failed from the shins; because while the holy body stood between the tombs of Queen Beatrice and King Alfonso the Wise, they could touch them, and gradually take away something thence those, who through so many ages came thither, desirous of relics; which they could not so conveniently do to the feet, worn away by the touch of those venerating. better defended by the shoes from injury of that kind. And this I can testify with certainty enough: because I saw how much on that day was snatched of the garments, and of the tapestry spread over, of which also notable portions came to me, as also of the shoes; and now also the left foot,

from the ankle to the beginning of the toes, was shaved. But the holy body is flexible and foldable through all its joints, with the greatest facility: as the surgeons experienced by moving the shins, arms, head, The whole body is flexible and the rest of the parts excellently jointed together; which could not be done, if there were anything of corruption in them. I myself noted, that when the Assistant took the sword, because at the same time he had grasped also the sleeve, the right arm was raised: which he perceiving loosed the sleeve, and the arm returned into its place.

[69] These are the things which I could then know: but afterward from the physicians I learned, that they found all things so, and besides saw the whole breast, with a fissure about the stomach shoulders and arms, with their skin, save that about the stomach there was an opening, and the skin drawn back to the side; but on the other part so thick, that it was known that nothing of it was wanting. But the suspicion was that that opening is from this, that according to the custom of that time it may be that straightway from death his holy body was opened to take out the viscera: as was done to D. Alfonso the Wise, who ordered his body to be buried at Hispalis or Murcia, but his heart on Mount Calvary at Jerusalem: and Garibay asserts, that at that age it was customary for Princes to order their bodies to be deposited in one place, the intestines in another, the viscera or heart in a third. But this is said only by conjecture. For Doctor Olibera said to me, that when he had put his hand within the holy body, to try whether it was not embalmed with balsam (for if it had been it ought to have been hollow lengthwise) he could not move it toward the breast, because namely the viscera were still within. book 3 c. 16 the cause of which is hidden, Perhaps they extracted the stomach and the bowels: or even not extracted, they were dried up of themselves, as being moister; and dried up they drew the skin to one or the other part, whence was made that fissure under the stomach; or finally, when the place of the stomach and belly was as it were empty, the skin was burst by some blow or impulse.

[70] These, I say, are the things which I saw and could know, both by my own sight, and by the relation of those who had assisted at the visitation, The matter being made known a multitude assembles, for which the fourth hour of the evening was designated. And although it was cared for that the matter should be done as secretly as possible, yet the fervent eagerness of the devout to see the body of the holy King made the secret known abroad: so that a good many assembled in the church, from a quarter of an hour before. And when some saw others assisting at the gratings of the Royal chapel, and they being asked why they delayed there, gave the cause; the notice was gradually diffused to more, and the number grew. At length at the aforenoted hour D. the Archbishop entered into the chapel, where already were present those who were by name convoked and necessary; and the gate was closed, so that of all that throng very few entered. and after the Archbishop Then indeed the faithful, who in so great number and so near to their expectation stood, seeing themselves frustrated of it, did so much, that the plate which covered the bolt being lifted, they drew back the bar of the gate; and bursting in with that haste and resolution, such as on such an occasion you could expect from a conspired crowd, bursts into the chapel. filled the chapel. I, who had already seen the holy Relic, to avoid the crush, went up into a tribune at the left hand, that thence I might contemplate the ceremonies, to be applied in an act so extraordinary: which were of this kind.

[71] The Judges ascended the marble step, on which stands the tomb containing the holy body; The chests being extracted from the tomb, and to that end were lifted thence the tombs of Alfonso the Wise and Beatrice his mother. Then were opened the tombs or inner chests of the holy King, but within them so many could not see him, as ought to examine it: and therefore D. the Archbishop commanded, that from the tomb the other chests be extracted, and placed upon the marble plane. This was done with great labor: because the tomb and chests were very tightly compressed, one within the others: there was therefore need of great violence and many impulses, and not until the pulleys, binding together the sides of the marble tomb, were loosed or broken, were the chests extracted: which then, in that crowding of so great a multitude, it was needful to turn variously, now to the feet, now to the head; so that it would have been difficult even for a living body to remain unhurt. Nevertheless God, marvelously exhibiting the body unhurt: the Lord indeed of the living and the dead, did not permit anything to be violated or loosed from its frame. Then the Judges made one by one the examination enjoined them: and then also one by one the physicians and surgeons, who inspected the body and moved it as I said. Meanwhile, although the Archbishop tried to impede it, the faithful did not cease to approach from everywhere, and to try a way by which they might apply their rosaries to the holy body, or even pluck off something of the relics. The visitation being completed the chests were closed, and replaced in the tomb; and I returned that I might remain in the chapel: and by night again the chests were opened, which by night was again inspected by the Chaplains. to compose the tunic of the holy body; and so a second time I saw it with leisure, and noted the shoes wanting, and pieces of the tunic, and that one foot was shaved, as I said. Thus far the curious observations of D. Christopher Bañez, which, says Zúñiga, I had from D. Diego de Gongora, in whose power they now are.

[72] The judgment of the physicians concerning the supernaturality of the aforenoted incorruption, One of the Physicians with his colleagues legitimately written, Zúñiga also exhibits, which likewise from the Spanish we have made Latin: but it sounds thus. Doctor Gaspar Caldera de Heredia, physician of the city of Hispalis, one of the senior, as named and deputed together with the Lords, Doctor Don Peter de Heredia physician, and the Licentiate Diego de Olivera, and the Licentiate Ferdinand Soriano surgeons, well approved and qualified persons, for the inspection, visitation, and recognition of that state, in which today is found the body of the venerable servant of God D. Ferdinand III, King of Castile and Leon, called commonly and generally the Saint, by the Most Illustrious Lord Antony Paino Archbishop of Hispalis, again sworn to tell the truth, and the Lords D. Diego Tribinius, Consultor of the holy Office, his Provisor and Vicar general; D. Francis Ponce de Leon, Archdeacon of Niebla; Doctor D. Peter Francis Lebanto, Archdeacon of Reyna, Dignities of the holy Metropolitan church of Hispalis, Apostolic Remissorial Judges in the cause and process for the Canonization and Beatification of the aforesaid venerable servant of God D. Ferdinand III: which denomination and deputation I accepted and again accept; and the oath taken, so far as is necessary, I ratify; and I promise to declare with all truth and justice, according to the capacity of my knowledge and ingenuity, whatever I shall see or know in the said body to be natural or supernatural, and whether it was or was not by a divine miracle preserved.

[73] To this end on the present Saturday the 17th day of March, of the current year 1668, the 17th of March I appeared in the Royal chapel in the holy church of Hispalis, where it publicly and notoriously is established that the aforesaid body is held in the sepulcher and lies; in the presence and assistance of the Lords the four Judges, and of the very Reverend Lords the Fiscal Promoters, and some Witnesses, about the fourth hour of the evening a little more or less, in the company of the said Lords the physician and surgeons. And when by the command of the Lords the Judges a certain wooden chest had been opened, in my judgment of oak or walnut, which stood on a marble footstool, the chests of the holy body being opened which is at the foot of the altar before the holy image of our Lady named of the Kings; there was found within it another chest, of a certain as it seemed black wood, and closed. But by the command of the aforesaid Lords the Judges, that all things might be done in clearer light, this second chest also was drawn out of the former: and being opened it showed a third chest, covered with golden cloth, so splendid and shining, as if a little before it had been placed there. But in this, also opened, is and lies the said body of that holy King. And when the aforesaid Lords had attentively seen and inspected it, they commanded the said Lords the Physician and Surgeons, and me with them, that we should see and palpate with special attention the aforesaid body and its parts: being ordered to explore it, and according to our art and knowledge should expound clearly and distinctly the state, in which today the aforesaid body is found, conformably to our legality and knowledge under the obligation of the oath which we took.

