ON ST. BEREGISUS, ABBOT, AT ANDAGE IN THE ARDENNES FOREST,
THE EIGHTH CENTURY BEING SOMEWHAT ADVANCED.
PRELIMINARY COMMENTARY.
Beregisus, abbot, at Andage in the Ardennes Forest. (S.)
BY C. B.
§ I. The memory of the Saint in the sacred Fasti, his ecclesiastical cult, the acts to be published.
Molanus, in the Feasts of the Saints of Belgium, announces St. Beregisus, abbot, at this day at Andage, and celebrates him with the following eulogy: At the monastery of Andage, the feast-day of Blessed Beregisus, abbot. The Saint, who by Molanus at Andage, He, a native of the Condroz, a pagus of the Austrasians, was instructed in letters in the Hesbaye within the monastery of St. Trudo. And when afterwards, raised to the honour of the priesthood, he was dear and acceptable to all in the retinue of Pippin the Younger, son of Ansegisus, he nevertheless was thinking more attentively of the solitary life. To whose pious wishes it pleased the Godhead to assent in this manner. It happened that Plectrude, the wife of the same prince, had a passage through the Ardennes forest on account of estates of her right placed round about. And when the weary travellers had sat down in a pleasant meadow, the woman, awaking, sees a little writing falling down, takes it up, brings it to her husband. It is handed to St. Beregisus to be read, who lays open in order what was contained in it, namely, that that place in which it was found was chosen by God and at some time to be inhabited by a devout people, and that many souls of the faithful were thence to be directed to heaven. Marvelling, when they hesitated long and much to whom they should commit this business, Beregisus, offering himself of his own accord, undertakes the place, clears it of stumps, builds a monastery, and gathers many there by his example to living well. At length, after labours acceptable to God, he rested in peace on the sixth of the Nones of October, buried by his disciples in the same monastery. Thus Molanus, who also inscribes the Saint in the Usuardine Martyrology published by him with this short announcement: In the monastery of Dainum, the feast-day of St. Beregisus, abbot.
[2] Andaïnum or Andaginum, for which in the last announcement of Molanus given here Dainum is corruptly expressed, of which notice is given here, and by other is a small town of Belgium, distinguished by the most celebrated monastery of St. Hubert, in the Ardennes forest, on the stream or spring Andagina or Andaïna, from which the place was first called Andaïnum or Andaginum. To that monastery come, for obtaining a remedy through the intercession of St. Hubert, those who dread madness from the bite of a mad dog. It is distant, says Baudrand in the Geography, four leagues from Bastogne to the West, and as many from Rochefort to the winter East, and XIV from Liège to the South. These things having been set down first for notice of the place, of which mention will often have to be made in the course, I now proceed to other hagiologists who have inserted St. Beregisus in the sacred Fasti compiled by them. Greven in his Usuard briefly announces St. Beregisus today in this manner, no name of the place in which his memory is recalled being added: Of Beregisus, confessor; but this martyrologist places this announcement after the sign which he was accustomed to prefix to the additions superadded to the Usuardine text, and therefore he excludes St. Beregisus from the genuine Martyrology of Usuard. The same is also done in the illustrated Usuard by our Sollerius, and by Molanus praised in the preceding number; the former indeed when he assigns the Saint a place only in the Auctaria of Usuard; and the latter when he expresses his shorter announcement adduced above in those characters in which he is wont to express the announcements of Saints which do not belong to the genuine text of Usuard.
[3] Further, to the two martyrologists already mentioned, namely Molanus and Greven, are added Chastelain and Ferrari, is announced today by hagiologists, of whom the latter in the General Catalogue of the Saints who are not in the Roman Martyrology, and the former in his universal Martyrology, likewise assign St. Beregisus, abbot, to this day. Miraeus also, in the Belgian and Burgundian Fasti adorned by him, du Saussay in the Gallican Martyrology, and Fisen in the Flowers of the church of Liège celebrate the memory of St. Beregisus today with longer eulogies, which afterwards will be able either to be recited entire, or at least will be of use. To Miraeus, du Saussay and Fisen join themselves also the hagiologists of the Benedictine Order, Dorgain, Wion, Ménard and Bucelinus. Dorgain, Ménard and Wion use an almost simple announcement without eulogy. Bucelinus weaves a magnificent eulogy for the Saint. Here it is: At the monastery of Andage, the feast-day of St. Beregisus, abbot, a man of admirable sanctity. He, having professed as a monk in the monastery of St. Trudo, dazzled the eyes of all with the excellent and most splendid brightness of his sanctity, and turned first of all the dukes Pippin and Plectrude to admiration of himself, with whose help he built the most celebrated monastery of Andage, and, set over it, most happily founding and ennobling it by the examples of a most holy life, enrolled and gathered there very many soldiers for Christ. Thus Bucelinus, citing Jean Molanus, and various writers of Belgian Affairs in general, no one's name being brought forward. And he inscribes Beregisus in his Menology for this reason, that, with Dorgain, Wion and Ménard, he judges that he professed the rule of St. Benedict, and the monk; but whether this certainly accords with the truth I shall discuss below; however the matter be meanwhile, Costantino Ghini, in the Feasts of the holy Canons, reckons Beregisus among the holy canons, and celebrates him with a long encomium, which agrees almost word for word everywhere with the eulogy which we recited from Molanus in no. 1, and therefore, lest we waste time uselessly by repeating things already said, it is not to be recited here. To the sacred Fasti already praised, in which the name of the Saint is inscribed at the 2nd of October, is besides added the Martyrology for Canons Regular stitched to the Roman Martyrology of the newest correction by Benedict XIV, Supreme Pontiff, in which Beregisus is celebrated not at the 2nd but at the III day of October with the following eulogy: At Andage in the Ardennes forest, of St. Beregisus, who founded there a monastery of clerics regular, and, elected abbot, a diligent upholder of the regular life, flew away to heaven on the sixth of the Nones of October. At Rome, etc.
[4] enjoys ecclesiastical cult, And so indeed from the sacred Fasti in which the memory of the Saint is inserted I now come to proving his ecclesiastical cult. Miraeus, in the Belgian and Burgundian Fasti at the 2nd of October, writes thus: He (namely St. Beregisus) is worshipped at Sarchinium near Saint-Trond, and at Andage near Saint-Hubert. With Miraeus agrees Molanus, already praised more than once, in the Feasts of the Saints of Belgium. The same is done by André du Saussay in his Gallican Martyrology; for in this he supplies at the 2nd of October the following, and that, as I have already noted, a longer eulogy of Beregisus: At Andage in the Ardennes and at Sarchinium near Saint-Trond in the Hesbaye, the deposition of St. Boregirus *, abbot and confessor. Who, begotten of noble stock (consult the Acts to be published, no. 6), despising with lofty mind the world with its paints and all its delights, subjected himself from a boy to the service of Christ, in which alone there is reigning. In the monastery of St. Trudo he carried out the novitiate of holy religion: then, flourishing in studies and in acts of piety, he was distinguished with the priesthood. Hence, called in on account of the fame of his holy name by Pippin of Herstal, mayor of the royal house, he entered into such favour with him and Plectrude his wife that, on account of the endowments of his proven religion, whatever he advised he effected, whatever he asked he obtained. Desirous therefore of solitude, he received as a gift from Plectrude herself a place in the middle of the forest of Ardenne, which was called Andage, and in it raised a monastery from the foundations (to which afterwards the name of St. Hubert, translated thither, was given): where, many having been gathered by his example to living piously, and a copious harvest of justice having been gained, consumed by a happy old age, he exchanged life for death: nay, Christ calling, he went forth from death to life, and left open testimonies of sanctity and glory (which have long since consecrated his memory to eternal veneration). Thus du Saussay; and since at the beginning of this eulogy he announces the Saint at Andage and Sarchinium, and does this undoubtedly for no other reason than that he judges that his festive memory is celebrated yearly in each place on the 2nd day of October, he undoubtedly agrees with Miraeus and Molanus, who expressly affirm this.
[5] not indeed at Saint-Trond, but probably at Andage, But, rightly? As regards the cult of the Saint at Sarchinium, perhaps Beregisus formerly enjoyed some ecclesiastical cult at Sarchinium or Saint-Trond, and therefore the praised Miraeus and Molanus affirmed that he is worshipped there. However that may be, I am compelled to assert that no ecclesiastical cult whatever is paid to Beregisus at Saint-Trond today. For when I had found noted in our manuscript collectanea that no Office of St. Beregisus is made at Saint-Trond, and that this had been indicated to our Henschenius in the year 1661 by a Religious of the place, I thought it should be investigated whether at least a commemoration of the Saint was not made in the ecclesiastical Office, and whether absolutely no cult proper to Saints was paid to him at Saint-Trond; but the Religious inhabitants of the monastery of Saint-Trond themselves, with whom Fr. Martin Raepsaet, priest of our Society, had undertaken at my request to examine the matter, took care to signify to me that not only is no ecclesiastical cult whatever paid today to St. Beregisus in their monastery, but also that no trace exists of a cult ever paid to him, so that it must be held for certain that the Saint does not enjoy today at Saint-Trond the veneration wont to be shown to Saints. But does the Saint likewise not enjoy this at Andage, or in the monastery of St. Hubert? I answer that I have not hitherto ascertained this; that I incline, however, to that opinion by which I judge that St. Beregisus is honoured there on the 2nd day of October either with an ecclesiastical Office or at least with some other kind of cult proper to Saints; and I suspect this both from this, that the body of the Saint rests at Andage, and from this, that it would be wonderful if this honour were not paid by the religious men to the first founder of their monastery, who is inscribed as a Saint in very many sacred Fasti, as we have already seen, and who elsewhere, in more than one place, as I shall presently teach, is also honoured with the recitation of an ecclesiastical Office, formerly on the 2nd, now on the III day of October. However that may be, it is by no means doubtful that Beregisus enjoyed the honours of the Saints at Andage, or in the monastery of St. Hubert, at least in the tenth century. For in his Acts to be published, written, as I shall teach presently, by a monk of this place in the year 937, it is read in no. 19: His body (Beregisus's), committed to the earth in that very building (of Andage), and worshipped with worthy reverence, was glorified by the showing of miracles; honour also is paid to his memory thenceforth, whose deposition is worshipped on the sixth of the Nones of the month of October. From which words it becomes manifest that the Saint enjoyed the cult proper to Saints at Andage in the age of this writer, that is, in the tenth century, in which he wrote.
[6] And indeed the Saint obtained this honour not only, [and undoubtedly among the canons regular, now at the III, formerly at the 2nd of October.] as I have already noted, among the monks of Andage, or of St. Hubert, but also among the regular canons of St. Augustine, who, as we shall see, reckon Beregisus among the Saints of their Order. For in the Canons Regular's
Martyrology praised in no. 3 there are inscribed only, as Benedict XIV affirms in the notice prefixed to it, the names of those Saints concerning the approval of whose cult and the grant of an Office it is plainly and fully established from the decrees of the sacred Congregation of rites and of the supreme Pontiffs; and the praised Benedict XIV inscribes in the same Martyrology the announcement of St. Beregisus given in no. 3 without an asterisk or other sign, in which manner, as he himself also states in the preface, he is wont to put forth the announcements of those Saints who are celebrated with an ecclesiastical Office by all the canons of St. Augustine, except the Premonstratensians, on one and the same day, so that according to Benedict XIV St. Beregisus is celebrated today with an ecclesiastical Office, by the approval and grant of the sacred Congregation of rites and of the supreme Pontiffs, by all the Regular canons of St. Augustine, and that not on the 2nd but on the III day of October, since he is inscribed at this day by the praised Benedict XIV in the Martyrology compiled for the canons Regular for no other reason, undoubtedly. There was a time, however, when the Saint was celebrated by at least some Congregations of the canons Regular of St. Augustine with the recitation of an ecclesiastical Office not on the III but on the 2nd day of October. For I have to hand the proper Offices of the Saints to be recited by the canons Regular of the Lateran by the special grant, as the title bears, of the most holy lord … Pope Pius V; and these, which, printed with the notes of Pennotto in the year 1634 at Venice and in 1635 at Mons in Hainaut, were afterwards reprinted several times elsewhere, have prefixed to them a Calendar, in which the festive memory of Beregisus is prescribed to be celebrated on the 2nd of October with an Office of double rite. The same is done in the Calendar which is prefixed both to the proper Offices of the Saints to be recited by the canons Regular of St. Augustine of the congregation of the Holy Cross of Coimbra, and also to the proper Offices wont, as is said in the title, to be celebrated by the canons Regular of St. Augustine of the congregation of Windesheim, which, as Miraeus testifies in the Origins of the canons Regular, page 35, formerly comprised about one hundred and twenty monasteries throughout Lower and Upper Germany.
[7] Two Lessons proper to the Saint, which various Those proper Offices both of the canons of Coimbra and of those of Windesheim I also have to hand, and the former were printed in the year 1648 at Coimbra, the latter in the year 1672 at Brussels. Further, in both, as also in the proper Offices of the Lateran canons just mentioned, an Office of St. Beregisus is set forth to be recited on the second, not on the third, day of October. Further, the Saint has in this two Lessons proper to himself, which are almost the same in all the three mentioned proper Offices. It pleases me to transcribe them here. The first is this: Beregisus, first abbot and founder of the celebrated monastery of Andage in the Ardennes forest, was a man of great sanctity and virtue. He, begotten of his mother Berilla in the Condroz, a pagus of the Austrasians, who are now called Lotharingians, was regularly instituted under the canonical habit in the monastery of St. Trudo, and instructed in sacred letters. Where, advancing in age and wisdom, he was ordained priest. But, drawn away thence by Pippin, son of Ansegisus, prince of Brabant, on account of the eminent sanctity of his life, he ministered to him and also to Plectrude his wife as confessor: held in such honour and veneration by them that he would not admit Pippin himself, because once at Mass he had by no means laid aside his hair-covering, to the kiss of peace before penance performed and satisfaction first made.
[8] congregations of canons then had in their Office; And the second this: But when, weary of the restlessness of the court, he longed for the quiet of the monastery, it happened that Plectrude herself, making a journey through the Ardennes forest, while she had sat down in a certain pleasant meadow, saw a little writing slip down from heaven, which, taking it, she brought to her husband: and he handed it to St. Beregisus to read. In it was written that that place was chosen by God, that a monastery should be built there in honour of the Prince of the Apostles. Wherefore, by the counsel both of the princes themselves and of other nobles, and of Blessed Hubert, bishop of Liège, to whom an angel had also brought a little writing containing the same things in golden letters, Beregisus built in the same place, named from the neighbouring spring Andaïnus, a distinguished basilica with a monastery: which he dedicated to the name of Blessed Peter the Apostle; and in it he gathered a convent of clerics living regularly. Set over them as abbot by the same Bishop Hubert, and associated with them, when for many years, applying himself unceasingly to the divine praises, he had rendered the monastery rich in spiritual and temporal goods, after a long and most religious life, he departed from the labours of this world to eternal rest, on the sixth of the Kalends of October, in the year six hundred and eighty-nine.
[9] Both these Lessons, in the last of which, as I shall show below, from these the lessons of the Gallican congregation, recited here in one the year of the Saint's death is wrongly marked, are partly drawn from the Acts of the Saint to be published. But they contain besides some things which have certainly not been taken from them, and whether they certainly accord with the truth, judgement will be able to be passed from what is further to be said. Meanwhile the canons Regular of the Gallican congregation seem to have been unwilling to approve with their vote whatever is insinuated in the Lessons already mentioned concerning St. Beregisus and the things built up on his occasion. For they, in their more recent Proper of the Saints, which they published by order of the general chapter celebrated in the year 1757, celebrate St. Beregisus with an ecclesiastical Office on the third day of October, on which, according to what has been said, all the Regular canons of St. Augustine do this today. And in this the memory of the Saint is held solemn with a proper prayer, which is not done in the Offices mentioned above, and also with two proper Lessons, which agree almost exactly with the Acts to be published, and which differ not a little from the two lessons already recited. The Prayer has thus: O God, at whose calling Blessed Beregisus forgot the things that were behind; make us, he interceding, to pursue towards the appointed prize of the heavenly calling in Christ Jesus our Lord, who with Thee, etc.
[10] And the Lessons, which I here subjoin in one continuous run, are conceived thus: continuous run, differ, and agree almost with the Acts Beregisus, a native of the Condroz, a pagus of the Austrasians, was offered to God and brought up under the habit of religion in the monastery of clerics which St. Trudo the presbyter had instituted. When he had advanced in wisdom together with age, he was ordained priest; and, called to the court by Pippin, mayor of the royal palace, he gave the admonitions of salvation to him and to his wife Plectrude, strengthened by the authority of proven virtue. But, weary of the court, he again took refuge in solitude, and, supported by the liberality of the same Pippin, built at Andage in the Ardennes forest a church under the invocation of the Prince of the Apostles, with a monastery of clerics, to whom, serving God under the canonical order, he himself joined himself and presided over them. When Beregisus had enriched the monastery of Andage with spiritual and temporal goods, after a life full of years and merits he departed to the Lord on the sixth of the Nones of October, about the middle, as it seems, of the eighth century. And in his monastery the canonical order persevered up to the times of Louis the Pious; in whose reign Walcaud, bishop of Liège, introduced monks thither, namely in the year of Christ eight hundred and seventeen. Nor long after the monastery of Andage received the sacred relics and the name of St. Hubert, bishop of Tongres or Liège.