[74] he declares it to be entire, And I Gaspar Caldera de Heredia, with religious veneration and singular solicitude, after I had prayed God and our Lord, that He would grant me His divine light, to say and declare that which would be of His greater honor and glory, and to fulfill the command of the said Lords the Judges; for that which pertains to me, as one of the skilled, I say and declare under oath; that when the said body had been shown in clear and distinct light, I found it to be entire, and in it from head to feet to be continued the true skin, as the physicians call it, in all its members, except in the radius of one shin, which is uncovered from the knee to the ankle of the foot: yet the bone which lies open is white, and without any corruption: but the feet are covered with the true skin, furnished with their natural nails in due proportion. The head is as of a dead man, and in the forehead and in the crown covered with its skin, with some hairs, and the eyelids of the eyes entire. The mouth open with its lips, although dry and arid, and much of the teeth within it. But the head, not altogether, but somewhat is detached from the neck: which could have happened, from the motion made to extract from the sepulcher the first, as I said, chest. Its face is neither comely nor and solidly connected under its skin, deformed; but covered with a certain mortuary pallor. The breast and shoulders are covered with the true skin, as also the other parts, which thence are continued together with the arms, with the same skin proportionally covered. And when I had raised both arms the right and the left, I found them firmly united and cohering each to its shoulder, with the due texture of nerves and tendons.

[75] The belly I found empty and tractable, and the skin on every part firm, without any indication of a future or of balsam once applied: but the thighs continued with the skin, from the lower part of the belly to the knees; but without juice, and raising each I knew it to cohere to the sacrum, by its nerves and tendons, with the same proportion which ought to be between the body and the members, as

I said, only the flesh being wanting, which is wont to adorn those members. Indeed it behooved that it should be diminished and consumed in the space of four hundred years from the time of his death, more by resolution than by corruption: which if it had come upon any part, the corruption of the other parts would have followed successively. the flesh being consumed, The flesh therefore left in failing the body as it was, that is, not as a skeleton, but as the body of a dead man: because the true skin is without corruption: and the belly entire (however much that part is so moist) shows no sign of any putrefaction in the skin. And this is the more marvelous, the more constantly from an old and general tradition it is believed, that the holy King died of dropsy: not putrefied, but those who so die, are wont straightway to corrupt with an intolerable stench. But as to the odor, as soon as the sepulcher was opened, it was perceived to proceed from the very holy body so sweet, that it cannot be explained. For it was not like the artificial and natural odors of amber, and sweetly smelling: musk, or cedar, or other similar species, but a fragrance plainly singular delighting the heart: and so much that this even alone is a sufficient witness of incorruption. I declare therefore, and so it seems to me, that all the things already said could not in this state for so many years have been preserved, save by a divine miracle operating: and this is my opinion under the obligation of the oath: and so I confirm, approve, and ratify.

[76] Now further it is my office to establish my opinion, from the principles of Philosophy and Medicine, which he proves to be miraculous, and to define whether that body could for so many ages have been preserved by natural virtue, or whether a preservation of that kind ought to be reckoned miraculous. First therefore I suppose, as an infallible principle, that a miracle only is called, an effect exceeding the common order of nature and art, so that it cannot be obtained by any artifice or medicine, but only can be had from a superior and divine power. from the nature of the place, But that such it is that that venerable body is preserved incorrupt, first I prove from this, that the holy King for more than the two last years of his life dwelt at Hispalis, and there died: which is a wasting and humid place, more than any other of all Baetica, both for its natural situation, and for the influx of the stars corresponding to it, and more subject to corruption: and yet without this it there lasted so many ages. The same secondly I prove from the situation and manner of the deposition, from the first day of this until the present hour, the condition of the tomb, within the marble tomb, on a cold and excessively humid ground, especially at present in the chapel called of the Kings, where the tomb only touches it immediately: so that according to the order of nature that body ought to have been reduced to dust, unless it were miraculously preserved: especially since in preceding years several inundations of almost infinite water came upon the city, overflowing itself upon the city of Hispalis, the frequency of inundations, whence naturally it ought to have corrupted. But that it was preserved incorrupt, is manifestly convinced to be a miraculous work of a superior and divine cause: and so, although God had not done other miracles through this His servant, I judge that this is of the first class, among those which the divine Majesty is wont to work: with the circumstance of a sweet and heavenly fragrance acceding to that incorruption: and so I rely not on the incorruption alone, but on the concurrence of all the signs together for the composition of that miracle. supported by the opinion of the common people resting on miracles, I am moved besides to confirm that miraculous integrity by the concurrence of all the other signs, both human and divine; the acclamation of all the Christian faithful; the continual and from time immemorial opinion of his holy life and heroic virtues; the affection and devotion of so many and so innumerable persons, who through his intercession acknowledge singular favors and altogether miraculous, to have been bestowed on them by God. But this reasoning regards another and more sublime tribunal.

[77] But if anyone wish to maintain, that the holy King suffers some corruption in the skin or in the members or harmony of the body; he will be convicted of a manifest error, the sweetness of the odor by the sweet odor and fragrance flowing from the said body, and by its integrity. For just as a horrible stench and noisomeness follows corruption and putrefaction; so a good and sweet odor follows preservation, union, and the perfect conformation of the parts: also the temperament of that odor, not natural but supernatural, publishes and confirms the effect to be altogether miraculous. But if further anyone insist, nor does it stand in the way that the flesh was dried up and consumed, from this that in this body the natural flesh is wanting, that it can be maintained that it suffered some corruption, for otherwise that also would have remained entire, as it is said to remain entire in certain other Saints, Francis, Diego, Isidore the Husbandman: it is answered that that peculiar benefit of God ought not equally to be extended to all Saints, but partially also by God is wont to be communicated: since we hear it said that the forefinger of S. John the Baptist was so preserved, in the forehead of S. Mary Magdalene a part of the flesh, the tongue of S. Anthony, the heart of S. Theresa: and so in this holy King is entirely preserved the whole true skin through the whole body from head to feet. Nor here is one to penetrate more curiously into God's providence, and the reason to be sought, why God should grant that favor of universal integrity, even as to the flesh, to some Saints rather than others; much less from the wasting of the flesh, notwithstanding the rest of the body's integrity, is it to be argued, that there is not here a true miracle, but the supreme effect of a natural virtue. For the corroboration further and confirmation of my opinion it can suffice, what Doctor Francis de Figueroa said and judged in the year 1634, as before it was also judged in the Visitation of the year 1634. when for a similar cause he saw and inspected this venerable body, declaring in grave words, that he found it with the same heavenly and divine odor, and with the same incorruption and integrity, and most perfect composition and harmony, with which today it is beheld. Nor less is it confirmed from this, that it was so preserved for more than four hundred years. We ought therefore indubitably to establish, that the odor, integrity, color, union, and frame of the members, and all the other circumstances related by me of this holy body, exceed in their present preservation all the order of nature or art, by the miraculous operation of God to His high and secret ends.

[78] But let it be permitted for the truth, not only of my affection, but of the very essence, to add also this by discoursing, that if by the just permission of God today there were made a resurrection of bodies, to be informed by their souls, such as will be made in the last day of judgment; that venerable body, The same the common opinion of sanctity, just as we found it entire, and disposed in all its parts according to legitimate harmony, as it now is; would only require, that its soul should inform it with that lucid splendor, with which the souls of the just will inform their bodies, communicating to them the light of glory, which the divine Majesty communicated to those very souls, in reward of the satisfaction, which in this life they gave to divine justice by their heroic works, elevated by the merits of the passion and death of our Lord Jesus Christ. But in our case it is evident, that the works of that holy King were rooted in true sanctity: since we know, that he lived and died with the opinion of sanctity, according to the common sense and veneration of all the faithful; which even today perseveres, continued more than four hundred years, and is continued with ever greater devotion and fervor: which itself argues some superior cause of so continual a perseverance.

[79] And indeed it seems to me that no human reasoning can be formed, by which the contrary may be evinced: nay rather in this is corroborated that very sanctity, with respect to the power of human nature, if it is permitted me, to corroborate this truth by the saying of the Gentile Aristotle, saying, That which seems to all, is impossible altogether to be false. That two, or four, or some few, continued through so many ages, should be deceived, is possible by common judgment: but that all should be deceived in the common corroboration of one truth, is impossible. Let there be considered I pray the time and number of ages, during which there lasted the esteem, worship, veneration, and fervent devotion toward that venerable servant of God, in all peoples and kingdoms, he reckons holds the place of an infallible testimony, both subject to Catholic and to foreign Principality; and in most patent light will appear the truth, which by my slender judgment I seem to attain. Finally there is added, that most recently he has been called a Saint, and honored as the other Saints, and as such permitted and tolerated to be honored, not only by Prelates and ordinary Superiors, but even by the Apostolic See, which the Holy Spirit rules and governs, by whose aid we hope his Canonization, to the honor and glory of God and our Lord. and concludes the declaration. This is my opinion in this judgment, which I hold ratified and approved, as from the sight and inspection of the body itself of the venerable servant of God, according to the knowledge and experience which I could attain in the space of fifty years, during which I profess medicine. If I err in anything, that I have not well understood; in no way do I intend to depart from the sense and doctrine of the holy Catholic Church: because in such a case I in every way resign and subject myself, as a faithful and Catholic son of the Church; nor only do I yield to its light and command, but also to any better and sounder judgment.

[81] To the same opinion and form judged, both the other Physician, and the two Surgeons: and to the same had been consonant before the resolutions of those, who were present at the prior visitations, approving the preservation of the holy body as a stupendous and continual miracle. Further from the very beginning of this treatise, and especially from the year 1634, says Zúñiga, in which the Dean and Chapter of the Metropolitan Church took upon themselves the whole care and expense, necessary for this holy business, they always had a formed Deputation, which should direct each thing to be done particularly, the persons being changed again and again for the variety of times; to whom with a liberal hand the Dean and Chapter, as they promised to Philip IV the Catholic King, contribute whatever is necessary to them to attain the end. The Deputation of the Canons for the direction of the cause. In which matter indeed they declare the notable generosity of their mind, as worthy successors of that old Hispalensian Clergy, who for the fabric of building the new Cathedral church, the like to which all Spain would scarcely have, generously ceded all their revenues to be received yearly, content with that little which sufficed for necessary sustenance, until the work should be completed; which under Sancho IV the King, and so before the year 1295 begun, under John II, that is not long before the year 1407 first finished, says Roderick Caro book 2 chapter 4 about to give its description, such as before also Morgado had given book 4 c. 2.

Likewise in the instructions sent to me I read, that the Chapel of S. Clement (which for the more convenient administration of the most holy Sacrament had stood built in the cloister of the old church from the year 1248) was in the memory of our parents built anew with a new and by far most beautiful work near the new church; all the Beneficiaries conferring certain portions of their revenues, besides that sum which the Prefects of the Fabric could expend from their treasury. And this is what they call the Sanctuary, a most beautiful specimen of new architecture within and without, and most pleasant to see.

CHAPTER VII.

The Canonization of the holy King, begun by Pope Clement X, announced at Hispalis, and the notable apparatus made for the new feast.

[82] At length in the year 1671 there came the time, which, as Zúñiga says, The premises being made known Clement X moved decrees, God had destined for the greatest glory of the Spanish kingdoms and of the city of Hispalis, through our Holy Lord Pope Clement X, who on the 4th day of February declared, that King Ferdinand, could be worshiped as a Saint, and granted a feast to be celebrated on the day of his Birth, under the rite of a Double, through all the dominions subject to the Spanish Monarchy, letters being dispatched the 7th day of the same February in the first year of his Pontificate in this form: The most glorious Citizens of the heavenly Jerusalem, those especially, who in the days of their pilgrimage, although they were placed in the sublimity of human things, did not hope in the slipperiness of riches, nor in the power of Royal dignity; but with that great virtue of humility (by which it comes to pass, that a loftiness not usurped by human pride, but given by divine grace, transcends all earthly summits, nodding with temporal mobility) being made solid fought the wars of the Lord; and resting on that one foundation, which is Christ Jesus, built upon gold, silver, precious stones, and merited to receive the reward of an abiding work in the stability of eternal salvation, with fitting heraldings of honors and praises to be celebrated on earth, we deservedly judge. And accordingly the vows of orthodox Kings demanding this very thing, shining no less with the splendor of piety and other Christian virtues, than of Royal eminence, we hear with paternal affection; as we judge it will be in the Lord conducive to the honor of the Catholic Church, and to fostering and promoting the spiritual edification and devotion of the faithful peoples.

[83] Since therefore at another time, namely on the 29th day of May 1655, the Congregation of the then existing Cardinals of the Holy Roman Church, set over sacred Rites, from what was deduced in a process made by Apostolic authority, upon the excepted case, because the antiquity of worship being sufficiently proved, declared, that it was established of it from the worship exhibited to the servant of God Ferdinand III, King of Castile and Leon, surnamed the Saint, through an immemorial course of time, exceeding the bound of a hundred years, before the Decrees of happy memory Pope Urban VIII our predecessor, with the knowledge or tolerance of the Ordinaries, and a Decree of the said Congregation having issued thereupon, of recollected memory Pope Alexander VII, also our predecessor, on the 31st of the same month approved it; and among other things it was most fully established, of the celebration of Masses in honor of the aforesaid servant of God, as of the Saints they are wont to be celebrated, both in the old Sacristy, and in the Chapel of Blessed Mary called of the Kings of the Metropolitan church of Hispalis, an Office and Mass be recited of S. Ferdinand, where his sepulcher is extant. Hence it is that We, by the pious and earnest prayers of our most dear in Christ son Charles, Catholic King of the Spains, and of our most dear in Christ daughter Mariana, Catholic Queen of the same Spains, his Widowed Mother, humbly offered to us upon this by our beloved son the noble man Peter of Aragon, Duke of Segorbe and Cardona, Viceroy of the Kingdom of Naples, and with Us and the Apostolic See the Orator of the same King Charles, sent to render Us obedience in the name of the same King Charles, wishing to give favorable assent, as much as we can with the Lord; that in all the Kingdoms of the Spains, and Dominions subject to the same King Charles, and in the church of SS. James and Ildephonsus of the City of the Spanish nation, of the aforementioned servant of God Ferdinand the Third King, the Mass and Office of the Common of Confessors not Pontiffs, under a double rite, according to the Rubrics of the Roman Breviary and Missal, yearly in perpetuity on the 30th day of May, on which the same Servant of God fell asleep in the Lord, may be celebrated, and by all the faithful of Christ of each sex, who are bound to the Canonical Hours, may be recited freely and licitly respectively, by Apostolic authority by the tenor of the present we grant and indulge. Notwithstanding the Apostolic Constitutions and Ordinations &c.

[84] and permits a votive feast. This favor, says Zúñiga, the same Pontiff soon made ampler, on the 11th day of the aforesaid month, permitting that for one single time there could be celebrated one votive feast through all the kingdoms, besides that which on the day of the Birth on the 30th of May is to be celebrated. But when so glad a message had come to Hispalis on the 3rd of March, where on account of letters received immediately before from Rome, a happy indeed, but not so prompt success was expected, even the most obdurate hearts were dissolved into tears of joy. Which message being festively received at Hispalis, The message had come at the very morning hour, at which the Chapter is wont to be convoked for matters of greater moment. There was therefore no delay, but that the dispatches being read the matter was made public, Deputies being straightway dispatched who should indicate the new joy to the Prelates and Magistrates; and the bells of the Metropolitan church being immediately rung, which the concert of the rest of the bells of the whole city should take up, and make all partakers of so great a joy. I was present in the church, says Zúñiga (whence we receive the following) and was so happy, that I knew the matter among the first. But I can testify, that inexpressible was the motion of minds in all who were present; when the style being suddenly changed, those who were wont to say; Ferdinand the Saint; began with full throat to exclaim, Saint Ferdinand: but most hastened to adore his body in the Royal chapel, which never saw crowded within it a more devout and affectionate concourse. Soon the sacred effigy of the Saint was placed upon the altar, which is set in the middle of the chapel applied to the Royal tombs: to which that same evening venerably and processionally came both Chapters, in thanksgiving the Archbishop chanting the oration, O God who Blessed Ferdinand; the 4th of March thanks are given to God, probably the same, which the Church of S. Philip Neri thus prosecutes; O God who hast sublimated thy Blessed N. Confessor with the glory of thy Saints, grant propitiously that we may profit by the example of his virtues, at whose solemnity we rejoice. Further the lights made the night shorter, lighted through all the streets and houses: and the following Thursday the 5th of March the Royal Audience had a Mass of the holy King sung in the College of the Guardian Angel, which was the first of all at Hispalis: there soon followed the Office of the Commerce in the convent of S. Paul; nor would others and others in order have ceased, had it not been judged that that course of too hasty devotion ought to be stayed, until the Metropolitan church had used its own right.