[11] The things contained in these two Lessons now recited in one continuous run agree almost everywhere, as I have already noted, with the Acts of the Saint to be published. [to be published, which were written by an anonymous monk of Andage in the year 937] The author of those Acts is an anonymous monk of Andage, or Andaïnum. So, namely, Mabillon judged in tome 2 of the Benedictine Annals, page 16, and rightly indeed, as it appears. For this seems possible to be gathered from the words which the author, having first complained that through the sloth of writers the things done by Beregisus had lain hidden in darkness up to his own age, presently brings forward in the Prologue set by him before the Acts. For in them he calls the monks of Andage, as it appears, his brethren, and St. Beregisus patron. Here they are: For those things were not so small which could be committed in writing as worthy of memory concerning the deeds of this venerable Man (Beregisus), since reverence of memory is paid to his name, celebratedly held from that time, and the distinctions of his deeds, or of this place (Andage), protest that he was of great merit. Therefore, our brethren desiring that those things which are related concerning him hitherto be fulfilled by our littleness, and praying and commanding it, we have undertaken the work enjoined, to be completed if the Lord, by his merits, shall grant it; which is not done rashly, as I think, since in this I have obeyed them, not without other devout men, and have duly arranged for retaining in writing, although sluggish, the Acts of our Patron, which I found now just about to flee from memory. In addition, this author very often speaks of the monastery of Andage, employing those demonstrative formulas which we are wont to use when we make discourse of a place in which we dwell or are present, so that he was probably of the monastery of Andage. Further, he composed his work in the year of Christ 937, and therefore, since the Saint departed from among the living about the middle of the eighth century, as I am going to teach below, it follows that he flourished about two hundred years after Beregisus, and therefore that he received the things which he writes either from more ancient monuments or from tradition. This the author himself teaches in the Prologue, as also the time at which he committed the Acts of the Saint to writing; the first indeed in these words: But from whom I have learned the things which I undertake to write, since many are surviving, and very many already dead, especially since it comes to my mind that in the very rudiments of boyhood I learned some of them, when I was present while the elder monks Otbert, Wlbert and Beregrinnus were conversing about them with my father or among themselves, it does not seem necessary to express by name. Let it suffice only to have said that those things only are written which, handed down by the relation of the ancients, are still proved by the testimony of almost all the elders dwelling about the place to have been so.
[12] written almost from tradition alone, bear the title, Thus far this author, indicating that he knows from tradition the things which he commits to writing. He then adds, some things having been interposed, that a charter had been found by him in the archive, given to St. Beregisus by a certain count of that time, Grimbert by name, bestowing on him certain vineyards near Trier in the fifth year of King Theodoric, and this is the only thing which he teaches concerning Beregisus not from tradition, but from a more ancient monument. As regards now the time at which the Acts of the Saint were written, and which I asserted is also taught by the author himself in the Prologue, this is done by him when he indicates how many years flowed by from the death of Pippin up to the time at which he writes, in these words: Hence we can observe how many times have flowed by from the first establishment of this place (the monastery of Andage), which, the heavenly regard disposing it, began first to be inhabited and set up by this religious Priest (Beregisus). Hence, finally, in the second year of Otto, son of Henry, ruling the kingdom of the Saxons, which is the nine hundred and thirty-seventh from the Incarnation of the Lord, it is established from the death of Pippin, in whose age
the grove having been cut down, he measures out a space for dwelling, that CCXXIII courses of years have elapsed. For the rest, these Acts of the Saint which we are going to publish are noted as transcribed from the manuscript of Rouge-Cloître, from the second part of the Hagiology of the Brabanters, and they have this title prefixed to them: The Life of the most holy Beregisus, abbot, of the household of Pippin, duke of Brabant, the second of this name. I think, on account of what is to be said, that this title proceeded not from the author of the Acts of St. Beregisus himself, but from another writer of a later age; but by whatever writer it was prefixed to the Acts of our Saint, Pippin, of whom the discussion is there and in the Acts, is indeed wrongly named in it duke of Brabant, the second of this name. For, as will be more fully plain from what is to be said, the Pippin of whom the discussion is made here is Pippin of Herstal, and he is undoubtedly called duke of Brabant, the second of this name, by reason of Pippin of Landen, his grandfather; but of Pippin of Landen we have treated in our Acts at the XXI of January, and we called into doubt whether he administered, chiefly under the name of duke, that tract of lands which only some centuries later began to be named the duchy of Brabant, or whether in it he possessed by his own right only one county, or two, or even more.
[13] In addition, Valesius, in tome 3 of the Frankish Affairs, pages 36 and 37, contends in which Pippin is wrongly called duke of Brabant, the II of this name. that Pippin of Landen and his descendants neither were, nor ought to be called, dukes of Brabant. Here are his words: One thing only I cannot approve, that our Pippin (of Landen) is said by these writers to have been the first duke of Lower Austrasia, or (as they also speak) of Lotharingia and Brabant, and that the same title is attributed by the same to Grimoald and to Ansigisil, his son and son-in-law, to Pippin the Younger also, and to Charles. Pippin indeed had many possessions and villas in the pagus of Hesbaye and in Brabant, regions of Lower Austrasia, especially Landinum or Landa, from which he found his surname, and a most ample house in the town of Nivelles, which was afterwards changed into a basilica and monastery by Itta and Gertrude. But not on that account is he either to be called, or to be thought to have been, duke of Lower Austrasia or of Brabant, since no duchies among the Franks were hereditary in the age of Pippin the Elder, and long afterwards, and Brabant, which commonly for the greater part they call Brabantia, only about the year one thousand one hundred and six at last began to have its own dukes. Pippin indeed, and his son Grimoald, since they were dukes or prefects of the palace of the Austrasian Franks, were necessarily dukes also of the Brabanters, who were contained in the kingdom of Austrasia, or of Lower Austrasia, and so (although very improperly) can be so called. Since he who takes charge of and administers any kingdom must needs also administer its several and all parts. But Pippin the Younger, who was surnamed the Fat, grandson of Pippin the Elder through his daughter Begga, and Charles, great-grandson of the same, father of King Pippin, both content with the title of dukes and princes of the Franks, ruled not only Austrasia, of which Brabant and Hesbaye were a part, but also Neustria and Burgundy and Aquitaine, that is, the whole kingdom of the Franks; so that he who calls them dukes of Brabant is no less ridiculous than if one should ascribe to the Most Christian king the one and only title of duke of the Bourbonnais. Thus far Valesius, all of whose assertions here, although I do not equally approve them, it nevertheless seems to me, on account of what has already been said, that Pippin is wrongly called duke of Brabant, the second of this name, in the title prefixed in the manuscript of Rouge-Cloître to the Acts of our Saint to be published. For the rest, there are also in the Acts to be published themselves some things doubtful, some obscure, some also less to be approved or erroneous. Of all these I shall treat either in this Preliminary Commentary, or at least in the Annotations which according to custom will follow the Acts to be published, elucidation or confutation being added where there is need.
Annotata* in the margin is noted Beregisi of Beregisus
§ II. About what time the Saint was born, his birthplace, parents, education in the monastery of St. Trudo, promotion to the priesthood.
The Saint, in the dominion of Liège, of parents Beregisus, says our biographer in no. 6, was born in the Condroz, a pagus of the Austrasians, in the village which is called Spangius, of parents not indeed freeborn as regards the world, but nevertheless, according to birth, wealthy and religious; the name of his father having been torn from memory, they report that his mother was called Berilla. Molanus, in the Feasts of the Saints of Belgium, on the eulogy of St. Beregisus given by him and recited entire by us in no. 1, observes among other things that it can seem faulty that the Saint is said to have been a native of the pagus Condustrus. For the Condrusi, he says, are according to Caesar of the race and number of the Germans, between the Eburones and the Treveri, but now they are reckoned to the people of Liège, and their chief towns are Ciney, Dinant and Huy. According to Molanus, therefore, in the text of our biographer just recited, Condruso should perhaps be read for Condustro, which reading the chronographer of Saint-Trond also favours, when in words to be recited below he writes that the Saint was born of the pagus Condrosius. But, as the praised Molanus rightly adds presently, Condustrium is also read, namely in book 5, as he notes in the margin, of the Deeds of the Franks, chapter 25, in the division of the kingdom of Lothar, and names easily obtain some change through the succession of ages, so that nothing should here be rashly changed. So plainly the matter stands, and therefore, since the Saint, as is read in the text already recited from his Acts, was a native of the pagus Condustrus, which is the same as the pagus whose inhabitants are named Condrusi by Caesar, and which, as Molanus says, is today reckoned to the people of Liège, it follows that the Saint was born in the present dominion of Liège. Nor is it to be thought that the first Lesson from the proper Offices of the canons Regular recited in no. 7 opposes us here; for although in it the Saint is said to have been begotten in the Condroz, a pagus of the Austrasians, who are now called Lotharingians, that is only an indication that that Lesson was composed not earlier than under the second stock of the kings of the Franks, under which the kingdom of Austrasia, which also comprised the dominion of Liège, was first called from Lothar, king of the Austrasians, the kingdom of Lothar, and Lotharingia; and therefore the aforesaid Lesson from the proper Offices of the Lateran canons recited in no. 7 does not hinder St. Beresus being believed to have been born in the dominion of Liège.
[15] wealthy, who gave him to be educated at Sarchinium, From the place which was the Saint's birthplace, now in some measure determined, I proceed to designating his parents. Miraeus, in the Belgian Fasti, page 568, affirms that the Saint was born of noble race. With Miraeus agrees du Saussay in the eulogy of Beregisus, brought forward in no. 4 from his Gallican Martyrology. But I cannot declare for certain whence these authors learned the nobility of race which they attribute to our Saint. Certainly Beregisus, in the text recited in the preceding number from the Acts to be published, in which his race is treated, is said to have been sprung not indeed … from freeborn, but only from parents wealthy according to birth and religious; and I think that the Acts to be published, in which this is asserted, deserve greater credence than Miraeus and du Saussay, whom also the Lessons concerning St. Beregisus recited above from the proper Offices of the canons Regular, as will be plain to one who inspects them, by no means favour. For in the Lessons of the Proper of the Saints for the use of the canons Regular of the Gallican congregation absolutely no mention is made of the race from which the Saint sprang; and in the Lessons which are read in the proper of the Saints whether of the congregation of Windesheim, or of the Lateran or Coimbra canons, the Saint is only pronounced begotten of his mother Berilla, absolutely no mention being made of his father or of his race, so that nothing is available from which you may ascribe nobility of race to St. Beregisus. I suspect nevertheless that Miraeus and du Saussay ascribe nobility of race to our Saint for this reason, that, since they had read in the Life of St. Trudo that many sons of the more noble men, despising the prosperity of this world and laying aside their hair, served the Lord alone in the monastery of St. Trudo as soon as it had been built by Trudo, they therefore thought that Beregisus was of the number of these, whom they understood from various writers to have been educated in the said monastery of St. Trudo.
[16] But in the praised Life of St. Trudo it is nowhere said that only the sons of the more noble men, he was born when the middle of the seventh century had passed the world spurned, laid aside their hair to serve the Lord alone, so that hence nothing certain can be concluded for attributing nobility of race to St. Beregisus, and that which the Acts to be published teach concerning the Saint's race remains unshaken. But it can now be asked here in what year, or about what time, our Saint was born. Although absolutely nothing is available whereby his nativity may be fixed to a determinate year, it seems nevertheless to have happened about the year 60 of the seventh century, or a little earlier. I show the matter thus. Fisen, praised in no. 3, in the Flowers of the church of Liège at the 2nd of October, in the eulogy of St. Beregisus, before other things which he records in it, has these: Virtue unhonoured can never lie hidden long. It shone forth most clearly in Beregisus, even outside the enclosures of the monastery, and enticed into love of him Pippin the Elder, who held power among the Franks as praetorian prefect, or (as they spoke) mayor of the house. This perhaps was then done, when, Trudo becoming illustrious after death by many prodigies, Pippin came with his wife in veneration to his sepulchre about the year from Christ six hundred and ninety-one. It appears indeed probable to me that St. Beregisus first won for himself the love of Pippin, who is here named the Elder by reason of Pippin his grandson, the first king of the Carolingian stock, and on the contrary by our biographer and other writers the Younger by reason of Pippin of Landen, his grandfather, then when he, roused by the fame of the miracles of St. Trudo, came in veneration to his sepulchre. To this opinion Le Cointe agrees in the Ecclesiastical Annals of the Franks; for in these at the year 696, no. 6, he recites from chapter 22 of the Life of St. Trudo written by Donatus the deacon, which Mabillon inserted in the Second Benedictine Century, these words: Pippin, the most renowned mayor of the house, son of Ansigisus, when he had heard the growing fame of the miracles of St. Trudo, as he was a most religious prince, came to his tomb for the sake of prayer. Who at once, as he was most prudent, recognizing that the presence of divine power was there, forthwith with a most devout affection of mind handed over to his tomb whatever he was seen to have in the villa which is named Ochinsala, and in another villa which is called Ham. His most renowned wife also, Plectrude, for the commerce of eternal life, ordered an altar to be fabricated of silver and gold in honour of St. Peter.
[17] as from the time at which, to the priesthood, before to Pippin He then adds: In the monastery of Sarchinium there was then dwelling Beregisus the presbyter, whom Pippin and Plectrude took away with them, and retained most familiarly for many years in their retinue, until to him a place where he might raise a monastery
they handed over in the Ardennes forest. Thus rightly enough Le Cointe; yet what he says, that Beregisus was taken away from his monastery by Pippin and Plectrude at the time when they came in veneration to the tomb of St. Trudo, will perhaps seem to someone less probable than that the Saint then only began to become dear to those princes by the sweetness of his character and the sanctity of his life, which is all that the words recited above from Fisen require. In addition, he affirms that the mentioned approach of Pippin and his wife Plectrude to the tomb of St. Trudo happened about the year 696; but it seems to me that one should here rather agree with Fisen, just praised, who places the said veneration of Pippin and Plectrude towards the sepulchre of St. Trudo, as we saw above, about the year six hundred and ninety-one. For St. Trudo, as Le Cointe himself, with Fisen and Miraeus in the Belgian Diplomas, rightly enough, as it appears, judges, departed from among the living in the year 689; and Donatus, in the Life of St. Trudo cited at the preceding number, having narrated the death of this Saint, and a miracle worked at his invocation, presently records in the words recited in the preceding number that Pippin and Plectrude came to the sepulchre of Trudo, so that, since it appears hence that this happened not long after the death of St. Trudo, Fisen's opinion seems to me preferable, according to which only two years, or a little more, intervened between the death of St. Trudo and the approach of Pippin to his tomb. Mabillon also favours this opinion: for although this author, in tome 1 of the Benedictine Annals, page 615 and following, defers the death of St. Trudo up to the year 698, he nevertheless affirms that Pippin came to the Saint's tomb in the same year 698, so that according to him Pippin's approach to the tomb of St. Trudo happened not long after his death, and therefore that he agrees with Fisen's, not Le Cointe's, opinion, according to which a space of eight years had elapsed after the death of St. Trudo before Pippin came to his sepulchre.
[18] [he had already been initiated to the priesthood before he became dear to Pippin, and at about] Further, before St. Beregisus began to be dear to Pippin and his wife Plectrude, he had already been promoted to the priesthood. This is clear from the biographer of our Saint. For when in no. 6 he has narrated the promotion of Beregisus to the priesthood, then at length in the following number he relates that the Saint became dear to Pippin, and was very powerful with him in authority and favour. At length, he says in no. 7, at that time, namely when, as he clearly indicated before, Beregisus had already been promoted to the priesthood, Pippin the Younger, son of Ansgisus, held the duchy in Austrasia under King Theodoric, who had surpassed all the chief men of the kingdom in the power of wars and in genius. Which prince, not ignorant of his probity or prudence, had taken him to himself, honouring him with the reverence of a father, as so eminent a priest, to whose doctrine he had submitted himself with his wife and offspring to be instructed, since the indissoluble conduct of his life and character bore witness by his chaste discourses. From which words indeed, if they be compared with those which precede in no. 6, it becomes plain that Beregisus had already been promoted to the priesthood when he began to be dear to Pippin, and therefore, since the Saint, as I taught above, probably first won Pippin's love for himself when the latter came to the tomb of St. Trudo, and this, as we have taught, probably happened in the year 691, it follows that Beregisus was distinguished with the dignity of the priesthood already in the year 691 or even earlier. Nay, since the words just recited from our biographer indicate that Beregisus was already a priest when Pippin under King Theodoric, which king, as the commoner opinion now holds and Pagi learnedly proves in the Critica at the year 688, nos. 3 and 4, died in the year 691, held the mayoralty of the house in Austrasia alone; and since Pippin, after Theodoric was defeated in the year 687 in the battle of Tertry, held the mayoralty of the house not in Austrasia alone, but in the three kingdoms of the Franks, namely Neustria, Burgundy and Austrasia, it follows that Beregisus was presented with the priestly dignity either certainly already in the year 691, or perhaps even already in the year 687.