[85] Hence therefore the Dean and Chapter began to measure the magnificence of adorning the festivity by their generosity and obligation: but it was to be hastened and hurried, that the extraordinary feast should precede the recurrence of the annual commemoration. First therefore from the body of the Chapter there was sent, one who should congratulate the King on the success, the King is consulted about the feast to be made, D. John de Texada y Alverete the Canon: then it was decreed, that before all things it should be cared for, that the body of the holy King, separated from the other Royal sepulchers, should be placed in a more eminent place; now indeed with an extemporary work for the feast, but afterward with another durable, according to the descriptions, which Captain Francis de Ruesta, a mathematician and chief architect, was to make. It was also consulted, whence, if there should be a procession (which was ambiguous) an urn should be had suitable for carrying about so holy a deposit; and finally about the formalities and assistances of the Royal Ministers to be determined by the Court. A short time remained for so great an apparatus, as the Dean desired: and since the work was to be begun from the greater altar of that Metropolitan, there were those who wished to build before it a structure, accommodated to the present occasion. But what could have been conceived, which would not be exceeded by its magnificence, even without extraneous ornament? That kind of thought therefore being reprobated, there prevailed the sublime idea of John de Baldez, an incomparable painter and sculptor: who suggested, that in the same nave of the most long Basilica, it is decreed that a triumphal structure be erected: between the choir and the principal gate, where in the feast of Corpus Christi the Most Holy is wont to be exposed, a triumphal structure ought to be erected, in imitation of those: which antiquity erected to its Heroes. Which so happily and magnificently succeeded, that he who had taken upon himself to describe the festive apparatus of this solemnity in an entire volume, Don Ferdinand de la Torre-Farfan, although he conferred on this all the acumen of his ingenuity, the propriety of style, the excellence of doctrine acquired by studies; confessing himself unequal, sought aid from sculpture; that what he could not sufficiently by words, he might somehow express by lineaments.

[86] Further by the example of Zúñiga, sending his reader to the aforecited in the preceding Chapter book of feasts, I could here have stayed my pen and passed to further things: but the magnanimity of the Chapter would not suffer it. whose and other things' forms regarding this For understanding how much more elegantly the Belgian sculptors could give the same things expressed, in a smaller and fitting form to the first edition of these Acts, they preferred that I should imitate the prior writer rather than the later. And so I took care to have all things then sculptured in such a way, that single little plates filled single little pages, but three or four contracted into one in a larger page, such as is the form of our Acts, could at the same time be printed; which in this order I now exhibit, that to three of them, offering to the view the interior ornament of the greater Gate, of the Royal Chapel, and of the Sacristy, there be prefixed the whole ichnography of the most vast basilica, to serve also for the understanding of the description, proposed in Annotation e to chapter 2; then that after the form of the principal structure, erected in the middle nave of the church, it may be permitted to contemplate in a third plate the whole exterior face of the same church, are here given engraved on copper, girt with many notable works, which in the aforesaid ichnography it was not permitted to mark. In which ichnography also it pleased to mark all the chief parts of that vast fabric with ciphers, and to give their explanation here separately. There is therefore

1 The principal Gate, leading from the steps into the church. 2 The place of the triumphal structure and its footprint. with the ichnography of the church: 3 The greater Choir of the church. 4 The greater Chapel, within which and the choir the mutual prospect and passage is fortified with column-railings, to keep off the entrance and transit of the common people. 5 The Sacristy of the greater Chapel. 6 The Royal Chapel, in which the body of the Saint. 7 The Gate of the Chapter. 8 The Gate of the Treasury. 9 The Gate of the Antechapter. 10 The Gate of the greater Sacristy. 11 The southern Gate to the Loggia. 12 The Chapel of our Lady called of the Ancient. 13 The Gate of S. Michael, at the Southern side. 14 The Gate of Baptism, at the Northern side. 15 The Gate of the Sacristy. 16 The Baptistery. 17 The Gate to the courtyard of the Orange-trees. 18 The Gate of the Lizard, between the tower and the courtyard. 19 The Gate to the tower and the cemetery.

20. A tower of most ancient work, of which here only the middle part is shown.

[87] This preliminary conception of the whole site being had, let the mind enter the church itself through the principal gate on the Western face, which, to those entering, the first to present itself is that structure, where before all things there will meet you, in the middle of the nave behind the first columns, a vast and triumphal structure of four faces, of which, gazing upon one and reading it set forth in few words, understand that the subjects of the painted panels and of the emblems looking to the same purpose, which I pass over in silence, were likewise, as on the first face, drawn from the heroic actions and virtues of the holy King, to which their several mottoes and epigrams in the Latin and Castilian tongues correspond. The center of the whole lower structure the Church holds, receiving Ferdinand bowed at her feet, and showing through the four sides of the same structure, kneeling on their bases, the kingdoms of Seville, [in which is represented the Saint, the Church exhibiting the kingdoms of the Moors subjected to her,] Cordova, Murcia, and Jaén, with this writing at the chief base, on which she herself stands: Lift up thine eyes round about, and see: all these are gathered together, they are come to thee. This Writing, taken from Isaiah chapter LX, the Latin and Castilian verses explain: and the Church, congratulating herself and him on the shield which she holds in her left hand, with equal elegance of both forms of poetry, seems to render to him this from Psalm XV, Thou art he that shalt restore mine inheritance to me. On the three remaining sides of the aforesaid base, in like manner a twofold metrical paraphrase in both languages, in the name of the same Church, applied to King Ferdinand these places of Scripture: To bind their kings in fetters, Psalm CXLIX; Thy right hand shall lead thee wonderfully, Psalm XLIV; and, I will make him my firstborn, high above the kings of the earth, Psalm LXXXVIII. So also the kingdom of Seville, holding forth a key, was feigned to say, There shall be none that may shut, from Isaiah XXII; that of Cordova, He that overcometh shall possess these things, Apocalypse XXI; that of Murcia, Because he hath broken the brazen gates, Psalm CVI; that of Jaén, Thy seed shall possess the gates of thine enemies, Genesis XXII. To all which also there were read subjoined epigrams conceived in the same sense in Latin and Spanish.

[88] But passing those over, I will here only note the four principal titles, inscribed thus on as many faces of the structure rising gradually. I. To Ferdinand the King, pious, fortunate, and perpetual triumpher, among Leaders most auspicious, under titles to the Saint himself, among native heroes most happy, for the Christian cause most excellently waged, asserted by piety rather than by arms in behalf of the Bætic kingdom and religion, and the nation of the Moors crushed, once inscribed in the sacred annals of the Spaniards, recently set forth for worship. II. To Clement X, to Pope Clement; by his very name presaging felicity for the Divine Ferdinand, with the eternal applause of the ages exercising the vicarious power of God, with the consent of the whole Christian world decreeing also sacred honors, of most upright munificence. To King Charles, III. To Charles II, King of the Spains, even from infancy formidable to monsters, with great name shaking Thrace, with most joyful hope affecting the Church, prescribing to himself the idea of his ancestor the Saint, and obtaining his sacred rites from the supreme See, with most catholic auspices. IV. To Mariana of Austria, august, great in the cradle, set for the Queen Mother. great in the marriage-bed, great in offspring, of Ferdinand the fourteenth scion, and about to hand the world over to kings by divine posterity, with most pious offices, for gratitude's sake the Patriarchal Church of Seville. Above is painted the Saint leading in to Seville the effigy of Our Lady, Upon the convex vault of the lower structure, formed in the manner of a temple, was set a cube, which on four sides contained some part of the history, skillfully painted on a panel; so that the front one represented the Virgin of Seville triumphing on Ferdinand's behalf being led in, under this verse of Psalm CXIII, Not unto us, O Lady, not unto us; but unto thy name give glory: which words were then explained by this song:

The Queen is borne in heaven's august chariot, Whom the King follows on foot, leading the rejoicing host. The right hand of Ferdinand is the conqueror of the Moors: but she Led the fighting King's hand into arms. Therefore let the glory be the divine Lady's, who triumphs over the Moors, By whose auspices the enemy camps fall.