[19] St. Beregisus, therefore, as must become plain to one who considers all the things already said bearing on this, by his parents in the monastery of St. Trudo was promoted to the priestly dignity not later than the year 691. And now, since the canons require the age of twenty-five years for the reception of the priesthood, it follows that Beregisus was born into the world not later than about the year 665 or 666. For descending from the year 691 to the year 665 or 666, you will find 25 years, or at most 26, lying between both these extremes. But, you will say, although the Saint was born not later than the year 665 or 666, nothing nevertheless prevents his being believed to have been born earlier. I answer that the Saint indeed was perhaps born earlier; but probably not much earlier than about the year 660. I prove the matter thus. The Saint, as his biographer teaches in no. 6 according to what was said before, was brought up under the habit of religion within the monastery of St. Trudo by the handing over of his parents. With the biographer of the Saint agrees the manuscript Chronicle of Saint-Trond which I have before my eyes, in which in chapter 16 I read these things: Beregisus, born of the pagus Condrosius, and handed over by his parents within the monastery of St. Trudo, under the habit of religion, to be imbued with the studies of letters and with the divine law, Prince Pippin bestowing broad estates on him, built the monastery of Andage in honour of St. Peter, in which, with clerics serving in the canonical Order, he himself, the father, was associated in the same habit, which now is named of St. Hubert in the Ardennes, where Waso, bishop of Liège, the body of the said St. Hubert having been carried from Maastricht, instituted monks in place of canons. Further, the same manuscript Chronicle of Saint-Trond writes thus concerning the monastery of Saint-Trond: In the year of the Lord DCLVII St. Trudo caused the monastery which he had founded at his own expense on his inheritance, and had raised up on high fittingly adapted for habitation, to be dedicated by St. Theodard, bishop of Maastricht, in honour of SS. Quintinus and Remigius, on the III of the Ides of October.
[20] But Pagi shows in the Critica at the year of Christ 660, no. XI, that the author of the said Chronicle is here mistaken, was given to be educated, this is gathered. and that the church of Saint-Trond was not dedicated or consecrated earlier than the year 664, so that the monastery of Saint-Trond does not seem to have been fitted for receiving within its bosom, under the discipline of its holy Founder, the boys of nobles or others earlier than about that same year, and therefore that St. Beregisus was not brought up under the habit of religion within the monastery of St. Trudo by the handing over of his parents, as our biographer speaks, before that time. Wherefore, since parents in the first eight centuries of the Church (see Thomassin, On the old and new discipline of the Church, tome 1, book 3, chapter 56) were wont to offer their boys to God in monasteries, even before the years of puberty, nay even sometimes when they had not yet reached the seventh year of age, and to hand them over to their religious inhabitants to be brought up, it becomes most probable that St. Beregisus, still a minor, was handed over by his parents to the monastery of Saint-Trond to be brought up, and therefore, since this, as we have already seen, does not seem to have been fit for bringing up minor boys before the year 664, it follows that the Saint came thither at his parents' command to be imbued with the studies of letters either in the same year 664 or somewhat later, and therefore that he was born about the year 660, or perhaps six, or at most five, years earlier. We have therefore now about what time St. Beregisus was born, as also about when he was distinguished with the priestly dignity. Another thing must now be investigated; namely whether the Saint professed the monk in the monastery of Saint-Trond.
§ III. Whether the Saint professed the monk in the monastery of Saint-Trond.
Ménard makes Beregisus a monk from this, that at Sarchinium Ménard, at the second day of October, book 1 of the Observations on the Benedictine Martyrology, writes thus: St. Beregisus was the first abbot of the monastery of Andage, otherwise of St. Hubert, in the Ardennes forest: in which he had for ruling not monks but canons, as the anonymous author of the translation of the body of St. Hubert and the Chronographer of Saint-Trond (we have given his words in no. 18) write, in Miraeus in the Benedictine Chronicle. From which someone might suspect that this St. Beregisus was not a monk, but a canon, inasmuch as he presided over canons, not monks. But there is no doubt that this Saint was a monk, and that a Benedictine. Since he was handed over by his parents to be imbued with the regular disciplines to St. Trudo, who was a monk, not a canon, as his Acts in Surius testify, and he had familiar intercourse with St. Remaclus, who was a monk according to the institute of St. Columban, to which he joined the observance of the Benedictine Rule, as was the custom of those times. For Notger says in his Life that St. Remaclus was bound to the Rule of St. Benedict. Nor does the conjecture of Molanus avail here, who suspects that the first companions of St. Trudo were canons. Thus the praised Ménard, contending that St. Beregisus was a monk, and placing all the force of the argument already produced, by which he strives to prove this, in this, that St. Beregisus lived in the monastery of Sarchinium, or Saint-Trond, under the discipline of St. Trudo, who, this writer contends, was a monk, and first instituted in the monastery of Sarchinium monks, not canons.
[22] he lived under the discipline of St. Trudo, whom as a monk And indeed if St. Trudo professed the monk, and if at Saint-Trond he first instituted monks, not canons, it does not seem that it should be doubted that St. Beregisus was a monk, since he was brought up, as our biographer speaks, under the habit of religion within the monastery of St. Trudo by the handing over of his parents. For, as Thomassin teaches in tome 1, book 3, On the old and new discipline of the Church, through the first eight centuries of the Christian era, and therefore in the seventh and eighth, in both of which our Saint flourished, boys under puberty brought up in monasteries under the habit of religion, whether by their own or by their parents' will, could not lay aside that habit and return to the world when grown older, and were undoubtedly compelled to profess perpetually the religious norm of living of the monasteries in which they had been brought up, so that St. Beregisus, brought up under the habit of religion in the monastery of Saint-Trond, was undoubtedly a monk, if St. Trudo himself professed the monk, and first instituted monks, not canons, at Sarchinium or Saint-Trond. But it appears very doubtful to me both whether St. Trudo professed the monk, and also whether at Sarchinium or Saint-Trond he first instituted monks, not canons. The praised Ménard indeed appeals in the words recited in the preceding number to the Acts of St. Trudo existing in Surius, and calls to his aid also the familiarity, or friendship, which St. Trudo cultivated with St. Remaclus, who, as he says, was a monk according to the institute of St. Columban, to which the Benedictine Rule's
observance he joined.
[23] But, says Le Cointe in the Ecclesiastical Annals of the Franks at the year 725, contends; but this, as he thinks, from the Acts of St. Trudo no. 45, there exists in Surius the Life of St. Trudo arranged in two books by Theodoric, of which the former comprises eighteen chapters, the latter twenty-one. In that whole Work there is not a word about Trudo's monkhood. This author then sets forth what Theodoric teaches in the several chapters of the Life of St. Trudo, and when he has set forth what the latter relates in book 2, chapter 3, he adds: Up to here a deep silence about Trudo's monkhood. But at the same time he presently adds: In the sixth chapter is described his (Trudo's) death, namely by Theodoric in these words: There sat continually by his little bed venerable priests with a most religious company of monks, consoling their sad tears in turn with this one thing, that they were not losing their master, but rather sending him before them to God. And this text of Theodoric the praised Le Cointe takes up thus: This one text alone occurs from which anyone might infer that Trudo presided over monks at Sarchinium. But, even if Trudo ruled monks in the monastery of Sarchinium, it does not follow from this that he is to be reckoned among the monks. Thus Le Cointe, whose last assertion indeed becomes plain from those things which we have already disputed in this tome in the Preliminary Commentary to the Life of St. Leodegar from no. 52 to the end of § IV. For there we showed that it does not follow that St. Leodegar was certainly a monk, although he presided as abbot over the monastery of St. Maxentius, and therefore ruled monks. But, you will say, it seems at least possible to be gathered from the text of Theodoric just recited that not only clerics, but also monks, were in the monastery of Sarchinium when St. Trudo was dying, and therefore that that Saint presided also over monks.
[24] I answer: Be it so. Nothing can be drawn from this to weaken those things which have been asserted by us hitherto. is not proved from those published by Surius, For first, since St. Trudo, according to the said text of Theodoric, had under his discipline not only monks but also clerics or priests, it can no longer be argued from the education of St. Beregisus under the discipline of St. Trudo in the monastery of Sarchinium that Beregisus was a monk rather than a cleric or priest, and therefore Ménard's argument produced above for proving the monkhood of the Saint collapses. Then, since from the praised text of Theodoric we have only that priests together with monks stood by Trudo when he was already about to die, it is doubtful whether St. Trudo did not first institute canons at Sarchinium, monks only being added afterwards, and therefore our other assertion remains unshaken, by which we said that it is doubtful whether St. Trudo first instituted at Sarchinium monks, or canons or clerics. And that doubt is not a little increased for me by the seventeenth chapter of the first book of the Life of St. Trudo written by Theodoric and inserted by Surius in the fourth Trimester of the Saints, compared with the third chapter of the second book. For in the first it is narrated that St. Trudo returned from the city of Metz, whither he had betaken himself, sent by St. Remaclus to Bishop Chlodulf to be imbued with sacred letters, to this Saint, bishop of Maastricht, and was then adopted by him as a colleague and as it were fellow-soldier in the Gospel work, and moreover into a share of the pastoral care; and in the other it is related that he diligently discharged that sacred office committed to him by Remaclus even then when he had already founded the monastery of Sarchinium, thronged by a column of clerics; and hence a suspicion arises in me, or rather is increased, that at the beginning he first instituted at Sarchinium not monks, to be free for their own salvation alone, but clerics or canons regular, to care also for that of others.
[25] as neither from the friendship which St. Trudo cultivated with St. Remaclus; Further, as regards now the other argument of Ménard, sought from Trudo's friendship with St. Remaclus, in the seventeenth chapter of Theodoric just praised these things are read concerning SS. Trudo and Remaclus: Both, filled with wonderful alacrity, communicate their joys, and with that accustomed familiarity of theirs teach and instruct each other concerning every event and fortune; then indeed the bishop, reckoning the wisdom and progress of so great a priest as his own gain, takes him to himself as a colleague and as it were fellow-soldier in the work of the gospel, and, the burden of the pastoral care having been divided, enjoins him to order the churches, and to announce the word of God in his diocese, so that as often as the hands of the pontiff stretched out for Israel should grow heavy with Moses, so often they should be sustained by the ministry of the priest, as of Aaron supporting; and, a familiar companionship of some days having been completed, the holy souls, after mutual and sufficient consolation of each other, return to their business, the former (namely Remaclus) to resting with Mary in the contemplation of heavenly things, the latter (namely Trudo) to labouring with Martha in the solicitude of the churches; for not long after the holy bishop Remaclus, weary of secular tumults, having renounced all things, professes the monk in his monastery of Stavelot, and, dwelling there with himself, had St. Theodard, afterwards to be a martyr of Christ, as successor in the bishopric. By which words the familiarity or friendship of St. Trudo with St. Remaclus is expressed; but from them, since they openly reveal that the monkhood was undertaken by St. Remaclus, but the care of souls entered on by St. Trudo, it seems rather to be drawn out that St. Trudo was not a monk than that he was, and therefore the aforesaid other argument of Ménard collapses, by which, as I taught above, he contends that St. Trudo was a monk, so that, all things considered, it seems it should be doubted not only whether St. Trudo first instituted monks at Sarchinium, but also whether he himself was a monk.
[26] Hence Mabillon strives to prove Trudo's monkhood otherwise; Mabillon undoubtedly noticed that from the familiarity or friendship which St. Trudo cultivated with St. Remaclus absolutely nothing is had for proving Trudo's monkhood. For this author also contends that St. Trudo was a monk; but in order to prove that monkhood he does not even adduce the familiarity or friendship cultivated by Trudo with Remaclus in any part of argument whatever, although meanwhile, to conclude the matter, he uses more than one reason; with what success he does which must now be discussed. In the Second Benedictine Century, in the Preliminary Observations to the Life of St. Trudo, no. 3, he brings forward these words of Rodulf, abbot of Saint-Trond, who flourished in the twelfth century, from tome 7 of d'Achery's Spicilegium: While the Life of our St. Trudo of most pious memory teaches that he was a cleric and priest and the first builder of our monastery, as does also that of Blessed Remaclus, bishop of the Tungri: where some are read of concerning the princes of kingdoms and rulers of churches in whose times this our lily of most holy purity flowered. But this is most manifestly given to be understood neither there nor ever elsewhere, whether our monastery, first built, was ruled by him himself, or by another: whether also those whom he established in it were clerics or monks, and when monks began to be in it … whence I ask the readers of this my little Work to hold me excused if I shall have rendered you less certain than you would wish of those things of which I myself could not be more certain. Having recited these words of Rodulf, the praised Mabillon presently subjoins his own opinion concerning the monkhood of St. Trudo and concerning the first inhabitants of the monastery of Saint-Trond, and sets it forth thus: These things, he says, the abbot Rodulf ingenuously and sincerely, in whose footsteps it was my mind to cling, did not certain arguments persuade both that St. Trudo was a monk, and that the monastery founded by him was subject from its beginnings not to clerics but to monks.
[27] He then adduces the reasons by which he is induced to believe this. [but he does not conclude this either from St. Trudo's purpose of serving God alone under the habit of holy] The first is this: Trudo, he says, on the testimony of Donatus, namely the older biographer of St. Trudo, chapter 3, at all times asked of the Lord that he might learn sacred letters, so that afterwards under the habit of holy conversation he might serve as a soldier to the Lord alone. By which words ancient writers are wont to designate the monastic habit and institute. This is Mabillon's first reason, as I have already said, by which he intends to prove the monkhood of St. Trudo: but I do not see that the matter is so concluded by this that it can no longer be doubted that Trudo was a monk. For in order that it may become certain hence that St. Trudo was a monk, it is necessary first of all that the biographer of this Saint undoubtedly understood by the habit of holy conversation the habit of monks, and therefore by holy conversation the monastic life or the monks' manner of living. But I do not see by what reasoning this can be made certain enough. For the word conversatio among ancient writers, as will become known to one who inspects du Cange's Glossary of Middle and Lower Latinity, is also used to signify any manner of living whatever, whether good or bad, and therefore, since the canons Regular, who in the primitive centuries of the Church, as is affirmed in the notice prefixed to the Martyrology for canons Regular praised above, were named Clerics, had a certain singular manner of living, and that as holy as the monks', and were undoubtedly distinguished in habit from other clerics, it is doubtful to me whether the biographer of St. Trudo does not understand by the habit of holy conversation that habit which clerics or canons Regular were wont to use.
[28] But Mabillon says that ancient writers are wont to designate the monastic habit by the habit of holy conversation; purpose under the habit of conversation, I confess, some ancient writers are wont to do this; but at the same time I doubt also whether certain of them do not understand by the habit of holy conversation the habit of anchorites, certainly distinct from the habit of monks, so that it would not be wonderful if the biographer of St. Trudo understood by the habit of holy conversation only the habit of clerics or of canons regular. Nay, that by those words only the habit of clerics or of canons Regular is understood will perhaps seem possible to be concluded in some measure from the very deed of St. Trudo on whose relation they enter. For that deed of St. Trudo has thus: At all times, says Donatus, he asked this of the Lord, that he might learn sacred letters, so that afterwards under the habit of holy conversation he might serve as a soldier to the Lord alone. By which words it is signified that Trudo demanded of the Lord the knowledge of sacred letters with this view, that afterwards under the habit of holy conversation he might serve God alone. But perhaps someone will say that Trudo did not so greatly need the knowledge of sacred letters, and perhaps would not have continually demanded it from the Lord with so much zeal, if he had had it as his purpose afterwards to profess the monk, and to give attention to his own salvation alone, not to others'. Trudo, therefore, seems to have asked the knowledge of sacred letters from the Lord impelled solely by zeal for undertaking the priestly dignity, in which, as he afterwards did, he might labour most usefully for the salvation of his neighbour, and therefore it is not certain that the monastic habit is designated by Donatus by the habit of holy conversation. But, since monks also are found to have carried on most zealously the care of others' salvation, let us grant for a while that by those most often mentioned words the monastic habit is designated by Donatus, the biographer of Trudo,
it does not yet follow from this that Trudo was undoubtedly a monk. For those words, even taken in that signification, indicate only that it was Trudo's purpose, the knowledge of sacred letters having been obtained, to embrace the monastic habit and institute, and therefore nothing certain can be concluded from them for proving Trudo's monkhood, unless it be clearly shown that he afterwards put his purpose into execution.