[89] Further, from one of the Sides the Holy King is beheld, dedicating the temple of Seville; from another, the same King before the holy Viaticum rolling his sick body from the bed to the ground; from behind, finally, the same was discerned, happily rendering his soul to the Creator, with the Crowns given to him by Him, and in turn receiving the crown of eternal glory; under these Inscriptions: Thy throne, O God, is for ever and ever, Psalm XLIV; Thou hast rent thy garments and wept before me, I also have heard thee, II Paralipomenon XXXIV; The heavens have declared his righteousness, Psalm XCVI: all which, equally as the rest, were illustrated by an epigram in Latin and likewise Castilian, upon splendid shields of beaten silver. with side-pieces of statues: The corners of this cube were surrounded by statues, of which in the picture only two are discerned; and these, from their habit and the name subscribed, were recognized to be, the Happy Age, and Efficacious Prayer: but those which lie hidden in the recess are indicated to have been, Untiring Mars, and Perpetual Victory. To each a brief motto, taken from the ancient writers, was fitted on little shields, placed at the beginning of the scroll rising up above the frieze; for instance, under that over which the Happy Age impends, this of Pliny the Second in the Panegyric to Trajan: For true felicity is, to seem worthy of felicity: and others proportioned to the other three persons. Above the four gates, running out laterally from the corners of the larger structure, as many palms ascended, laden above with a laureate helmet, and at the foot adorned round about with the victorious arms of the Holy King; under these mottoes. I. He is clothed with justice as with a breastplate. II. The helmet of salvation upon his head. III. Clothed with the garments of vengeance. IV. And covered as with the mantle of zeal. But upon the outermost piers of those gates stood branching oaks, hung on every side with the spoils of the conquered barbarians, under a fluttering riband, on which was inscribed, Ferdinand these arms to God from the public enemies, in a meter indeed not everywhere exacted to the poetic laws; but expressed aptly enough in imitation of this of Virgil,

Aeneas these arms from the conquering Greeks.

[90] but he himself stands eminent at the summit, But above the four-sided base of which I spoke, and its cornice, the structure rising gradually into a space the more narrow as it was carried the more aloft, had at the corners palm-bearing Genii, displaying in letters a cubit high upon ribands which they held in their hands a fourfold sentence from Isaiah LXII, --- THOU SHALT BE A CROWN OF GLORY --- IN THE HAND OF THE LORD --- AND A DIADEM OF THE KINGDOM --- IN THE HAND OF THY GOD. --- And all these the statue of S. Ferdinand closed, standing upon a splendid globe of clouds, royally clad and armed, enlarged in proportion to its height to the measure of ten feet and a half, holding in one hand a sword, in the other a crown; the latter as though received from heaven, the former drawn for God. And since the vault of the Basilica still by no small interval transcended all things, there was space for composing above a remarkable heaven, in which the dread name of Jehovah the Seraphim surrounded; besides Angels, who as though slipped from the air seemed to fly to meet the new Inhabitant of heaven, all things composed with such artifice that they seemed not suspended from the vault, but balanced in the air to subsist of themselves, and to cover the whole structure from above. Many other ornaments of the same structure, which it is not now leisure to describe in words, as though stretching toward heaven, the panel here engraved will easily teach, of lesser bulk, of greater elegance, expressing the work itself as it stood; save that I wished it to be permitted to the sculptor to correct the defect everywhere noted by the skilled, when the thing stood, judging that the structure ought to have been raised higher from the pavement of the church: which is here done, a platform of some steps being raised, by which one ascends to that, as it were, temple: of which also the structure, inasmuch as in the first order of the porticoes it seemed lower than just, is here discerned somewhat more elevated: and so the rest of the mass rises in our panel ten feet higher: because when the same mass shall have to be erected again (which will perhaps happen soon) I understand it must be taken care, that to the eyes of the beholders that satisfaction which the skilled require be given, and the work be in every part finished.

[91] The interior ornament of the principal gate, These things diligently considered round about on every side, if the spectator, again stationed before the aforementioned structure in the middle nave, turned himself about, and bent his eyes back to the chief gate of the temple, by which he had entered; there was set before him from the opposite side a theatrical apparatus expressed in the image here appended at no. 2, and exceeding the capitals of the larger columns in height, of such form that high above the gate there stood eminent, the royal Standard, Sword and Shield under a magnificent canopy, with a riband fluttering above, on which were read inscribed these words of the Psalms of David, The Lord is my helper, I will not fear what man shall do unto me: I shall look down upon mine enemies. That this was a familiar device of the Holy King, P. John de Pineda in his Memorial not rashly divined; an argument being taken from the letters, very barbarously and faultily, by the rudeness of that age, sculptured around the lip of a golden cup, which, given by him to the church of Seville, is preserved among the Relics; and he exhibits the aforesaid words noted thus: DOMYNVS. DOMYNVS. MYCHI. AIVTOR. ET. NON. TYMEV. KID FACIAD. and of its sides. MYCHI. OMV. ECHV. DESPICIAM. ENEMICOS. MEOS. The subjects of each side it was permitted partly to gather from the painting, partly to understand from the adjoined mottoes. For here indeed was beheld the Holy King, instituting his son Philip Archbishop of Seville; there Fame, trumpeting the great deeds of the Metropolitan Church, founded by the same; while here was read this hemistich from the Poet Martial, Let fame speak of one work before all; there from chapter 48 of Genesis, I give to thee one portion above thy brethren, which I took out of the hand of the Amorite with my sword. But above, two elegant emblematic expressions completed the whole work on each side; so that in one of them there displayed themselves twin arms, holding forth the Christian and Moorish standard, of which this latter, brought back from the enemies, lacked the device-letters S. P. Q. R., which according to the mind of the barbarians one ought to have read, WHO SHALL RESIST THE PEOPLE OF THE SARACENS? but, transferred to the Christian standard, they seem to answer, THE HOLY AND PIOUS KING. But on the opposite side were represented twin right hands, one armed, the other bearing an eye in its palm, both winged: by which it might be taught that the King, as though ambidextrous, in his actions joined prudence to fortitude, and to both the celerity of executing the work.

[92] Let it now please to follow in mind one about to go round the side Chapels of the most ample temple; in adorning which, with silken vestment and silver furniture, the zeal of the patrons and guardians so labored, that it was not permitted to range to the fabricating of new works in them; lest, namely, one should be an impediment to another, and from the more principal works themselves, in so great a strait of time, the necessary number of workmen be withdrawn. The ornament of the side Chapels being lightly touched in passing, One thing new and common to all, and sufficiently wonderful, was, that the gratings stretched before the several chapels could all at once be overlaid with new gold; another spectacle equally grateful to the eyes was made by the walls, everywhere clothed with silken hangings of varied color and varied device. But the proper and particular adornments of the chapels

the book of the Festivals briefly runs through one by one: but these, since they are perpetual, and can be seen daily, it is of no concern to pursue with the same; for we do not intend to describe minutely all the parts of the most august Basilica. Therefore, the twenty-two side altars toward the South being passed over in silence, within not many fewer Chapels; the commemoration also of the remarkable buildings being passed over, going round outside the corner of the same southern side, to which gates open from the church, wrought with so elegant a work that nothing could or ought to have been added to them for ornament; such as the Treasury, commonly the Contaduría major; the Antechapter; the Chapter, which embraces in its oval circumference one hundred thirty-five feet (all which the book of the Festivals elegantly describes), these, I say, all being passed over, and of the buildings adhering to the church, I leave to the reader to estimate the interior beauty of such great works, from the exterior form, which I thus exhibit in the little plate, so that I have wished there to be joined to it in part the view of the Northern side; insofar as behind the tower can be seen the half hemicycle of the Royal chapel, and the beginning of the Atrium or Cloister, to which adheres the Eastern side of the tower itself, touching with its opposite corner the outermost corner of the church at the Euro-boreal angle.

[93] In such manner making an abridgment of time, I set thee straight before the Royal chapel itself, which is to the middle nave as the head or supreme part of the cross. For in this chapel, the Royal Chapel is exhibited, at the beginning of the steps leading toward the altar, stands the monument of the Holy King, with the altar of the same; and on the high altar an image of the Mother of God, which claims for itself the name from the Kings. The walls of this chief Chapel, although art so greatly adorned them with varied architectonic and sculptural work, that it was long doubted whether it would be sufficiently in keeping with decorum, were they to be clothed with hangings, however precious in gold and silk; yet because the new festivity seemed to require a new apparatus, it pleased the Priests prefect of that guardianship, to cover both the piers by which the architrave is sustained, thirty feet high, four wide, clothed with a new hanging, and the space intercepted by the piers, with a remarkable curtain of one form, made for this end of red cloth; partly damask, partly shaggy all-silk, drawn perpendicularly and alternately from the top downward, and figured with castles and Lions, as the third panel among the four joined together gives to be seen. Further, lest thou shouldst be ignorant by whose zeal and expense the whole matter was cared for, there was need only to read the dedicatory title, inscribed in letters a foot and a half high of golden splendor on the ground of the architrave going round, to this sentence: by the Priests prefect of his Guardianship: To the Divine Ferdinand King of Castile and Leon, third in name, first in piety, second to none in warlike virtue; surpassing the glory of his ancestors, the forces of the Moors, in fame, in power; most upright in justice while he lived, in body after death; the Priest Guardians of the sacred body in the Royal chapel, lately enrolled among the heavenly ones, to their well-deserving Patron, out of the duty of clientage, out of the debt of gratitude, exulting erected this pomp. and side spectacles: But to those entering on either side there was exhibited to be seen the Holy King, under his pavilion; here indeed with knees bent and hands joined, praying, while in the air there is offered to him to be seen a city, and an Angel bidding him tend thither, which the words written below thus explained: Behold the Lord hath sent his Angel, and prepared the way before my face, Malachi 3. There, however, sleeping and gazing upon the Mother of God, exhorting him to a work so glorious, with this motto: Send her out of thy holy heavens, and from the throne of thy greatness, that she may be with me and labor with me, Wisdom 9. Further, there were represented the images of King Charles and the Queen Mother, expressed to the life, kneeling, under a Royal baldachin on each side: so that they who could not personally be present at the festivity, might perpetually assist at it in their effigy.