[29] nor from the hair shorn by him, Mabillon himself also saw this, and hence, after the words recited from him in no. 21, proceeds thus: Afterwards the holy Man (Trudo), having laid aside the lay habit, vowing in the church of St. Stephen the protomartyr that he would serve the Lord alone, is reported to have shorn his hair, namely by Donatus, the biographer of Trudo, chapter XI. There will perhaps be those who think that here the habit of the canons is signified, whom Bishop Chrodegang had instituted in the Church of Metz. No one indeed will think this who has considered that St. Chrodegang instituted canons in the city of Metz not before more than half a century had elapsed after the death of Trudo. But there are other things which persuade that from the praised chapter XI of Donatus, in which Trudo is said, having laid aside the lay habit … to have shorn his hair in the church of St. Stephen the protomartyr, vowing that he would serve the Lord alone, the monkhood of Trudo can by no means be concluded for certain. For according to Donatus, the biographer of St. Trudo, Trudo, before he shore his hair and exchanged the lay habit for the clerical, stood under the discipline of the sacristan of the church of St. Stephen at Metz, and was imbued by him with the learning of sacred letters; and having laid aside the lay habit, and his hair shorn, faithfully … (the words are Donatus's) serving God in the same church (of St. Stephen) under the rule of the venerable Chlodulf, namely bishop of Metz, proceeding happily through the ecclesiastical grades, he brought the merits of his life up to the priestly dignity. By which words it is indicated that the Saint, after his hair was shorn and the lay habit laid aside, faithfully served God in the church of St. Stephen at Metz, under the discipline of whose sacristan he had previously stood to be imbued with sacred letters, and therefore, since the church of St. Stephen at Metz belonged not to any cenobium or monastery of monks, but to the clergy, it seems to follow that St. Trudo, when he laid aside the lay garment and shore his hair in the church of St. Stephen at Metz, on the testimony of Donatus, professed not the monk but rather the cleric, and therefore that Mabillon contends in vain to prove Trudo's monkhood from the words of Donatus recited above.
[30] This author nevertheless adds to the words just recited from him and the habit of holy religion, that he is moved to believe in the monkhood of that Saint, from St. Trudo's lay garment laid aside and hair shorn, for this reason, that Trudo, the words are Mabillon's own, having returned to his fatherland, when he had lodged with a certain man, is said to have worn the habit of holy religion, chapter 14, namely of the Life of Trudo written by Donatus, by which name no one anywhere, not even Chrodegang himself in his rule, expresses the habit of canons. But Mabillon does not seem to have been bound to be moved to make Trudo a monk from this, that St. Trudo, having returned to his fatherland, is said to have worn the habit of holy religion. For this writer had read, as is given to be understood from his tome 2 of the Benedictine Annals, page 16, the life of St. Beregisus to be published by us, in which he is said to have been brought up under the habit of religion in the monastery of Saint-Trond, and yet he was not moved by this to assert that St. Beregisus was a monk; and that although he had Ménard lighting the way before him, who also, from the habit of religion under which Beregisus is asserted in the Chronicle of Saint-Trond to have been brought up in the monastery of Saint-Trond, contends that St. Beregisus was a monk. Another argument of Ménard bearing on this we refuted above; this second argument of the same writer, sought from the Saint's habit, must now be confuted, or at least enervated, that thus at the same time Mabillon's argument may lose its force, by which, from the habit of holy religion which Trudo is said to have worn, he numbers him among the holy monks. The aforesaid argument of Ménard is this: The chronographer of Saint-Trond says that he (Beregisus) lived with those canons of St. Hubert in the same habit in which he had been clothed in the monastery of St. Trudo. "Beregisus," he says, "born of the pagus Condrosius, and handed over by his parents within the monastery of St. Trudo under the habit of religion to be imbued with the studies of letters in the divine law." And a little after: "In which, with clerics serving in the canonical Order, he himself, the father, was associated in the same habit." Which last words are not added wrongly, but to show that he was distinguished from the canons in habit.
[31] I have the manuscript chronographer of Saint-Trond before my eyes; whom afterwards the text which is given from him by Ménard only mutilated, recited entire already before, is this: About these times St. Beregisus, born of the pagus Condrosius, and handed over by his parents within the monastery of St. Trudo under the habit of religion to be imbued with the studies of letters and the divine law, Prince Pippin bestowing broad estates on him, built the monastery of Andage in honour of St. Peter, in which, with clerics serving in the canonical Order, he himself, the father, was associated in the same habit. But it is very doubtful to me whether its last words, as Ménard says, are added to show that St. Beregisus was distinguished in habit from the canons to whom he joined himself. For Ménard himself, after the words just recited from him, a few things having been interposed, has thus: Then canons were not canons in name only, but lived canonically, and by that name were distinguished from the other clerics who did not live regularly. If therefore canons were then distinguished from the other clerics by their manner of living, it is probable that they were also distinguished from these in habit, so that by the words mentioned it is perhaps only signified that St. Beregisus joined himself to the canons instituted by him in the same habit which these wore, distinct from the habit of the rest of the clerics. And indeed that our Saint joined himself to the canons instituted by him under the same habit which these wore we learn from our biographer. For he writes thus in no. 19: To which clerics serving in the canonical order he himself (Beregisus), the father, was associated in the same habit, and, being free unceasingly with them for the praise of Christ the Lord, and instructing his sons by word and example, he lived on for the spaces of very many years in this place (the monastery of Andage) leading a religious life. By which Words, since no mention has been made beforehand of a habit of religion worn by Beregisus in the monastery of Saint-Trond, it is undoubtedly indicated that the Saint joined himself to the canons whom he instituted under the same habit which these wore.
[32] is said to have worn, Wherefore, since the author who wrote chapter 16 of the Chronicle of Saint-Trond, in which the words recited from it in nos. 30 and 31 are had, flourished not before the fourteenth century was growing old, and therefore yields in antiquity to our biographer, one must depart from him if perhaps he is to be so understood as Ménard, praised in no. 30, contends. For the rest, since our biographer in the words just recited from him indicates that Beregisus led a religious life at Andage under the habit used by the canons, it becomes most probable that the same biographer, by the habit of religion under which he writes in no. 6 that the Saint was brought up in the monastery of Saint-Trond, wishes to be understood the habit wont to be worn by canons Regular. Rightly, therefore, concerning the habit of religion under which the Chronographer of Saint-Trond in the words recited in no. 31 says that Beregisus was brought up in the monastery of Saint-Trond, Le Cointe writes thus in the Ecclesiastical Annals of the Franks at the year 725, no. 48: That habit, namely of the canons Regular, we believe is designated in the Chronicle of Saint-Trond by the habit of religion, because Grisius testifies, namely in section 12, no. 5, as he notes in the margin, in the History of clerics or Regulars of both sexes, that canons of this kind were formerly called Religious clerics, and as there religious does not signify a monk, so also in the aforesaid Chronicle Religion is not taken for monkhood, and nothing forbids the habit of religion being judged the same as that of a Religious cleric or canon Regular. Thus the praised Le Cointe; and indeed our biographer in no. 5 calls the monastery built by St. Beregisus a domicile of holy religion; wherefore even from this it is probable that the canons or clerics called Regular were also formerly religious, and that their habit, distinct from the habit of the other clerics, was named the habit of Religion, so that from the habit of Religion under which Beregisus was brought up in the monastery of Saint-Trond Ménard can conclude nothing certain for the monkhood of Beregisus, and therefore neither Mabillon for the monkhood of Trudo from the habit of holy religion which he is narrated by Donatus to have worn.
[33] nor from two other arguments, But Mabillon, after the words recited from him in no. 30, brings forward two other arguments besides, by which he contends for the monkhood of St. Trudo. I transcribe both here in one continuous run: In addition, he says, many sons of the more noble men, despising the prosperity of this world and laying aside their hair, served the Lord alone with the invincible soldier of Christ, from chapter 15, namely of Donatus, which author is always understood here, the biographer of Trudo, and their common dwelling is called not only a cell and monastery but a cenobium, chapter 28. Finally Grimo the abbot is recorded to have presided regularly over the place before the middle of the eighth century in the letters of Robert, count of Hesbaye, given in the V year after the death of King Theoderic, that is, in the year DCCXLII or the following, in which he assigns by lawful tradition the place of Dungo with the basilica built therein to the basilica of St. Trudo, where the Saint of God himself rests in the body: over which church also the venerable abbot, Grimo by name, is seen to preside regularly. But REGULARITER is opposed to the word CANONICE, as is established both from various places and from the council of Mainz held in the year DCCCXIII, whose words are these: Those women who have made profession of the holy Rule of Blessed Benedict, let them live regularly; but if not, let them live CANONICALLY. Thus Mabillon, who by those two arguments already produced undoubtedly intends to prove that St. Trudo first instituted at Sarchinium not clerics but monks, and therefore that he himself was not a Regular cleric but a monk. But by these that writer, as it at least appears to me, proves absolutely nothing to his purpose. For as regards the first argument, which is sought partly from the sons of the more noble men who are narrated by Donatus to have served the Lord alone under the discipline of St. Trudo, the world having been left and their hair laid aside, partly from the appellation by which their common dwelling is called by the same Donatus; Donatus writes nothing contrary or discordant to the truth even if St. Trudo be believed to have first instituted Regular clerics at Sarchinium.
[34] For suppose that there were first Regular clerics at Sarchinium, since these also are refuted, there is no reason why it could not be related by the biographer of St. Trudo, without any loss of truth, that these laid aside their hair, and, the world having been left, served the Lord alone. In addition, their common dwelling could deservedly be called by the praised biographer not only by the name of cell and monastery, but also of cenobium,
called. For in our biographer, no. 16, and in the author of the History of the monastery of Andage, often to be praised below, no. 5, the monastery of canons or Regular clerics built by St. Beregisus goes under the name of a Cell. And that the houses of canons or Regular clerics formerly went also under the name of monasteries becomes plain, as Ménard himself teaches in the praised Observations, from the councils of Arles, Tours and Aachen celebrated under Charlemagne; and now, since the canons Regular lived in common, it seems likewise that their dwelling could not unfittingly be called a cenobium, which word draws its etymology from the Greek words κοινὸς and βίος, in Latin common and life. Further, as regards the other argument of Mabillon, sought from the letters of Robert, count of Hesbaye, in which, in the fifth year after the death of King Theoderic, that is, in the year 742, Grimo the abbot is said to have presided Regularly over the monastery of Saint-Trond, I answer, granting even that to preside and live regularly had, in the eighth century, in which Grimo the abbot flourished, such an opposition with presiding and living canonically, that he alone could then be said to preside and live regularly who presided over monks and led the monastic life, but not he who presided over canons and led the canonical life; I answer, I say, even granting this, that it only follows from that argument of Mabillon that in the year of Christ 742 there were monks in the monastery of Saint-Trond, from which it by no means becomes undoubted that St. Trudo, about the year 664, in which he built the monastery of Saint-Trond, first instituted monks there. For perhaps already from the year 742 there were monks at Saint-Trond only for this reason, that they had then already been substituted for the canons Regular first instituted there by St. Trudo.
[35] makes undoubted. Nothing, therefore, does Mabillon have from this either whereby he may prove that monks were first instituted at Sarchinium by St. Trudo, and therefore that he too professed the monk. Wherefore, all the arguments of Mabillon also having now been weighed, it still remains doubtful whether St. Trudo was a monk, as also whether at Sarchinium he first instituted monks or Regular clerics, or canons, and therefore Ménard wrongly concludes without hesitation the monkhood of St. Beregisus from his education in the monastery of Sarchinium, or Saint-Trond, under the discipline of St. Trudo. Nay, since the Saint, as I shall teach in the following §, and as the praised Ménard himself contends, instituted in the monastery of Andage, which he built, not monks but Regular clerics or canons, it is very probable to me that Beregisus never professed the Rule of St. Benedict or the monk. For it appears probable that the Saint wished to establish in the monastery which he built, and which he himself ruled as abbot, men of his own rather than of another's profession, and therefore, since this was most probably free to him, that he in fact also established them. Wherefore, since the Saint first instituted Regular clerics or canons at Andage, it follows that he himself professed the Regular cleric or canon, lest otherwise he must be said to have been different in profession from those whom he instituted at Andage and whom he himself ruled as abbot. With better right, therefore, Beregisus seems to be ascribed to the holy Canons than to the holy Monks, and so indeed the Regular canons of St. Augustine in fact reckon him among the Saints of their Order, as I have already noted above in no. 6, and as becomes manifest from the two lessons which I recited in nos. 7 and 8 from the proper Offices of the canons Regular, and from various writers of the canonical Order, and first of all from Ghini, praised above, in the Feasts of the holy Canons, and from Pennotto, likewise praised above, in his Annotations to the proper Offices of the canons Regular.
§ IV. The Saint, taken into the retinue of Pippin of Herstal, rebukes him when he offends; what office he discharged with this prince, and on what occasion he is reported to have obtained from him a place for building a monastery.
The Saint, to Pippin and Plectrude as confessor Jean Mauburne, or Jean of Brussels, abbot of Livry, in the book noted among us ✠ Ms. 163, which he inscribed the Hunting-book of the Saints of the Order of canons Regular, chapter 127, writes thus concerning Beregisus among other things which he records in the Compendium of his Acts: Beregisus, first abbot and founder of the monastery of Andage, flourished under King Theodoric and Pippin, son of Ansigisus, of whom he was both a member of the household and confessor; and a few things interposed: Drawn away thence (from the monastery of Saint-Trond) on account of his eminent sanctity, he was made confessor and instructor to Pippin and to his wife Plectrude. According to the praised Mauburne, therefore, St. Beregisus was confessor to Pippin and his wife. With Mauburne agrees the first of the two Lessons brought forward in no. 7 from the proper Offices of the canons Regular. For in this it is read thus: Drawn away thence (from the monastery of Saint-Trond) by Pippin, son of Ansegisus, prince of Brabant, on account of the eminent sanctity of his life, he ministered to him and also to Plectrude his wife as confessor. But I cannot be brought on the sole credit of Mauburne and of the author of the said lessons to believe for certain that Beregisus was confessor to Pippin and his wife Plectrude. For, as Gerard Vossius teaches in On the Latin Historians, book 3, page 646, Mauburne, a Regular canon of St. Augustine from the monastery of Mount St. Agnes, and afterwards abbot of Livry, flourished not earlier than the fifteenth century, and was therefore too remote from the age of St. Beregisus, who departed about the middle of the eighth century, to be able by his own authority alone to create undoubted credence for the things which he writes concerning him. But as regards the author of the said lessons, since he distinguishes the Condrosii or Condrusi, peoples of the present (see no. 14) dominion of Liège, by the name of Lotharingians, and they began to be so called not earlier than when the ninth century was already much advanced, it follows that he certainly flourished not earlier than the same ninth century, and therefore that he likewise cannot create certain credence concerning the things done by Beregisus, unless he be detected to have drawn his assertions from more ancient monuments. And I do not think that this will easily be detected.
[37] Nay, if perhaps this writer, which, however, I do not think, is said to have been; and although this is more ancient than our biographer, I strongly suspect that that happened to him which the latter ingenuously confesses in the Prologue happened to himself; namely that, for the penury of ancient monuments concerning the things done by St. Beregisus, he learned his assertions only from tradition received from forefathers, or rather from popular report. But if, as is probable, since he calls Pippin prince of Brabant, which region (see nos. 12 and 13) began to have its own dukes or princes only in the twelfth century; if, I say, he yields much in age to the biographer of our Saint, who, according to what was said in no. XI, composed his writing before the middle of the tenth century, he deserves no credence at all when he asserts that Beregisus was confessor to Pippin and Plectrude, since the praised biographer of the Saint makes no mention of this matter, and probably had before his eyes no monument more ancient than his own work, as it will be easy to gather from what is to be said. However that may be, certainly the canons Regular of St. Augustine of the Gallican congregation do not seem to hold as undoubted that St. Beregisus was confessor to Pippin and Plectrude. For in their Proper of the Saints praised above at no. 9 they record only these things concerning the stay of St. Beregisus at court with Pippin: When he (Beregisus) had advanced in wisdom together with age, he was ordained priest; and, called to the court by Pippin, mayor of the royal palace, he gave the admonitions of salvation to him and to his wife Plectrude, strengthened by the authority of proven virtue; where not even a word occurs from which you might conclude that the Saint was confessor to Pippin and Plectrude. In Edmond Martène and Ursin Durand, Benedictine monks of the Congregation of St. Maur, in tome IV of the Collection of ancient Writers, from column 915 to column 1023, there exists inserted the book mentioned by me in no. 34, which was written by an anonymous author at the entry of the twelfth century, and is inscribed the Cantatorium, or History of the monastery of Andage. At the beginning of this book these things are had concerning St. Beregisus which bear on this: To whom (Pippin), when she had related in order the event of the miracle, he, having summoned Beregisus, a venerable man, who was then serving them (Pippin and Plectrude) in the things of God, offered him that little writing to be expounded to him. From these words, in which St. Beregisus is asserted to have served Pippin and Plectrude in sacred things, Mauburne perhaps concluded, as also the author of the Lessons recited in nos. 7 and 8, already mentioned more than once, likewise more recent, as I strongly suspect, than the author of the Cantatorium, that St. Beregisus was confessor to Pippin and Plectrude. They perhaps also thought that this very thing is concluded from the biographer of the Saint, when he writes thus in no. 7: Which prince (Pippin), not ignorant of his (Beregisus's) probity or prudence, had taken him to himself, honouring him with the reverence of a father, as so eminent a priest, to whose doctrine he had submitted himself with his wife and offspring to be instructed, since the indissoluble conduct of his life and character bore witness by his chaste discourses. Whence, submitting his acts to be corrected by the censure of his severity, and leaving to him whatever things were to be corrected within the house, he had believed that he should commend himself with all his own to his patronage and prayer.
[38] is not undoubted, at least among them, as it seems, But besides that the words of the Cantatorium just recited most easily admit an explanation far different from that by which they would signify that Beregisus was confessor to Pippin and his wife Plectrude, the author of that book, since he wrote only in the twelfth century, is also too remote from the age of our Saint to be able to create certain credence for the things which he writes concerning him. But as regards the biographer of the Saint, although he asserts in the words just recited that Pippin submitted his acts to the censure of St. Beregisus to be corrected, it does not on that account certainly follow that this writer means that St. Beregisus was confessor to Pippin and his wife Plectrude. For Pippin could, by the counsel of St. Beregisus, whom he greatly esteemed for the innocence of his character and the sanctity of his life, from time to time amend things less rightly done by himself, and listen not unwillingly to the Saint admonishing him, and nevertheless not use him as confessor. Certainly the often-praised Mabillon, treating of our Saint in tome 2 of the Benedictine Annals, page 16, although he also had his biographer before his eyes, did not judge from any of his words that Beregisus was confessor to Pippin and his wife Plectrude. But, you will say, what office, then, did the Saint discharge with Pippin, or in what capacity did he stay long with this prince in the palace, as is said in the Acts to be published? Mabillon, in the place just cited, affirms that he is called the chaplain of Pippin; but by whom, he does not set forth. The Saint seems, however, to have discharged with Pippin, if not the office of confessor, at least that of chaplain or sacellanus.
[39] he discharged the office of chaplain, and by his authority For our biographer writes thus in no. 12:
When therefore Beregisus, abiding long in the retinue of the often-mentioned prince (Pippin), defrauding in nothing the reverence due to his grade, worthily fulfilled with him the ministry of the priesthood, he revered him with such confidence of honour that he commended to him his wife Plectrude, whom we have said was noble and praiseworthy for the honesty of her character, and left her under his disposition and nod or dominion, when a necessity of journeying pressed. From which words, since in them the Saint is said to have long fulfilled the ministry of the priesthood with Pippin, it seems to be gathered that St. Beregisus, if he was not confessor to Pippin, at least had that office committed to him, that he should celebrate the most holy Sacrifice of the Mass before that prince, whether on feast-days only, or on others also. And indeed that Beregisus celebrated the most holy Sacrifice of the Mass before Pippin at least from time to time seems to be gathered from this, that our biographer, when in no. 8 and the two following he narrates that Pippin, offending, was rebuked by Beregisus, indicates that this happened on the occasion of a Mass celebrated by the Saint before Pippin. Beregisus, therefore, was probably the chaplain or sacellanus of Pippin, and perhaps also his confessor, so that I hold it not as certainly false but only as doubtful that St. Beregisus was confessor to Pippin and his wife Plectrude. But whether the Saint was only Pippin's sacellanus, or also his confessor, it is meanwhile plainly understood from our biographer, as will become plain from what has been said and what is further to be said, that he was very powerful with the aforesaid prince in favour and authority. And the Saint was probably in that place with Pippin as soon as he was taken into his retinue. And this probably happened in the time intermediate between the year of Christ 691 and 700.
[40] For according to what was said in nos. 16 and 17 it is probable [and he was very powerful in favour: not fearing to lose this, he rebuked not only the lower ministers of the court,] that St. Beregisus was taken into Pippin's retinue not earlier than when the latter came to the monastery of Sarchinium to venerate the tomb of St. Trudo, and therefore, since this probably happened about the year 691, as I taught in the same place, it follows that Beregisus was probably not taken into Pippin's retinue before that year. Further, since the Saint, as I shall teach below, built the monastery of Andage at the beginning of the eighth century, and had already long before he did this discharged the ministry of the priesthood with Pippin, as our biographer teaches in no. 12, it follows that he was already in the retinue of that prince before the seventh century had elapsed, and therefore that he was taken into it in the time intermediate between the year of Christ 691 and the year 700. Hence it now also follows that Beregisus began from that time to be very powerful with Pippin in authority and favour; and how much this afterwards grew becomes manifest from these words of our biographer in no. 7: That he (Pippin) might bind him (Beregisus) continually to himself with greater confidence, he asked that his offspring, being reborn from the sacred font of baptism, should be received by him in the name of father, so that from this he might both take care of all things more familiarly with him, and, bound by the closer framework, as it were, of a certain covenant, might be retained in the palace. These things indeed argue that the favour in which Beregisus, as soon as he had been taken into Pippin's retinue, presently was powerful, and had already even before begun to be powerful, afterwards took great increase.
[41] But however much the Saint was powerful in favour and grace with Pippin not fearing, not only the lower ministers of the court, and his wife Plectrude, he could by no means be induced by the allurements of the court into forgetfulness of the quiet which he had before enjoyed in the monastery of Saint-Trond: The prudent man, says his biographer in no. 8, not unmindful of himself, the more he was impelled to commit himself to the waves of the shipwrecking world, the more manfully turning back the ship of his mind by the helm of faith, strove constantly to slip back to the harbour of quiet. In addition, since he counted the favour of men as nothing, provided he kept the divine grace entire and unoffended, he by no means feared to admonish of their duty and to rebuke any whom he found offending in the court. Who …, says again the biographer of the Saint in no. 8, insisting on admonitions of salvation, applied his labour to doctrine; by no means did he think that, where reason demanded, those were to be stroked with the smoothness of oil, however raised by the glories of proud power, but he judged it opportune that they should be struck with the sword of the spirit and of just invective. Nor did the Saint reprehend only the lower ministers of the court, if at any time their offences or depraved manners demanded it; but also, no distinction of persons being held, Pippin himself. Whence, the biographer continues in the number just cited, it came about that he incurred the displeasure even of the prince (Pippin) of that very earthly dominion to which he had joined himself. But he, nevertheless rebuking him (Pippin) when offending, bore his terrible countenance undaunted; from which it is evidently gathered how great a zeal of charity had kindled his heart towards preserving the rectitude of justice, and with how great a grace of virtues, gifted within, he shone forth. These things having been set down first, he then narrates after a few words for what matter Pippin was rebuked by Beregisus.
[42] but also rebuked Pippin himself when he offended; Here it is: While on a certain day, whether a feast or another, Beregisus is celebrating the most holy Sacrifice of the Mass, Pippin, thronged by a band of courtiers, enters the sacred building in which the divine service is being performed, has no regard for the sacred place and for the mystery which is being accomplished in it, and either does not remember, or through arrogance refuses, to lay aside the crinarium which he was wearing on his head, and which du Cange in the Glossary of Middle and Lower Latinity and other learned men interpret as a garland or ornament of the head: Beregisus, having observed the matter, by no means admits the prince to the kiss of peace, although others were admitted and even invited, and, the holy Sacrifice of the Mass finished, sharply chides him when he inquires the cause of the kiss denied. All these things the biographer of the Saint sets forth more fully in nos. 9 and 10, and then indicates in the following number how ill Pippin bore that admonition or rebuke of the Saint; although meanwhile he had of his own motion submitted his acts, as the same biographer teaches in no. 7, to the censure of St. Beregisus. These things, he says, are said from the just fervour of charity, and further are not taken notice of, as was fitting, by a man savouring of carnal things, since from this he (Pippin) kept him (Beregisus) in suspicion with himself. A delicate thing, says Fisen, praised above, in the Flowers of the church of Liège at the 2nd of October, page 437, is the ambition of men, and it does not love to be touched, and perhaps already then, when he received the reprehension here mentioned from Beregisus, the religion of Pippin was beginning to languish; which not long after being altogether laid low, a shameful harlot having been brought in, he drove Plectrude, his lawful wife, from his house. By which words this writer indicates that the mentioned reprehension of Pippin happened when he had not yet given himself to the loves of the shameful harlot, that is, of Alpaïs.
[43] by which thing this prince was somewhat angry with the Saint But this author probably deviates here from the truth; for Pippin, commonly surnamed of Herstal, of whom the discussion is here, begot Charles Martel of Alpaïs. Wherefore, since the latter, as is admitted among all, died in the year of Christ 741, and was then fifty years old, it follows that Pippin, his father, was labouring with the foul loves of Alpaïs already from about the year 689, and therefore that the shameful loves of this prince for Alpaïs preceded the reprehension of Pippin mentioned above, since this happened after the reception of St. Beregisus into Pippin's court, made between the year 691, as we have taught, and 700. Further, the praised Fisen also probably errs when, in the place just cited, he writes that Beregisus, because he had offended the mind of Prince Pippin, who was gradually falling away from his former piety, was perhaps appointed, under the pretext of an honourable dismissal, to build the monastery of Andage, and indicates that this happened before Alpaïs was brought in over Plectrude. For the Saint, as we shall see afterwards, began to build the monastery of Andage at the beginning of the eighth century, and therefore, since Alpaïs, as I have just taught, had already been brought in over Plectrude about the year 689, it follows that the Saint was not appointed to build the monastery of Andage before Alpaïs was brought in over Plectrude. But as regards the other thing which the same Fisen indicates, namely that Beregisus was perhaps appointed, under the pretext of an honourable dismissal, to build the monastery of Andage, I do not think it is to be approved at all. For although the Saint somewhat offended Pippin's mind by the chiding which we have already mentioned, he was nevertheless always held in the greatest veneration by this prince and his wife, and was still in their retinue when they entered on the plan of founding the monastery, whose care and administration he himself undertook.
[44] Nay, Pippin only very reluctantly dismissed St. Beregisus from himself even then. but not so that, under the pretext of an honourable dismissal, We learn this from the book praised by us in nos. 34 and 37, which is inscribed the Cantatorium. For when the author of this work, likewise an anonymous monk of Andage, has narrated that a certain charter was found by Plectrude, while she was once making a journey through the Ardennes forest, by a prodigy presently to be treated more fully here, and that, it having been read, Beregisus promptly and eagerly offered himself to Pippin for cultivating the solitude of the said forest, he presently adds: The purpose of Beregisus pleased Pippin, although he was very much grieved to send his most dear one away from himself. But he (namely Beregisus) insisting very often that he should hasten the matter as quickly as possible, Pippin with a retinue of his courtiers came to the place of the charter found from heaven, and, as he relates in words to be recited below, gave the place to Beregisus for building a monastery, who at once put his hand to the work. Whence it is plainly understood that Pippin only very reluctantly dismissed Beregisus from himself when he committed to him the building of the monastery of Andage. But, you will say, the author of the praised Cantatorium composed his work not earlier than at the entry of the twelfth century. I confess it is so, and that it is so I myself taught in no. 37. But hence it at least follows that he is much more ancient than Fisen, a writer of the seventeenth century, who writes that the Saint was perhaps relegated far off by Pippin, somewhat offended, under the pretext of an honourable dismissal, and therefore that he deserves greater credence here than the latter. There is added that Fisen himself, in his History of Liège, printed in the year 1642, page 136, writes that St. Beregisus was dismissed by Pippin only reluctantly, so that I do not know why afterwards in the Flowers of the church of Liège, which he published five years later, he inclines to the opposite opinion.
[45] he sent him away from himself. In addition, what the author of the Cantatorium here asserts seems to be supported by our biographer, who, as I taught in no. XI, committed the acts of Beregisus to writing in the year 937, and who is therefore more ancient than he. For he writes thus in no. 16: But while they (Pippin and his wife Plectrude), disturbed, were held in doubt what, pleasing to the King of the ages, should be done concerning this, which was believed to have been ministered by an angelic hand, Beregisus, as though that had been commanded him from heaven, that the divine condescension should order to be fulfilled there what he had long pondered in mind, confidently demands that the place be handed over to him, and, at the persuasion of his wife that no one so vigorous could be found for this work, they hand over the place to him (Beregisus), and that a monastery ought to be built,
they insist. By which words it is indicated that the place in the Ardennes forest was not granted to Beregisus by Pippin for building a monastery except when Plectrude, his wife, persuaded that no one was fitter than Beregisus for carrying out the matter, and therefore it seems to be sufficiently indicated by them that Pippin only reluctantly dismissed Beregisus from himself for the cause of building a monastery in the Ardennes forest, so that what the author of the praised Cantatorium asserts on this matter seems to be supported by the biographer of our Saint, and one must therefore agree here with him rather than with Fisen, who relies on the authority of no more ancient writer. Nor, however, let anyone think from this that I hold as altogether undoubted the said assertion of the author of the Cantatorium, however supported also by the authority of our biographer. For since both the latter and the former are much removed from the age of Beregisus, they cannot by their own authority alone create altogether certain credence for those things which they write concerning him, although sometimes with common assent; although meanwhile somewhat more is to be attributed to the biographer, because he surpasses the author of the Cantatorium in age, and I shall everywhere receive all his assertions as if I held them to be true. And certainly I hold as true, at least, and undoubted that the monastery of Andage was built, as he asserts, by Beregisus, Pippin supplying the estate. But not likewise all his other assertions; and especially those which must now be treated here, and which he relates with the author of the Cantatorium concerning the origin of the monastery of Andage, and concerning the occasion on which Beregisus received from Pippin a place in the Ardennes forest for building it. On the matter the learned reader will be able to pass judgement from what is further to be said.
[46] [The occasion on which Pippin granted to Beregisus a place for building a monastery] I make my beginning from the author of the Cantatorium. Although he is for the most part, as the praised Martène and Durand rightly indicate in their notice prefixed to that work of his, most worthy of credence when he does not treat of the beginnings of his monastery, and touches concerning these only those things which he could ascertain from the charters of his monastery, the charters which he used nevertheless seem not to have been more ancient than our biographer, and therefore, since the latter cannot create certain credence in the argument concerning the beginnings of the said monastery now to be treated, neither can the former. This having been noted beforehand, here now are the very words bearing on this which the Cantatorium, divided into numbers in Martène and Durand, offers at once in no. 1: In the pagus of the Ardennes a certain castle was called Ambra, because it was held the head of the fisc of Amberloup, which, utterly overthrown when the Huns were laying waste the Gauls, having been deserted for about three hundred and thirty-seven years, had come to nothing. But in the times of Pippin, who was mayor of the house under King Theodoric, his wife Plectrude was preparing to go to Amberloup, a fisc of her dominion, and, passing through the aforesaid place, worn out as much by the weariness of the vast solitude as by the heat of summer, she decided to rest for some time there in the green meadows. And when, after the refreshment had been taken, her companions were weighed down by a longer sleep, she herself, more careful about the grazing horses, lest they should wander through the woods, waking no one, rose alone; and, the horses having been gathered again, now more tired, while she was sitting upon a heap of stones by chance piled up there, she was astounded at a certain little writing slipped down from heaven falling before her: which, although fearful, she seized, and, daring to trust the secret to none of her companions, decided to return to her husband as quickly as possible. To whom, when she had related in order the event of the miracle, he, having summoned Beregisus, a venerable man, who was then serving them in the things of God, offered him the little writing to be expounded to him.
[47] is set forth from the History of the monastery of Andage; The Priest of God, consulted, answered that the place where the same little writing had fallen was chosen by God, from which the souls of many were to pass to the kingdoms of heaven. And when Pippin added what seemed to him ought to be done in consequence, Beregisus, seizing the occasion, as one who had long since deliberated to be free for God more freely, leaving the world, suggested to the prince that, lest, as far as in him lay, he should be wanting to the divine disposition, he was ready to undertake the cultivating of that solitude, if he would grant it to him. The purpose of Beregisus pleased Pippin, although he was very much grieved to send his most dear one away from himself. But he insisting very often that he should hasten the matter as quickly as possible, Pippin with a retinue of his courtiers came to the place of the charter found from heaven. There, a legal donation having been made, and a ratified stipulation before his princes, he gave the place itself to Beregisus to be held in perpetuity. Thus the praised author of the Cantatorium, with whom indeed, as regards the origin of the monastery of Andage and the occasion on which Beregisus received the place from Pippin for building it, our biographer almost agrees, and that indeed in all the circumstances also. But they differ from each other chiefly in this, that the latter assigns only the name which was imposed on the monastery in the Ardennes forest when already built by the care of Beregisus; and the former reveals only the name by which the place in which Beregisus built the monastery was distinguished long even before the age of the Saint, and therefore before the building of the said monastery. It pleases me to discuss both those things in which those two writers agree and those in which they disagree, and I make my beginning from those in which they disagree.