[94] Hence through the Northern nave of the church, where there were as many chapels as above and similarly furnished, it was permitted to proceed as far as to the chapel of the Baptistery, around whose octagonal lip of jasper was led a new structure of as many sides and columns, which rising upward in the manner of a pyramid, was distinguished by so great a variety of trees and flowers and fruits of every kind, The ornament of the Baptismal font, that a certain extemporary form of Paradise seemed to be expressed in it; besides indeed the argument of the present feast, but not beyond the exigency of the place, in which is recovered through the holy laver the grace lost in the earthly Paradise. Beside this chapel, through a most elegant gate of marble, entrance was given into the Sacrarium, running laterally on the same line with the frontispiece of the temple, as the panel placed below exhibits both. Its interior fabric and form the book of the Festivals describes at length: to which remitting the reader, and passing through the four altars placed on each side of it, I set him before the chief chapel of the Most Holy Sacrament itself, under an elegant dome altogether thirty-three feet wide, and of the Sacrarium, twenty-four deep. Its sides, like guards on this side and that, were bordered by two-headed Eagles, raised with their bases up to sixty feet; having their feathers woven with just proportion with little silver shields of varied work, their heads marked with golden crowns, their claws also and beaks gilded.

[95] The altar, set before the ordinary altar of S. Clement, though most beautiful (in which the Most Holy Itself, to be carried to the sick or distributed to communicants, is kept), such as thou seest in the fourth image, furnished with a new altar, a hundred feet high, was so formed, that the middle panel held the place of a portico of two arches on each side, in the manner of a perspective; between which, clouds let down to the very ground, on this side have S. Clement sitting on high, and with his hand showing the way toward Seville, whose walls and towers, after long spaces of fields, were seen to be represented from afar; on that side Ferdinand, accompanied by the Faith of the most holy Sacrament, through the same clouds slipped down to the lands, and as though entering on the journey toward Seville, with the Angels above applauding and bringing scepter and crown from heaven; to which representation a subjoined border spoke thus from the Apostle James: where the Saint is represented tending toward Seville, Thou seest that Faith was cooperating with his works, and by works Faith was made perfect. The foundation of the columns on each side, amply extended, here had the King sleeping under a pavilion, the Mother of God appearing to him, and as though saying that which the inter-pier Angel bore aloft above the head written, from the book of Genesis, The land in which thou sleepest I will give to thee and to thy seed; there, before S. Isidore appearing, it exhibited the same King kneeling, and another inter-pier Angel standing above, from a like shield made him say this of Psalm XXXIV, Restore my soul from their malignity, understanding the city of Seville, to be purged from Mahometan filth and to be restored to the Catholic faith. Above, under the cornice, this title stood prominent, and was widely read: relying on the promise of the Mother of God and S. Clement: By the auspice of Clement aspiring, on account of the holy triumph won over the barbarians, for the Faith brought back from heaven, which the famous Arab had infected, restored to the kindly See of Seville with a mighty arm in the seats of pristine glory, to the well-deserving of worship, to the keenest athlete of Christ, Ferdinand the third, most holy, most brave, most fortunate King of Castile and Leon, Patron of Bætica, the splendid sacred order of the Sevillians, whom the God-man chose for himself in the most august Eucharist for the worshipping of the mystery of faith, devoted the care and expense. The whole work, moreover, Victory crowned from above, sitting on a throne made of barbaric arms and standards, and touching the supreme arch of the vault almost with her head, with this motto from the I Epistle of John, This is the victory which overcometh the world, our Faith: of which whole work, that thou mightst measure the elegance with thine own eyes, I have taken care that its likeness also be engraved on copper.

[96] This Sacrarium commonly two most noble Confraternities hold, one instituted for promoting the honor of the most holy Sacrament, The Cloister or old Atrium adhering laterally to the temple the other for procuring help for souls to be purged after death; whence they have also divided between themselves the guardianship of the side chapels of which I spoke. This time, however, the fertile Sodality, leaving to the former the whole care of adorning the Sacrarium, as more proper to itself from its title; took upon itself to embellish the Atrium or cloister: which, because it adheres to the side of the Sacrarium itself, some call the Cloister of the Sacrarium; but more ordinarily it is called the Cloister of the Orange-trees, that is, of the trees bearing golden apples, from the remarkable and aged loftiness of the same planted in the middle of its area; a work of the Moors, and now indeed much longer than broad, inasmuch as, according to the breadth of the Sacrarium, it runs out with as great a length as the northern side of the temple has up to the tower, to whose (as I said) western side it reaches. The tower itself seems formerly to have held the middle place of the Eastern side; until, for the enlarging of the spaces of the new temple, the whole Southern side was cast down, with perhaps a third part of the sides looking East and West. Of which again the remaining Western part was removed, to make room for the building of that Sacrarium of which I spoke: there remains therefore of the old fabric of the Eastern side one part of seven arches, and almost the whole Northern side, which, when it stood entire as Morgado writes, had been of fifteen arches, now is found shorter by one or two, to a certain extent fitted into a Vestiary and other uses of the Sacrarium adhering to it. This Atrium, from whatever side thou wouldst enter, thou wast entering through an arched gate of remarkably triumphal work, whose wings running out on each side were stretched before those ancient porticoes, and whatever space remained on each side from the middle gate, was, according to the proportion of its length, divided by more or fewer piers, sustaining the supreme enclosure, and was continued up to the common angle of the bend; so that, looking at one side, thou canst believe thou seest all, if only thou wilt conceive that there were, of one and another argument, yet looking to one scope, the paintings and figures by which the structures of the several gates were decorated. The several inter-pier spaces (which ought to have been filled with a double series of paintings going round, if there had been time for making so many) were stretched over with figured tapestries of manifold argument, as thou seest in that little plate, which is the lowest of the three, soon to be exhibited on one page.

[97] Of the same Sodality of Souls of which I spoke there was also another invention, above the very large fountain which occupies the center of the whole Atrium, opportune for every use of the church, to erect from the trunks and stumps of trees a lofty mountain, to whose summit a path seemed to lead, ascending spirally up its slope; A Mountain elegantly erected in its center above the fountain, taking its beginning from the gate of the same work, on which sat a most beautiful Nymph of vernal appearance, expressing Nature; and who held a newborn Saint, handing him to another most splendid matron, representing divine Grace, namely to be carried forward to the supreme summit of the virtues through all the grades of the ages. For there succeeded, those who in order should take him up, first the three Theological Virtues, then the four Moral, conspicuous in the remarkable adornment of garments and symbols proper to each; until at length one arrived at the topmost height of the mountain, where among the clouds a throne erected upon four columns sustained the supreme Majesty of God, girt with the choirs of Angels, and before it the Saint kneeling, in that habit which the aforesaid Virtues

seemed to have woven from the color proper to each. This structure being passed, one came to the gate leading into the temple: of which it pleases to explain somewhat more diffusely the arch set before it, that thence a conjecture may be formed about the three other similar gates of the remaining sides. Above the gate itself of the temple, then, there stood, borne up on Angelic shoulders among the clouds, the Saint, bearing in one hand a sword, in the other a cross, with this motto: He subdued the world both with iron and with wood. and the gates set opposite one another in a square; From this beginning, unfolding itself above and gradually becoming wider, the arch was divided in three parts, with a dove hanging from its very keystone, namely the Holy Spirit, author of the sevenfold Gift: which Gifts indeed were represented by seven female figures, painted in the spacious ground of its curvature.