[48] According to the words recited in the two preceding numbers from the most often praised Cantatorium, the place the author of this and our biographer, in some things which in which St. Beregisus built the monastery in the Ardennes forest was formerly a castle, which was distinguished by the now obsolete name of Ambra. In addition, when it was granted to Beregisus by Pippin for building a monastery, it had already lain buried in ruins for almost thirty-seven above three hundred years, and it had been reduced to that miserable state by the Huns bursting into Gaul under Attila; which last is understood from the same author of the Cantatorium, when at the end of no. 2 of his work he writes thus: These (the Huns), with Attila their king, serving the efforts of vengeance, while they were laying waste the cities and castles and at the same time the churches of the Gauls, overthrew this castle also (Ambra) in their passage. Three assertions, therefore, occur here by the author of the Cantatorium, as will be plain to one who considers it. But do all these accord with the truth? As regards the first, I answer that nothing occurs from which anyone could prove for certain that the place in which St. Beregisus built the monastery was not formerly a castle distinguished by the name of Ambra. Nay rather, the heap of stones on which Plectrude, being in that place, sat down to take rest, if only our biographer and the author of the Cantatorium write rightly, is undoubtedly an argument that certainly before the age of St. Beregisus some stone building existed there, and therefore perhaps a castle, in which also, according to the author of the Cantatorium, no. 3, there existed a church dedicated to the name of Blessed Peter, prince of the Apostles, which was rebuilt by St. Beregisus. In addition, our biographer has these things in the Prologue, no. 5: Hence we can observe how many times have flowed by from the first establishment of this place (Andage), which, the heavenly regard disposing it, began first to be inhabited and restored by this religious Priest (Beregisus). From which words, since in them Beregisus is said to have restored the place in which he built the monastery, it seems to follow that according to the biographer there existed there before the age of St. Beregisus some building which, at the time when he received that place from Pippin for building a monastery, had collapsed. On this text of our biographer perhaps, and on those things which the author of the Cantatorium, as I have already taught, hands down to memory concerning the church consecrated to St. Peter, prince of the Apostles, in the castle named Ambra, is chiefly founded the opinion of those who, in Fisen in the Flowers of the church of Liège, judge that the heap of stones on which Plectrude, about to rest in the Ardennes forest, is said by the author of the Cantatorium of Andage and by our biographer, as we have already seen, to have sat, was the rubble of a collapsed temple which, as we taught at the XIV of September in the Preliminary Commentary to the Life of St. Maternus, no. 176, some will have to have been formerly placed at Andage by St. Maternus and consecrated to St. Peter, prince of the Apostles; and this opinion we also do not judge altogether unlike the truth.
[49] here in some measure Further, as regards now the second and third assertions of the author of the Cantatorium, concerning the destruction of the Castle, whose name was Ambra, done by the Huns bursting into Gaul under Attila, and concerning the space of about 337 years which he affirms intervened between this and the time at which the Saint built the monastery there, it is by no means to be doubted that those two assertions of his cannot be reconciled with each other. For, as I shall show below, the monastery of Andage was built at the entry of the eighth century, and certainly, considering those things which the author of the Cantatorium and the biographer of our Saint maintain, not later than the year 714. Wherefore, if from this year there be computed in retrograde order the 337 years during which the castle Ambra, when the Saint built the monastery there, according to the author of the Cantatorium had already lain buried in its ruins from the Attilan disaster of the Huns, one will arrive at the year of Christ 377, in which therefore, as follows from the words of the author of the Cantatorium, the castle named Ambra was destroyed by the Huns then bursting into Gaul under Attila. But it is established both from the more ancient and from the more recent historiographers that the Huns under Attila, their king, did not burst into Gaul earlier than the year of Christ 451, so that between the time at which St. Beregisus built the monastery of Andage and the disaster inflicted on the castle Ambra by the Huns under Attila far fewer years than 337 intervened. And hence it now follows that the two assertions of the author of the Cantatorium cannot be reconciled with each other, in one of which he affirms that about three hundred and thirty-seven years intervened between the building of the monastery of Andage by Beregisus and the destruction of the castle whose name was Ambra; in the other that this disaster was inflicted on the same castle by the Huns bursting into Gaul under Attila. Undoubtedly, therefore, the author of the Cantatorium, unless perhaps, which is probable, his numbers have been corrupted by the carelessness of the copyists, erred here either in assigning the space of time which intervened between the building of the monastery of Andage by Beregisus and the disaster formerly inflicted on the castle Ambra, or wrongly attributed this to the Attilan irruption into Gaul. And so, those things now having been discussed in which the discrepancy which exists between the author of the Cantatorium and our biographer arises from the former writer, I now proceed to those in which that discrepancy arises from the latter.
[50] disagree with each other, are discussed; Our biographer, therefore, narrates in nos. 20 and 21 that by Walcaud, bishop of Liège, or, to use his own manner of speaking, by Walcaud, who was set over the pontificate of the Tungri, monks were substituted for the canons Regular whom St. Beregisus had at the beginning instituted in the monastery of Andage, the body of St. Hubert also having been translated thither, and he then adds: But he (namely Wolcaud) also decreed that the place itself (the monastery of Andage) should be called by its former name, that is, Andaïna, because from the spring, which we have said before there
(namely in no. 17) to be derived, it had taken in its beginning. By which words he openly indicates that the monastery of Andage, when it had first been built, drew its name from the neighbouring spring, concerning which the same our biographer had written thus above at no. 17: It (the place in which Beregisus built the monastery) is also most abundantly watered by springs rising from the ground in the neighbourhood, but, removed from these, another more excellent, rising from the same side, flows up, which, receiving the others into itself by its size, claims the stream for its own name. And from those passing to and fro, or frequenting the forest or place, it received the name Andaïna. Thus the biographer rightly, as far as I think, assigns whence the monastery built by St. Beregisus was called Andaïnum, and who and of what kind is the spring from which it was so named. Certainly his assertions on this matter will more easily find credence among the learned than those assertions of the author of the Cantatorium of Andage which we discussed in the preceding number, concerning the castle which he affirms formerly existed in the same place in which Beregisus built the monastery, and was destroyed about three hundred and thirty-seven years before the age of Beregisus by the Huns bursting into Gaul under Attila. But, you will say, no stream distinguished by the name of Andaïnus or Andaïna occurs among the geographers. I confess the matter is so: but that stream, or rivulet, which gave its name to the monastery of Andage when first built, probably changed its name together with the monastery itself, whether this was done later meanwhile or earlier. And although absolutely no rivulet or stream contiguous to the monastery of Andage, now of St. Hubert, distinguished by the name of Andaïnus or Andaïna, occurs among the geographers, there occurs nevertheless a stream or rivulet which is called Homme by Baudrand in the Geography and by Martinière in the Geographical Dictionary, so that the aforesaid rivulet or stream named Andaïna, from which the monastery now called of St. Hubert was formerly called Andaïnum, probably put on this name in the lapse of time. Nothing therefore is had from this whereby the biographer may certainly be convicted of error here. But in no. 21 he relates another thing concerning the present undertaking which will perhaps be disapproved by someone. For there he writes thus: Not undeservedly, therefore, is this place, thus foreordained, chosen, which, by an imaginative signification, that is, by situation and by name, by which it is called Andaïnus, that is, the watering of water, is known to have fittingly prefigured the things which were to be done in it. But besides that the words here recited render a sense less clear and neat, I do not know in what language or in what idiom Andaïnus signified the watering of water, either in the age of our biographer or ever.
[51] And so we have now discussed the things in which the author of the Cantatorium, or History of Andage, and the biographer of the Saint disagree with each other: yet especially in setting forth the occasion it remains that we now subject to examination those in which they almost agree among themselves. The author of the Cantatorium, as to substance, has these things: Plectrude, the wife of Pippin, about to go to Amberloup, a place of her dominion, makes her journey through the Ardennes forest thronged by a large retinue; wearied by the heat of the sun and by the tedium of the vast solitude, she gave herself with her companions to rest and at the same time to refreshment of the body; these, the refreshment having been taken, are weighed down by a longer sleep; Plectrude, more wakeful, gathers into one column the horses wandering hither and thither through the forest, no one having been woken, and, this done, now more tired, sits upon a heap of stones by chance piled up there, sees with amazement a certain little writing slipped down from heaven falling before her, seizes it into her hands although fearful, and, daring to disclose the secret to no one to read it, brings it to her husband: he summons Beregisus to himself, and, taught by him from the charter read that the place in which this had fallen was chosen by God as a dwelling of many who were to be saved, he complies with the divine will, and willingly grants that very place for building a monastery to the Saint, who had offered himself of his own accord for putting that matter speedily into execution. This, according to the author of the Cantatorium, is the origin of the monastery of Andaïnum or Andaginum, this the occasion on which Beregisus received from Pippin a place in the Ardennes forest for building it. With the author of the Cantatorium our biographer agrees almost exactly in no. 13 and following; except, however, chiefly that he reveals neither the castle nor the name of the castle through which Plectrude made her journey in the Ardennes forest. And then, that he only asserts that Plectrude found the little writing among a heap of stones, but not that this had slipped down from heaven.
[52] on which Beregisus obtained from Pippin a place for building a monastery, The words bearing on this are these: She (Plectrude) wished to relieve her weary limbs for some time by sitting upon a heap of stones which she had by chance seen placed near by. When therefore she had approached, the stones suddenly slipping down round about on account of the unsteadiness of the mound, looking back, she marvels at a certain charter falling among the rocks. By which indeed it is by no means insinuated that the charter of which they make mention had slipped down from heaven. Yet, since they indicate that Plectrude saw a certain charter falling not out of the slipping stones of the heap but among the rocks, the biographer of the Saint no less than the author of the Cantatorium, or History of the monastery of Andage, seems to hold that charter as prodigious, or as offered to Plectrude from heaven or by a higher power. And indeed that the matter is so becomes plain also from elsewhere, from the same biographer himself. For to the words just recited he adds these: Astonished at this miracle (of the slipping schedule), she (Plectrude) presumes to touch it (the schedule), but because she was ignorant of letters, she stood still, not being able to know what it set forth, but nevertheless believing that this had not been done without the prodigy of some great thing, she places it in her bosom to be concealed. Both the biographer and the author of the Cantatorium of Andage, therefore, hold as prodigious the charter found by Plectrude among the rocks, and therefore here they agree excellently among themselves. The same happens in those things which they record as having followed the finding of the aforesaid schedule. All these I comprised in a compendium in the preceding number from the author of the Cantatorium, from whom I also transcribed here an entire relation of the same in no. 46 and following, with which whether, and in what circumstances of the matter, the relation of our biographer inserted in no. 14 and the two following of the Life to be published agrees, the studious reader will easily perceive from the comparison of both. It pleases me nevertheless, that the occasion on which St. Beregisus received from Pippin, according to his biographer, a place for building a monastery in the Ardennes forest may become more clearly known, to set here also before the reader's eyes his words bearing on this which he supplies in nos. 15 and 16.
[53] they agree among themselves. But the prodigy Here they are: Then (the charter which she had received from heaven having been brought by Plectrude to Pippin) they (namely Pippin and Plectrude) take care to disclose the secret to Beregisus, and hand him the schedule itself to be recited; which when he had read, he consequently discloses in order what was contained written in it; namely that that place where it appeared found was held chosen by God, since it was foreknown that it would at some time be inhabited by a devout people, and that from it many souls were to be directed to heaven. But while they (Pippin and Plectrude), disturbed, were held in doubt what, pleasing to the King of the ages, should be done concerning this, which was believed to have been ministered by an angelic hand, Beregisus, as though that had been commanded him from heaven, that the divine condescension should order to be fulfilled there what he had long pondered in mind, confidently demands that the place be handed over to him, and, at the persuasion of his wife (namely Pippin's, Plectrude by name) that no one so vigorous (namely as Beregisus) could be found for this work, they hand over the place to him, and insist that a monastery ought to be built. Thus our biographer sets forth the occasion on which a place in the Ardennes forest for building a monastery was granted to St. Beregisus by Pippin, and presently, by words which immediately follow those now recited, and which will find a place more conveniently below, he teaches that grant in no. 16. But, you will say, does that finding of the prodigious schedule, on the occasion of which the biographer and the author of the History of the monastery of Andage report that St. Beregisus obtained from Pippin a place for building a monastery in the Ardennes forest, deserve to be reckoned among narratives certainly true and by no means suspect of falsity? I answer that that rare prodigy of the charter offered to Plectrude from heaven, together with most of the circumstances with which it is clothed, will not easily find credence among learned critics. And indeed, to speak out candidly what my judgement is in this matter, I strongly suspect that that prodigious charter is to be held as a pure and simple fabrication, which was devised to make the beginnings of the monastery of Andage more illustrious. Nor is there reason why this should seem wonderful to anyone; for the beginnings of monasteries which are ascribed to prodigies of this kind are wont commonly to be held as fabricated, unless they be found strengthened by the solid authority of contemporary writers of by no means suspect credit, or even of ancient monuments. And such authority or credit by no means serves for the prodigious beginning of the monastery of Andage. For since our biographer, who reveals it in by no means obscure words, wrote the Acts of our Saint, as we taught in no. XI, not earlier than the tenth century, he is too remote from the beginning of the eighth century, in which the monastery of Andage was built, to be able to render certain and undoubted the mentioned prodigy to which he attributes the beginning of the same monastery, unless perhaps he be detected to rely on more ancient monuments worthy of credence. But this certainly does not have place here; for he himself, as we also taught in no. XI, sufficiently reveals that he learned the things which he commits to writing from the relation of older monks, and therefore from tradition, or rather from the as it were untrustworthy report of the common people.
[54] But as regards the author of the History of the monastery of Andage, the one and the other, which among these and elsewhere who likewise relates the prodigy of the charter offered to Plectrude from heaven, he yields in age to our biographer, and therefore cannot be of greater authority than he. And although, as the praised Edmond Martène and Ursin Durand rightly teach, according to what was said in no. 46, in their notice prefixed to the History of the monastery of Andage, the author of this History, namely an anonymous monk of Andage, relates nothing concerning the beginnings of his abbey except what he could ascertain from the charters of his monastery, it is by no means probable to me that he learned the prodigious origin of his monastery, which he hands down to memory, from some charter which was more ancient than our biographer. For this writer, as it is possible to gather from what he writes in the Prologue, no. 3, turned over and searched through the ancient charters of his monastery of Andage, and yet did not find among them any ancient charter from which he learned the prodigy on the occasion of which he narrates that St. Beregisus received from Pippin a place for building a monastery. As, therefore, our biographer cannot, so neither can the author of the Cantatorium of Andage render undoubted the prodigy of the charter slipped down from heaven to Plectrude, to which, as to an occasion, he ascribes the first origin of the monastery of Andage. Further, that prodigious origin of this monastery, of which we have now treated, is adorned besides with another prodigy, which is not unlike the one already mentioned, in the second lesson, which I have already recited in no. 8, of the Office which the Regular canons of St. Augustine of Windesheim, and others, in honour of St. Beregisus
were formerly wont to recite on the 2nd day of October. For in it (consult no. 8 of this Preliminary Commentary) it is also narrated that St. Hubert, bishop of Liège, received from an angel a little writing, and that written in golden letters, in which was contained the same thing as in the letter slipped down from heaven to Plectrude, namely that the place in which Plectrude had found the charter mentioned above was chosen by God, that a monastery should be built in it, and that, as is added in the said lesson, in honour of the Prince of the Apostles. The origin of the monastery of Andage is therefore here ascribed to a double miracle.
[55] is thrust forward in its place, with fabrications But there will be no one, as far as I think, who does not hold at least this second prodigy of the charter brought to St. Hubert by an angel as fabricated, and from it conceive the more readily a judgement for likewise suspecting the first of fabrication. And that the studious reader may perceive how deservedly he will deny credence to the second miracle now here set forth, it pleases me to bring forward the things which chiefly conduce to this. I have turned over entire the Life of St. Hubert which Surius in the fourth Trimester of the Saints and Jean Roberti, priest of our Society, in the History of St. Hubert, published in type, and yet I found in it no mention of a charter brought to St. Hubert by an angel, on the occasion of which the monastery of Andaïnum or Andaginum was founded. Wherefore, since the author of the praised Life affirms that St. Hubert learned of his imminent death, an angel announcing it, and yet keeps deep silence concerning a charter which was brought to St. Hubert by an angel, this becomes deservedly suspect at least of fabrication even from this alone. In addition, as I taught in no. 36, the author of the said lesson, in which the prodigy of this charter is related, flourished not earlier than under the second stock of the kings of the Franks, nay (see no. 37) it is probable that he is later in age than the biographer of our Saint. Wherefore, since this writer himself cannot render undoubted even the one miracle which he narrates concerning the charter slipped down from heaven to Plectrude, on account of his too great distance of time from the thing done, it follows with stronger right that for the same cause neither can the author of the Lesson already mentioned more than once render undoubted the other miracle concerning the charter brought to St. Hubert by an angel, which he superadds to the former narrated by the biographer of Beregisus, and which, since it is found besides only in Mauburne, praised in no. 36, than whom he is perhaps more ancient, he perhaps fabricated by his own effort, thinking, namely, that it is lawful to devise something even in honour of the Saints and of the monasteries founded by them.