[98] On each side, beneath the architrave, the unfolded sides of the whole work were each divided in two; and within the angular columns or piers, were adorned with four paintings; of which on the right side the outermost made Berengaria, sitting on a royal throne, place the crown drawn from her own head upon her son, kneeling, of which one is explained, by which there had been entrance into the temple, with the motto subjoined: See King Solomon in the diadem wherewith his mother crowned him. The interior painting had the Holy King, with his army unfolded over the field, and an Angel as though overshadowing all things, beneath which was subscribed, The Angel of the Lord shall encamp round about them that fear him. On the left, the interior panel, and nearer to the gate itself, showed the Moorish nation in female figure, at the knees of the Saint sitting on his throne, receiving from his hands the book of the Christian law, for the declaring of which was subjoined: But I am set up King by him, preaching his precept. Lastly, finally, the same Saint was expressed, causing the Moors' Sevillian basilica to be consecrated to God and to the Mother of God; and on each side of it the paintings. for which reason also was subscribed: Behold a greater than Solomon here. To the several paintings, moreover, rhythms set beneath in the Spanish tongue explained the several sentences diffusely: and what space there was below, between the bases of the columns, four pairs of remarkable little maidens occupied, bidden by the painter through the symbols and mottoes adjoined to them to represent the eight Evangelical Beatitudes. Nay, also on the several sides of the bases themselves various emblems were inscribed, which can be seen digested minutely in the book of the Festivals. In the same place thou wilt also be able to read, in what places along the path of the procession about to pass triumphal arches were erected, and with what argument: what and how sumptuous altars along the streets; how many theaters for the exercising of festive dances; Elsewhere are to be read the various theaters and arches through the city. how great the opulence of the hangings and paintings everywhere exposed. For there is need that thou go to the very book of the Festivals, since this our summary tasting of the chief heads has now exceeded the manner of an historical commentary: whose purpose is rather to recall ancient things to light, than to embellish by writing the acts of more recent memory.

CHAPTER VIII.

The Feast most solemnly celebrated: certain wonderful things that accompanied or followed it. The Proper Office obtained.

[99] As to the feast itself, Zúñiga further narrates of it, how on the Saturday preceding Trinity Sunday, These and other things being prepared which then fell on the XXIV of May, and had been destined for the new festivity, to be celebrated once only: between both Choirs, that is, in the very navel of the middle nave of the temple running out crosswise on each side, there stood the statue of the Holy King, sculptured with hastened work and elegantly gilded, such as was to be carried the following day in the procession. Then he sets forth the cause, why only on the tenth day before that the supplication was decreed, some fearing whether that were permitted by the Roman laws; nevertheless he asserts that so copious and splendid was the ornament of the houses, streets, quarters; as though the Metropolitan church had not had the chief part of the craftsmen occupied, and it had been permitted to prepare all things at leisure for a long time. the Procession of Trinity Sunday is instituted, At length, however, the solemn offices of the new festivity being passed over, which had the whole of Trinity Sunday occupied, and prolonged far beyond noon; he undertakes to describe the manner and order of the vesper procession, closing the day; in many things similar to that which was observed in the translation of the year MDLXXIX, and such as is to be seen every year in the feast of the body of Christ; save that in place of this were carried the Standard and Sword of the Holy King.

[100] The Standard was borne among the Prebendaries of the Chapter, by D. Lupus de Mendoza, with the Standard and Sword of the Saint, Lieutenant of the Praetor major Duke of Alcalá, Knight of the habit of Calatrava, his son D. John de Mendoza and his son-in-law D. Joseph de Grena attending him. Among the Capitulars themselves, the Assistant of Seville D. Count de Lences, Peter de Villela, bore the Sword of the same King, not however conducted by any of the worthier Priests, which was now due to it as a Relic, but according to the ancient custom wont to be used on the day of S. Clement. The Assistant was followed by the second order of musicians, walking before the portable tabernacle very illustrious, under which was carried the image of S. Ferdinand, venerable to all, attended by the beautiful escort of the Brothers of the Society of S. Matthew and of the Tailors. There succeeded the Royal canopy (they call it the Pallium) raised on ten silver shafts by as many Rectors of the city, taken from the number of the Four-and-twenty-men. Then there proceeded the rest of the Chapter, and, with the Collegians of the Isidorian seminary going before with lights, the Queen of Kings, on her silver bier, under a canopy, the third choir of musicians sounding round about; and after her the Archbishop, led through the city in best order, four Deacons from the Chapter assisting him, with their domestics: but the train was closed by the Tribunal of the Holy Inquisition, with its Familiars and Ministers; and the Chapter of the Rectors of the City, also with theirs. And thus the procession being led, when it had gone out through the gate of S. Michael, which is in the frontispiece at the right side of the major gate; it entered through the gate of the tower, which stands also on the right side of the Royal chapel, and occupying the whole period of that Vespers closed the day, the XXIV of May, on which Seville never had any happier, for four hundred twenty-two years, five months, and three days, since first, on the XXIII of December of the year MCCXLVIII, Ferdinand entered the city as victor.

[101] and the festivity is further continued, The following day the festivity was so continued, that, lest the limits of the faculty indulged for one day only should be transgressed, the Mass of the most holy Trinity was sung, with the accustomed Oration for giving thanks. On Wednesday it was done of the feast then current of S. John Pope and Martyr, with Collects in thanksgiving. On Thursday, the XXVIII of May, for the celebrating of the feast of the Body of Christ there served whatever had adorned the streets the preceding Sunday; and the Most Holy Itself was placed within its tabernacle, set in that central base of the triumphal structure, above which Ferdinand had before been seen kneeling before the Church. But since on the day next to that very feast there also fell the solemn Vespers of S. Ferdinand, with the Octave of the Body of Christ. beginning his birthday with a plenary Indulgence, which the Pontiff had granted, to last until the second Vespers, by a Brief issued on the XXVIII of February; and through the whole following Octave the same apparatus as before remained; the divine Majesty seemed to have so ordered the matter, that to His own honors should be mingled the honors of this His servant, who had always paid to that mystery a chief worship. Finally, on the very octave day and the V of June, the Confraternity of the Venerable Sacrament in the Sacrarium, furnished as we have seen, instituted the feast of the Saint by his proper name: which afterwards through all the convents and churches of the city was severally celebrated, with as great splendor as each could.

[102] Thus far the Annals of Zúñiga lead us, which, together with the often-named book of the Festivals, that I have been able to use, I owe to the diligence of the very Reverend Father Balthasar Egues, then, when I had first begun to undertake these things, Provost of the Professed House of Seville, afterwards Provincial of Bætica, but now departed this life: at whose suggestion afterwards it came about, that the most Reverend Chapter, having received notice of our work and of my solicitude, that this Treatise, to the honor of their holy Founder, might come forth most fully instructed on every side, impatient of the longer delay by which it was believed it must be awaited with the last volume of May, asked and urged an anticipated edition, which should prelude to the greater work to follow and further to be perfected. That Chapter has, as I remember to have said above at no. 81, chosen men from its body, to whom is peculiarly commended the care of all things pertaining to the worship and veneration of the holy King, under the appellation of the Deputation. When therefore I had promptly assented to the aforesaid desire, and in the execution of my promise certain doubts of no slight moment had occurred, the solution of which I could scarcely or not at all hope from my own industry; the aforesaid Deputation, vehemently commending my endeavors and accuracy in investigating the truth, and liberally promising whatever could be contributed by it for promoting them, interrogated about the most recent miracles, with great promptitude sent the book of the Festivals: afterwards I received from the same a fitting answer to the several questions, studiously digested by D. Francis Ponce de Leon, Canon and Archdeacon of Seville, and now President of the Deputation itself. The last point of that answer to this my question, whether any miracles had accompanied or followed the festivity, it pleases to render into Latin.