[56] seems to be reckoned. Rightly, therefore, the Regular canons of St. Augustine of the Gallican congregation seem to me to have acted, who in the Lessons of the Office of St. Beregisus make absolutely no mention of a charter brought divinely either to Plectrude or to St. Hubert, and only narrate that the Saint, supported by the liberality of Pippin, built the monastery of Andage. I gave those Lessons entire in no. 10, to which therefore, lest I be too long in copying those of them which bear on this, I refer the studious reader, and, to put an end to this §, I now transcribe from our biographer, as I gave notice I would do, those words in which he narrates that Pippin granted to St. Beregisus a place for building a monastery. They exist in no. 16: and they are these: The aforesaid prince (Pippin), therefore, walking about the woodland places in the circuit (of the place in which the charter had been divinely offered to Plectrude), conferred, establishing it, as much as seemed fitting for extending the level ground, or for buildings, or for the pasture of animals, or for various uses; and also, in those things which he had left to be retained by the surrounding fiscs, whatever things were necessary for the pasture of the cattle of those who, adhering to the cell, served there, or if any other things were needed, he proclaimed by established law that no one should at all forbid those seeking them. The services of servants also, and the rights of estates, and the necessaries of food from other revenues or tithes, and whatever the priest (Beregisus) demanded of him for the expenses and building of the place, he willingly granted all.
§ V. The Saint builds the monastery of Andage; about what time he did this, and whether he instituted monks or clerics there.
The monastery of Andage, with the highest care Beregisus, the place for founding a monastery having been obtained, applied his hand most diligently to the work. Beregisus, says our biographer in no. 17, sought out that place of the forest, namely of the Ardennes, granted by Pippin for building a monastery, designated by angelic ministry, invoking God to be present as his helper, and began studiously to cut down all leafy things and to widen the spaces of the buildings to be constructed. He then adds some things which pertain solely to the notice of the place in which the Saint built the monastery, and so in no. 18 proceeds opportunely for our present undertaking to treat of the Saint's solicitude in founding the monastery: For the rest, first arriving (in the place granted him for building a monastery), since the shady parts of the forest thickened all things, he applies every intent of solicitude, invites all to concur in so great a work, provokes the zeal of all by his example and devotion, relies on the suffrages of pontiffs, counts and other nobles, is propped by the aids of kinsmen and friends, perseveres constantly day and night in the labour, and at length, the divine protection favouring in all things, happily brings the pleasing work to effect. Finally he establishes the monastery, consecrates the basilica built with the name and relics of Blessed Peter, prince of the Apostles, delegates the offices of the clerics, ordering the provisions and the other expenses necessary for their uses, skilfully instituting those who should minister to them, but also diligently looking after the vineyards and little estates which devout persons had spontaneously conferred on the monastery, he greatly provided that nothing pertaining to external uses should be lacking. Thus his biographer describes the diligent labour of the Saint in founding the monastery, with whom the author of the Cantatorium, or History of Andage, agrees excellently as to substance in no. 3.
[58] Here are also his words: But, he says, Beregisus, persevering in continual labours, helped also by the solaces of certain faithful men, cleared the woodland solitude and made it habitable, nor did he desist before he rebuilt from the foundations the church of Blessed Peter, prince of the Apostles, and solicitude St. Beregisus, and not Volcand, which in the aforesaid castle (Ambra) had formerly been utterly overthrown, and, religious clerics having been gathered with him, presided with the name and office of abbot over those serving God there. And these are the things which those two writers hand down to memory concerning the solicitude and care of St. Beregisus in founding the monastery of Andage and its church, dedicated to the name of St. Peter, prince of the Apostles. Jean Roberti, priest of our Society, whom I praised before, in the History of St. Hubert, Hubertine Question VIII, page 455 and following, brings forward almost all those words which we recited in no. 46 and following from the Cantatorium, or History of the monastery of Andage, and presently adds: I seem to myself to gather not ill from this (namely from the prodigious charter found by Plectrude) that the church of St. Hubert is now in that very place where that little writing, which is mentioned in the Cantatorium in the words recited by him, was found by Plectrude, or at least in the nearest place. For there was, as you have heard, a heap of stones piled up, which it is permissible to believe was from the ruins of the castle Ambra. But the church of St. Peter, overthrown by the Huns and restored by Beregisus, had been in the castle Ambra, as the Cantatorium has a little below. Add that it was always the custom with pious Catholics to honour places of this kind, divinely ennobled by prodigies, with temples, chapels, crosses or other Christian monuments. Thus the praised Roberti, judging, namely, that the church which St. Beregisus first caused to be built at Andage, and which afterwards put on the name of St. Hubert, was then founded by that Saint in that place where the charter slipped down from heaven had been found by Plectrude. And indeed it would be very probable, on account of the custom of pious Catholics to which this writer appeals, that the place in which that prodigious little writing, which we have most often mentioned, was found by Plectrude was enclosed even within the very circuit of the temple founded by Beregisus, were it not that this is deservedly suspect of fabrication, as I taught above, and that it would therefore be uncertain whether any place in which St. Beregisus could have built a church had been made illustrious by God by a charter slipped down from heaven and found by Plectrude. Since therefore on this account nothing can be established here which is certain enough or even probable, from the place in which Roberti, already praised more than once, thinks the church of Andage was built, I return again to St. Beregisus, and discuss whether certain persons rightly deny to him the first building of that church.
[59] bishop of Liège, as some, from Miraeus, Claude Robert, different from the one already named, in the Work which he inscribed Gallia Christiana, page 521, records these things concerning Andaginum or Audaïnum, as he corruptly reads for Andaïnum: Andaginum, or Audaïnum, sacred to St. Hubert in the Ardennes forest, Saint-Hubert, of the Benedictine Order, of the diocese and dominion of Liège, in Miraeus, Benedictine Origins, chapter 29, and in the Belgian Fasti, where it is founded by Volcand, the XXXV bishop of Liège, Beregisus being appointed first abbot, about the year DCCCXXV; burned by the Gueux MDLXXII, it is restored by the pious care of the abbots. Thus the praised Claude Robert, who also, for the things which he reveals, refers his reader to the History of St. Hubert written by Jean Roberti, and to chapter 34 of the History of the Pontiffs of Liège composed by Anselm and illustrated with Notes by Chapeauville. From this author the Sainte-Marthe Brothers do not dissent in tome 4, page 42, of their Gallia Christiana. But, says Le Cointe in the Ecclesiastical Annals of the Franks at the year 725, no. 35, Neither (namely the Sainte-Marthes and Claude Robert) read Miraeus. And indeed Miraeus, both in the Benedictine Origins and in the Belgian Fasti cited, so openly opposes the opinion of these writers, by which they judge that the monastery of Andage was founded by Volcand, bishop of Liège, Beregisus being appointed first abbot, about the year 825, that, since they cite this author for it, they must undoubtedly be said either not to have read him, or at least to have wrongly understood him. The same also holds as regards Anselm, or rather, as I shall teach below, Giles, monk of Orval, as also as regards the author of the History of St. Hubert, whom the praised Sainte-Marthes and Robert likewise praise for their opinion. That the matter may become plain, it pleases me to transcribe the words bearing on this from Miraeus, from Anselm, or rather Giles, and from the History of St. Hubert. I make my beginning from Miraeus.
[60] This author, in the Benedictine Origins published in the year 1606, in chapter not indeed twenty-nine, in the Benedictine Origins, which is praised by the Sainte-Marthes and Robert, but sixteen, has these things concerning the monastery of Andaginum or Andaïnum: The author of founding this monastery was St. Beregisus, who, formed in the Regular disciplines in the monastery of Sarchinium recently built by St. Trudo, obtained this place from Pippin, mayor of the royal house. In addition, in the same Work, chapter 15, he writes thus concerning the monastery of Saint-Trond, or Sarchinium: Which, when he (St. Trudo) had raised it on high, fittingly adapted for habitation, he caused to be dedicated by St. Theodard, of Maastricht
bishop, in honour of SS. Quintinus and Remigius, in the year of the Lord six hundred and fifty-seven (nay, see no. 20, in the year 664), on the III of the Ides of October. The praised Miraeus teaches, therefore, that Beregisus, whom the Sainte-Marthes and Robert make first abbot of the monastery of Andage, was brought up in the monastery of St. Trudo recently built. Wherefore, since he also teaches that the same monastery was built about the year 660, it follows that according to the same Miraeus St. Beregisus was already living about the year 660, and therefore that he was not appointed in the year 825 first abbot of the monastery of Andage then first founded by Bishop Volcand, unless you will have it that he reached the age of about two hundred years; whence it further follows that Miraeus opposes the opinion of the Sainte-Marthes and of Claude Robert, by which they judge that the monastery of Andage was first founded in the year 825 by Volcand, bishop of Liège, and that Beregisus was then set over it as first abbot.
[61] and in the Belgian Fasti, Further, Miraeus, in the Belgian Fasti, also praised by the Sainte-Marthes and Robert for their opinion, writes thus at the 2nd of October: St. Beregisus, abbot and founder of the monastery of Andage, which is now called of St. Hubert, where also he rests, is worshipped at Sarchinium near Saint-Trond, and at Andage near Saint-Hubert, which two are now abbeys of the Benedictines in the diocese of Liège. At Sarchinium indeed (which today is the town and monastery of Saint-Trond) Beregisus drew the rudiments of letters and piety. Grown older, as he was born of noble race, when he was at the court of Pippin of Herstal, he received as a gift from his wife Plectrude a place in the middle of the forest of Ardenne (which was called Andaïnum from Andaïna, the adjoining spring), and in it built from the foundations a monastery which put on the name of St. Hubert, afterwards translated thither. And at Andage there lived at first clerics or canons Regular, who having been removed, Valcand, bishop of Liège, substituted Benedictines, as Jonas records in the History of the Translation of St. Hubert. By which words he narrates, first indeed, that St. Beregisus in the age of Pippin, surnamed of Herstal, who had a wife named Plectrude, built the monastery of Andage of clerics or canons Regular; and then that by Valcand, bishop of Liège, the clerics or canons Regular having been removed, Benedictine monks were substituted in the same monastery. Wherefore, since Miraeus first of all expressly teaches that St. Beregisus built the monastery of Andage, it becomes certain that according to him this was not built by Valcand. And then, since Pippin of Herstal, as most of the ancient Annalists of Gallic Affairs testify, departed from among the living in the year 714, it follows that according to Miraeus St. Beregisus built the monastery of Andage before that year, and therefore that this was built long before Valcand, since the latter did not hold the pontificate of Liège before the ninth century. It is manifest, therefore, that Miraeus openly opposes the opinion of the Sainte-Marthes and of Robert, by which they ascribe the first foundation of the monastery of Andage to Valcand, bishop of Liège, and link it to the year 825.
[62] from Anselm, author of the History of Liège, Let us now discern whether Anselm, or rather the praised Giles, and the History of St. Hubert do not likewise oppose their opinion. Anselm, nay Giles, in the Additions to Anselm, chapter 34, to which the Annotations of Chapeauville are subjoined, has these things: At that time, namely in the year 814, when Charlemagne had already died, the clerics of the monastery of Andage, when they were already almost failing, inasmuch as they were placed in so vast and barren a Wilderness (the Ardennes forest), an occasion of providing for themselves having been taken, betook themselves to Walcand, bishop of Liège, and related to him how divine providence had chosen the aforesaid place for them, and what necessities they were suffering in it. The bishop, rejoicing that he had found an opportunity of providing for his salvation, if he should co-operate with the divine will in that same place, conceived with all his intent the care of carrying this out, and, God helping, raised it up to its present state. The clerical Order having been changed, in the year of the Lord eight hundred and seventeen, on the Ides of August, on the day of St. Lawrence the martyr, with the counsel of Pope Leo and of the emperor Louis, he established there the religion of monks, possessions having been disposed for them which should suffice for those serving God there *. By which words this author signifies that the monastery of Andage had already been built in the age of Valcand, bishop of Liège, and was only restored by him, monks having been substituted in the place of the clerics or canons Regular. Wherefore it becomes plain that he also opposes the opinion of the Sainte-Marthes and of Robert, by which they ascribe the first foundation of the monastery of Andage to Valcand.
[63] and likewise from the author of the History of St. Hubert, As regards now the History of St. Hubert, its author, in the Hubertine Question VIII, page 452, first writes thus: This church (which is reported formerly to have existed in the castle of Ambra), with so many others, was levelled to the ground when the castle Ambra was utterly overthrown, as the Cantatorium speaks, when the Huns were laying waste the Gauls. It adds that it was deserted for about 337 years, which I do not understand of the castle, unless an error has crept into the numbers. For, if we suppose it overthrown at the irruption of the Huns under the leadership of Attila, which is placed by Sigebert in the year 453, it will follow that it was not restored before the year of the Lord 790, whereas nevertheless about the year 700 Plectrude is said to have gone to that place of her dominion. Then, some things having been interposed, he proceeds thus on the following page: The church of St. Peter, therefore, which was erected at Andage by St. Maternus at the very beginning of the nascent Christian Religion, overthrown by the Huns about the year 453, was built entirely anew by Beregisus about 700, and, as I think, upon the same foundations. Thus this author, who, although he affirms some things here which will not easily be approved by everyone, nevertheless brings forward those things by which he reveals that he opposes the often-mentioned opinion of the Sainte-Marthes and of Robert. For since he says first that Plectrude in the year 700 went to that place of her dominion in the Ardennes forest which was afterwards granted to St. Beregisus for building a monastery; and then asserts that the church formerly overthrown by the Huns was built entirely anew about the year 700, it follows that, according to the praised author of the History of St. Hubert, the monastery of Andage was undoubtedly not built by Valcand, bishop of Liège, since the latter did not hold the pontificate of Liège before the ninth century, so that, as I have already noted, this author also opposes the praised opinion of the Sainte-Marthes and of Robert.
[64] Robert, therefore, and the Sainte-Marthes, in order to prove that the monastery of Andage was founded by Valcand, wrongly maintain, built, and this Valcand, bishop of Liège, and to throw back St. Beregisus, the first abbot of Andage, who lived contemporary with Pippin of Herstal, and also, as I shall teach below, with St. Hubert, bishop of Liège, into the times of Valcand and into the year of Christ eight hundred and twenty-five, wrongly adduce Miraeus, the History of St. Hubert, and Anselm, the writer of the Deeds of the Pontiffs of Liège. In addition, chapter 34 of the Deeds of the Pontiffs of Liège, to which they refer the reader, was written not by Anselm, canon of Liège, who flourished in the eleventh century, but by Giles of Liège, Religious of Orval, who flourished two centuries later, and augmented Anselm with Additions, so that for it, as I sufficiently indicated in no. 59 and gave notice I would teach, the reader ought to have been referred to Giles rather than to Anselm. For the rest, the same writers could also with the same right, that is, none, have adduced to their purpose the Cantatorium, or History of the monastery of Andage, if they had had this book before their eyes. For the author of the Cantatorium in no. 5 teaches concerning Valcand, and concerning the monks substituted by him at Andage in the place of the clerics or canons Regular, altogether the same as chapter 34 of the Deeds of the Pontiffs of Liège, and that in plainly the same words, so that I hold it for certain that Giles of Liège, the compiler of the same chapter, drew from the author of the Cantatorium, since the latter wrote at the entry of the twelfth century, the former only in the thirteenth, all those things which he relates concerning Valcand, and the canons Regular formerly instituted by Beregisus, and the monks substituted in their place. Further, it comes to one here to wonder that Sigebert of Gembloux, whom the Sainte-Marthes and Robert often praise elsewhere, was not also brought forward by them for the present undertaking. For this writer, in the Chronography at the year 809, writes thus: Wachand takes up the bishopric of Liège, who built the monastery of Andage in the Ardamna. By which words he seems indeed openly to relate that the monastery of Andage was first built by Wachand or Valcand, and therefore he favours the praised writers more than Miraeus, the History of St. Hubert, and Anselm, or rather Giles of Liège, Religious of Orval.
[65] But someone will now perhaps ask, for what reason, then, does the praised Sigebert write that the monastery of Andage, which we have taught before that St. Beregisus built, was built by Walcand, or Valcand, bishop of Liège? whatever may be argued from Sigebert, I answer that this author probably does this for this reason, that, since Valcand not only substituted monks in the said monastery for the clerics or canons Regular whom St. Beregisus had first instituted there, but also, as is understood from the words of our biographer to be recited in the following number, and from the History of the Translation of St. Hubert to be praised in no. 85, increased the annual revenues of the monastery, partly restored the buildings, partly threw down the old ones and built new ones in their place, and studiously provided for the necessities of the monks whom he substituted for the canons Regular, he can in a manner be said to have built and founded that whole monastery anew from the foundations. But if anyone contends that the recited words of Sigebert do not admit an interpretation of this kind, and so that Sigebert means that the first builder and founder of the monastery of Andage is Walcand, or Valcand, bishop of Liège, I answer that then I here depart from Sigebert and adhere to our biographer, who, since he is more ancient than Sigebert, inasmuch as the latter is a writer not earlier than the eleventh century, deserves greater credence when, in the words recited in no. 57, he attributes the first building of the monastery of Andage to St. Beregisus. The author of the Cantatorium, since he was contemporary with Sigebert, I do not adduce here as part of the argument. I omit also Miraeus, the author of the History of St. Hubert, and Giles of Liège, who all indeed openly teach that St. Beregisus is the first builder of the monastery of Andage, but, since they yield far to Sigebert in age, nothing can be proved against him from their testimony.