[103] If miracles be required, what greater can be had than that admirable incorruption of the body, not altered in the least from the visitation of the year MDCXXXIV, up to that at which we ourselves were present; as is clear from the depositions, compared among themselves, of the physicians who were present at both? they premise various wonderful things What more wonderful, than that, with more than fifty thousand men flocking to these feasts, into a city already so populous, all could be fed at once, without the price of the corn-supply being increased by even a single farthing, or the least discord arising between citizens and strangers, or thefts, robberies, factions, being heard of in the city: but among all peace and quiet flourished, seasoned with the taste of a most sweet and unwonted devotion? What humanly could less be hoped, than what we see was done, that among more than six hundred both workmen and masters of workmen, the works being divided among themselves in the chapels, in the sacrarium, in the tower, in the cloister, and in the very body of the vast church, laboring, no one complained that anything was lacking to him, no one disturbed another, to no one did any annoyance or misfortune befall, although it happened more than once that now ladders, now various other things slipped from the top among those working below, to the wonder of all those, accompanying the festivity itself; whom the fall could have crushed or at least gravely hurt? What of this, that from the Capitular table there were furnished for the apparatus of these festivities more than fifty thousand ducats from the revenues of the current year; and yet in casting up the accounts it was found, that what remained over to the Prebendaries exceeded by double the sums of the preceding years, the Capitulars wondering, and ascribing this to an indubitable miracle of the holy King? Yet receive a few of another kind.

[104] Michaela Maria, in her declaration said, that when in the year MDCLXX she was suffering from a catarrh, when she was only ten or eleven years old; and her

parents noticed her plainly failing; then they testify they called in a certain surgeon of their quarter: who, having seen her, judged that the vein of her arms should be opened four times and the blood diminished: but the last time it was contracted: and her arms and hands as though seized with arthritis, she remained paralytic. The mother therefore summoned Doctor Peter Perez, physician and surgeon of Seville; but he, having seen her, pronounced that no remedy was to be hoped except from heaven, and ordered that she be fortified with the last Sacraments. A little after the girl began to creep on her side, straining with hands and feet: but in order to ascend to the upper room or descend from it, she had need of the help of her father and mother, who from this labor sometimes even miscarried. concerning a paralytic given up for lost But it happened that in that year there came the Brief of his Holiness concerning the new worship of S. Ferdinand; which the mother understanding, and hearing with what great festivity the feast was celebrated in the Metropolitan church, betook herself thither, that she might commend her paralytic daughter to God and the Saint; and at the same time her father carried her to the upper room, that she might see the tower festively adorned with banners and pennants, and hear the play of the bells. But at the first hearing of that she was suffused with such great joy, that she cried out saying: My Saint, I wish to dance in this thy celebration: I beseech thee that for this thou bestow on me health. But in that very moment she who was bent and crept raised herself up, and began to walk and dance, with a loud voice praising the Saint together: and her father who was present, stupefied by so great a prodigy, could not contain his tears. From that time she never had need to creep: but, healed at the first stroke of the festive bell: though she walked with some difficulty, drawing her feet somewhat distorted on account of the excessive weakness of her body, yet from day to day she made progress: and ever stronger she began to set her hand to domestic labors, whatever occasion offered itself, without any impediment: and three or four years after, given in marriage, she bore three sons: and that success is most known in all that quarter among the neighbors, who saw her contracted and paralytic, and now call her by no other name than the Miracle of the Saint. Today, that is in the year MDCLXXXI, she is about twenty-one years of age, and the matter is public and notorious.

[105] and concerning a girl who gilded the statue of the Saint, D. Luiza Raphaela, now married, says that when she was a girl of about sixteen or seventeen years, in the house of her father John Baldez a distinguished painter, the statue of S. Ferdinand was brought to be placed in the Metropolitan church, and thence to be carried about in procession, to the end that it might be gilded; and, what ought to represent the color of flesh in the face and hands, that it might be painted. But she, knowing that her father could not have leisure for this matter, being hindered in manifold ways about the works to be done in the church and around the church; and that no one was available who could do the work; though she was held by great tertian fevers, yet she offered her hands for both labors, if the Saint would bestow health on her; cured of fevers. and she added, that she would see to a Mass being said before his body. Without delay; she began to carry out as best she could the work of the incarnadining and gilding committed to her; and the fever never returned to her. And it was like a miracle, that, on account of the brevity of the time keeping watch at her work even into the middle of the night, before being a sickly girl, she felt no inconvenience; but came forth ever thence stronger: which same both her parents and the domestics confirm by their testimony.

[106] By these and other effects of divine beneficence, while at Seville the confidence conceived toward the Saint is more and more strengthened; The Office is decreed to be said under precept, at Rome Pope Clement X, the same who had permitted the feast to be celebrated under a Double rite in all the kingdoms of the Spains and the dominions subject to the Catholic King in the year MDCLXXI, as we have seen; again on the day XVI of August MDCLXXIII, on the counsel of the most Eminent and most Reverend Lords the Cardinals set over the Congregation of sacred Rites, held on the day XII of the same month and year, granted and ordered to be issued by letters in the form of a Brief, that henceforward by precept under the Double rite the feast of the aforesaid King ought to be observed and celebrated, with proper Lessons, to be approved by the same Congregation of Rites. Finally, at the reiterated prayers of the Catholic Majesty, presented to the same Holiness through the most Eminent and most Reverend Lord Cardinal Nithard, his ordinary Orator, and remitted by the same to the Congregation of sacred Rites, the same Congregation, the above-written Lessons for the second Nocturn with the Oration, as they stand, diligently revised and reported by the most Eminent and most Reverend Lord Cardinal Porto-carrero, and the proper Lessons are approved. Co-protector of Spain, approved and granted that they could be recited and printed, on the day XVIII of May MDCLXXV. That these may also become known to other kingdoms and provinces outside the Spanish dominions, it pleases here to subjoin them. The Oration is such. O God, who gavest to thy blessed Confessor Ferdinand to fight thy battles, and to overcome the enemies of the faith: grant, that, fortified by his intercession, we may be freed from the enemies of mind and body.

[107] These proper Lessons are prescribed. IV. Ferdinand the Third, King of Castile and Leon, to whom the surname of Saint already for four centuries the consent of the Churches and the ages have given, even as a youth gave so great a specimen of prudence, that Berengaria his mother, Queen of Castile, by whom he had been most holily educated, transferred to her son the kingdom abdicated by herself. In him, the cares of the kingdom being added, the royal virtues shone forth, magnanimity, clemency, justice, and before the rest zeal for the Catholic Faith, and an ardent study of defending and propagating its religious worship. This he showed especially by pursuing heretics, whom he suffered to stand nowhere in his kingdoms, and with his own hands brought wood to the pyre for the burning of the condemned. He showed it moreover in erecting, endowing, and consecrating with Christian rite the Churches of Cordova, Jaén, Seville, and other cities, snatched from the Moorish yoke, and at the same time in restoring the chief temples, of Toledo, of Burgos, and others, with pious and royal munificence.

Lesson V. Amid these things, throughout the Kingdom of Castile and Leon, in which he had succeeded his father Alfonso, great armies being gathered, he undertook yearly expeditions against the Saracens, enemies of the Christian name. In which, that he might always conquer, the chief armies were the prayers of the most pious King poured forth to God; and that before the battle, that he might propitiate God to himself, he raged against himself with scourges, and fortified his body with a rough hair-shirt: and thus he carried back signal victories against the huge battle-lines of the Moors, and restored more cities to the Christian worship and dominion: and the Kingdoms of Jaén, Cordova, and Murcia being conquered, and the kingdom of Granada made tributary, in order to storm Seville, the chief city of Bætica, with blessed Isidore, formerly Bishop of that city, exhorting him in a vision (as it is handed down), he transferred his victorious standards thither. In that siege (as it is reported) he had divine help present: for an iron chain, which stretched crosswise over the Bætis was for a barrier to the Mahometans, a stronger wind having arisen, one of the royal ships, brought thither by the King's command, broke with such force, that, carried farther past, it also broke through the wooden bridge, and at the same time the hopes of the Moors, and forced them to surrender.

Lesson VI. So many victories he reported as received from the patronage of the blessed Virgin Mary; whose image, having it with him in the camp, he attended with peculiar worship. Seville being taken, his first care was for Religion. For the temple of the Moors being expiated, and dedicated to the Christian rites, he adorned it with a distinguished Archbishopric and a most honorable College of Canons and Dignities, with royal and religious liberality: then he erected other temples and monasteries in the city. Among which offices of piety, while he prepares to cross over into Africa, about to overthrow the Mahometan empire there, he is called to the heavenly court. In the last agony of life adoring the holy Eucharist brought as Viaticum, a cord tied to his neck, and stretched on the ground, with tears poured forth abundantly; and it being received with worthy attestations of reverence, humility, and the Catholic Faith, he fell asleep in the Lord. His body lies, still incorrupt after four centuries, in the greatest temple of Seville, enclosed in a most honorable tomb.

APPENDIX