[66] only restored. I therefore transcribe here only those words which our biographer has in no. 20, and which show that Valcand was not the first builder of the monastery of Andage, but only its restorer. Here they are: The monastery (of Andage) was afterwards ruled for a long time by the disciples (of Beregisus), until Walcand of worthy memory is set over the pontificate of the Tungri, who, since, God inspiring, he wished to increase in his diocese the norm of holy religion, and therefore was seeking with pious intent where he might be able, God helping, to establish the order of monks, perceiving this place (the monastery of Andage) enriched with divers affluences of advantages, judged that none in the bishopric was to be compared for such opportunities, and was so suitable for that which he desired, and therefore, with studious intent, renewed from the very foundations, and transposed into the Eastern part, and both in the buildings'
most vast and nobler restoration, and in the variety of fields, vineyards, obedient serfs and necessary goods, and in whatever pertained to it there, by a most excellent augmentation, he adorned it, most excellently ennobled, with fitting honour; and he translated into it the body of the blessed Man (Beregisus), and instituted an order of monks; and thereafter, as the matter demanded, whether in the offering of gifts or in those things which had already been conferred, he took care with most sagacious zeal that they should be preserved, set down in charters and confirmed by imperial authority, so that it should be lawful for no one of any power whatever to withdraw anything in the future. From this text, since it is said in it that the disciples of St. Beregisus long governed the monastery built by the Saint, and that this was afterwards renewed from its foundations by Walcandus, it is most clearly understood indeed that the monastery of Andage was only restored by Valcandus or Walcandus, bishop of Liège, or rather rebuilt anew, so to speak, from its foundations. Therefore, considering also the authority of Sigebert, the first construction of the monastery of Andage cannot be ascribed to Walcandus, bishop of Liège, unless you wish it to be attributed to him in that he was the first to restore it, and also, as the biographer says in the words recited, transposed it to the Eastern part and made it Benedictine; but the Sammarthani and Robert, praised above, cannot be understood in this way, since they pronounce St. Beregisus the abbot of the said monastery, first founded by Valcandus.
[67] Further, the first construction and foundation of the monastery of Andage having thus been asserted for our Saint, Now the Saint did this, I now inquire in about what year Beregisus set his hand to that holy work. Cointius, in the Ecclesiastical Annals of the Franks at the year 704, num. 41, writes thus of the time at which the monastery of Andage was built by St. Beregisus: About these times (namely in the year 704), through the munificence of Pepin the mayor of the palace and of Plectrude his wife, there was founded in the Ardennes forest the monastery of Andaïn or Andage, over which Beregisus, already more than once praised by us, presided as first abbot. But Mabillon, in tome 2 of the Benedictine Annals at the year 706, page 16, thus: About the same time (namely the year 706) the monastery of Andage began to be founded, which took its surname from the body of St. Hucbert, bishop of Tongres, translated thither. Both these writers, therefore, refer the construction of the monastery of Andage or Andaïn to the beginning of the eighth century; but neither brings forward any reason why he does so. Wherefore, since it seems to us nonetheless that the monastery of Andage was founded at that time, it is pleasing here, so as to satisfy the curious reader, to bring forward one or another reason by which we are induced to assent to the two writers praised. St. Beregisus was taken into the retinue of Pepin of Herstal between the year of Christ 691 and 700, and remained in it (see num. 40) for a long time also before he built the monastery of Andage, and therefore for some years at least. Wherefore, if the Saint is held, as is probable, to have remained in Pepin's retinue for a decade at least before he built the said monastery, this construction will have to be referred to the beginning of the eighth century. But since I proved at num. 40 the time at which the Saint was taken into Pepin's retinue from the time of the said construction, it is necessary, lest I commit a circle, that I show this by another way also. I do the matter, then, thus.
[68] Pepin of Herstal, who supplying the estate, Beregisus, how, by this reasoning as we taught at num. 57 and following, built in the Ardennes forest the monastery of Andage, now called St. Hubert's, departed this life in the year 714, as I have noted before. Wherefore, since that monastery began to be founded before the death of that prince, there is no doubt that it began to be founded before the fourteenth year of the eighth century. Now our biographer at num. 24 writes thus: In these prodigies of miracles each (St. Hubert and St. Beregisus) is to be admired, each to be extolled; who also, while abiding in the flesh, at one and the same time both illumined the province (the Ardennes forest) by preaching and the salvation of souls, and dedicated this place (the monastery of Andage) by spiritual consecration as by bodily presence. By which last words he seems to signify that the church of Andage, when it had first been built, was consecrated by St. Hubert. Wherefore, since St. Hubert, as is commonly received by all, did not hold the bishopric of Liège earlier than the year 708, it follows that the church of Andage, built by St. Beregisus, was not consecrated by St. Hubert before that year. But if, as is very probable, that same church is held to have already begun to be built four years, or a little more, before it was consecrated by St. Hubert, it will have begun to be built between about the year 704 and the year 714, and so its construction, and that of the monastery to which it belongs, will have to be referred to the beginning of the eighth century; provided, namely, that the church built by St. Beregisus was consecrated by St. Hubert.
[69] And indeed that the church which St. Beregisus built at Andaïn not by one was in fact consecrated by St. Hubert, Dom Adulphus Happart, a monk of the monastery of St. Hubert about the year 1535, also affirms in his manuscript History of his monastery. I learn this, although I do not have it before my eyes, from the Writers of the enlarged Gallia Christiana. For these, in tome 3, col. 966, in an observation subjoined at the year 704, about which Cointius pronounces the monastery of Andaïn to have been founded by Beregisus, have this: In the year 687 (the monastery of Andaïn, namely, was founded) from the manuscript codex of the monastery (of Andaïn), which is entitled Cantatorium: but if St. Hubert consecrated the oratory of the cenobium, as is read in the manuscript History of the same monastery by Dom Adulphus Happart, a monk of the same place about the year 1535; since the same St. Hubert was not created bishop before the year 708 according to Cointius, the origin of the cenobium seems to need to be put later, namely beyond the year 687. Thus the praised Writers, teaching opportunely for our purpose that the church which St. Beregisus built at Andaïn was, according to the aforesaid History which Dom Adulphus Happart composed, consecrated by St. Hubert. But as to what the same Writers assert from the manuscript codex of the monastery of Andaïn which is entitled Cantatorium, that the monastery of Andaïn was built in the year 687, this is certainly nowhere openly handed down in that codex; nor does any passage occur in it from which you might rightly gather it; indeed there is one from which it seems to follow that the monastery of Andaïn was built about the year 708 or in one or other of the two following. For that codex, which in manuscript lit the way for the Writers of the enlarged Gallia Christiana when they published the third tome of their Work in the year 1725, was brought out in print in the year 1729 (see num. 37 of this Preliminary Commentary) by the labour and zeal of Edmund Martène and Ursin Durand; and the author of this work writes thus at num. 7: The holy Pontiff himself also (Lambert) shortly after … fell crowned with martyrdom, and Bl. Hubert succeeded him in the bishopric. At which time also Beregisus, by the gift of the aforesaid Pepin and of his wife Plectrude, undertook to cultivate the place Andage, designated from heaven. We treated of St. Lambert, bishop of Maastricht, on the 17th of September, and showed in § VIII of the Preliminary Commentary that his martyrdom is more probably to be connected with the year 709. More probably, therefore, St. Hubert, the next successor of St. Lambert in the see of Maastricht, was created bishop no earlier than the year 709.
[70] it is shown, at the beginning of the eighth century, Wherefore, since according to the words of the Cantatorium of Andage just recited St. Beregisus undertook to cultivate the place Andage, namely by the construction of the monastery, at the very time at which St. Lambert was crowned with martyrdom and St. Hubert succeeded him in the bishopric, it follows that according to the praised Cantatorium the monastery of Andage was built about the year 709 or 710. But, you will say, in the same Cantatorium at num. 1 it is also hinted that the monastery of Andaïn began to be founded when Pepin was mayor of the palace of Theuderic, and so while this king, who died in the year 691, was still surviving and reigning. I confess, the matter is so: but since Theuderic reigned for several years, no one may rightly gather from this that according to the Cantatorium the monastery of Andaïn began to be founded in the determinate year 687. Moreover, its author is here most probably mistaken. For here he refers the origin of the monastery of Andaïn to a time earlier than the eighth century; but this ought to be placed, as he also rightly does in the words recited at the preceding number, at the beginning of the eighth century. For there (see num. 68) our biographer places it. Moreover at num. 28 he writes thus: They (St. Hubert and St. Beregisus) built with most ardent devotion the glory of the monastery (of Andaïn) in the place divinely chosen and designated. By which words he means that St. Hubert, probably already bishop, built the monastery of Andaïn together with St. Beregisus. Now, since St. Hubert, as we have taught, was more probably not created bishop before the year 709, while the monastery of Andaïn, as we have likewise taught, began to be founded before the year 714, it follows, considering here again our biographer, that its origin must be placed at the beginning of the eighth century, and indeed between the year 709 and 714. I prefer, however, so that there may be less danger of erring, only to refer it to the beginning of the eighth century, as I already did at num. 68. And the time about which our Saint built the monastery of Andaïn being thus now determined as best I could, it remains to inquire whether he first instituted monks or canons Regular there. Cointius, in the Ecclesiastical Annals of the Franks at the year 725, num. 35 and following, contends that the Saint first instituted clerics or canons Regular there. The author of the History of St. Hubert praised above assents to Cointius. So too do most of the Benedictine Writers, and among them, as is understood from num. 21 of this Preliminary Commentary, Ménard himself, although he meanwhile contends that St. Beregisus was not a canon Regular but a monk.
[71] Mabillon, in tome 2 of the Benedictine Annals, page 16, writes thus: and there he first instituted canons Regular, Having obtained Andage from Pepin through the intervention of Plectrude, (Beregisus) established a monastery in that place, consecrates a basilica with the name and relics of blessed Peter, prince of the Apostles, and is said to have handed it over to clerics SERVING IN THE CANONICAL ORDER, and himself, the Father, to have been associated with them in the same habit. By which words, since he nowhere makes mention of monks first instituted at Andaïn by St. Beregisus, he sufficiently indicates that he is not averse to the opinion of Ménard and the others praised at the preceding number, which he also expressly embraces in the fourth Benedictine Century, part 1, page 294. The Benedictine Writers of the enlarged Gallia Christiana likewise go into the same opinion. For in tome 3, col. 966, they record this concerning the monastery of Andage: The monastery of Andage or Andaïn of St. Peter, now of St. Hubert, formerly of the canonical order, now Benedictine, is situated in the Ardennes forest on the stream or spring Andagina or Andaïna, from which the place first took its name. It is clear, therefore, from the opinion of several Benedictine and other writers, that canons Regular, and not monks, were first instituted at Andaïn by St. Beregisus. And yet, behold, two more recent writers of the Benedictine Order here present themselves who contend the contrary.
These are, moreover, those whom I have already often praised, Edmund Martène and Ursin Durand. For in tome 4 of the Collection of ancient Writers, col. 917 and following, in their Annotations to the Cantatorium or History of the monastery of Andage, they write thus: It is commonly reported that secular clerics were instituted in the monastery of Andage by the abbot Beregisus; but it seems contradictory that Beregisus himself, educated under the religious habit in the monastery of Saint-Trond, should have gathered secular clerics in a vast solitude. Certainly Mabillon teaches, in the Preface to the second Benedictine Century, that monks were formerly quite often understood by the name of clerics. To me it seems altogether probable that the first inhabitants of the monastery of Andage were monks, for whom by some chance unknown to us clerics were substituted, and for these again monks. Thus the editors of the praised Cantatorium of Andage, or, since the opinion contained in the words recited is expressed in the singular number, at least the one of them who appended his Notes to the Cantatorium.
[72] not monks, as by reasons of little But let us now weigh the several assertions contained in the aforementioned observation on the Cantatorium. It is commonly reported that secular clerics were instituted in the monastery of Andage by the abbot Beregisus. This is the first assertion of the aforesaid Observation. But who, I ask, are they who report that secular canons were instituted in the monastery of Andage by the abbot Beregisus? Among them the author of the Observation will probably not number the writer of the History of Andage, or at least, as will become plain from what is to be said at num. 74, cannot rightly number him, since he frames this observation on the occasion of the words in which that writer indicates at num. 3 that Beregisus gathered with him in the monastery of Andaïn religious clerics, and presided over them, serving God there, with the name and office of abbot. Do perhaps our biographer, and he who set down in writing chapter 16 of the Chronicle of Saint-Trond (for this was not composed by one and the same writer), report it? Perhaps Molanus, Miraeus, or other more recent writers? But Molanus, with whom Miraeus most openly agrees and Ménard does not disagree, says in the Natales of the Saints of Belgium in the place cited above that at Andaïn by the original institution there were not secular clerics, but clerics or canons professing a Rule. And as for what now pertains to our biographer and to him who wrote chapter 16 of the Chronicle of Saint-Trond, the former says at num. 19 that St. Beregisus, in the monastery built by him, was associated in the same habit with clerics serving in the canonical order. The latter also affirms the same. Ought secular clerics perhaps to be understood here by clerics serving in the canonical order? Surely no one will readily agree with either Martène or Durand if he asserts it. And certainly, lest secular clerics could be understood in the Chronicle of Saint-Trond by clerics serving in the canonical order, the words produced at num. 19 stand in the way, which are subjoined immediately to the words recited from the same Chronicle at num. 31. They are these: Which (the monastery of Andaïn) is now called St. Hubert's in the Ardennes, where Waso, bishop of Liège, having brought the body of the said St. Hubert from Maastricht, instituted monks in place of the canons Regular. In which words it is clearly asserted that there were canons Regular at Andaïn at least at the time when Waso or Walcandus, bishop of Liège, substituted monks for them, and therefore it follows that canons Regular also existed in that monastery at the time when it had first been built by Beregisus.
[73] But, says the author of the often-mentioned Observation, so as not to be compelled to admit this conclusion, it seems altogether probable that the first inhabitants of the cenobium of Andage were monks, with solid ones, in a certain Observation for whom by some chance unknown to us clerics were substituted, and for these again monks, namely by Valcandus. But on what ground does it seem altogether probable to the author of the Observation that the first inhabitants of the cenobium of Andage were monks, and that clerics, secular ones namely, as this author must contend, had already been substituted for them by some unknown chance before Walcandus or Waso substituted monks again for these? I have turned over a good many writers, both Benedictines and others who are not of the Order of St. Benedict; but I have not been able to find even one who, I will not say favours, but even seems to favour, that opinion built up by the author of the Observation, so that it appears to me to be merely a novel invention, contrived for the end which I will presently disclose. But, says the same author of the Observation, it seems contradictory that Beregisus himself, educated under the religious habit in the monastery of Saint-Trond, should have gathered secular clerics in a vast solitude. So he, contending namely that there were not secular clerics there from the original institution, either on account of the vast solitude in which Beregisus built the monastery of Andaïn, or on account of the very founder of that same monastery, St. Beregisus, who had been educated under the religious habit in the monastery of Saint-Trond. But neither from the former nor from the latter ground is anything had which serves to confirm the opinion built up by the author of the Observation. Not from the latter, on account of what has already been said at num. 21 and following; not from the former, first indeed because, as is manifest from what has already been said, St. Beregisus first instituted in the monastery of Andaïn not secular clerics, as the author of the Observation wrongly builds up, but Regular ones; and though perhaps it would be contradictory that the Saint gathered secular clerics in a vast solitude, it would not on that account be contradictory that he gathered Regular clerics in it. Then again because, if on account of the vast solitude in which St. Beregisus built the monastery of Andaïn it is probable that there were no secular clerics there from the original institution, on account of the same vast solitude, in which the same monastery remained situated before the age of Walcandus, it must also be probable that before the age of the same Walcandus secular clerics were not substituted there for monks first instituted, as is contended, by St. Beregisus, which nevertheless the author of the most often praised Observation holds.
[74] Moreover, suppose that by some reason sought from elsewhere than from the testimony of the ancients or the trustworthiness of monuments it should seem less probable on the Cantatorium of Andage that clerics or canons Regular were first instituted at Andaïn by St. Beregisus; what, I ask, can this prove against the open testimony of the Cantatorium or History of the monastery of Andage, in which, as I said above, it is clearly asserted that St. Beregisus gathered with him religious clerics at Andaïn and presided over them with the name of abbot? The author of the Observation indeed says that by the name of clerics, as Mabillon teaches in the Preface to the second Benedictine Century, monks were formerly quite often understood. But from the words following in the same Cantatorium it becomes manifest that monks cannot there be understood by religious clerics. For to the words recited at num. 58 this is immediately subjoined: When he (St. Beregisus) had passed to God after the labours of this pilgrimage, for a long time afterwards his successors persevered there (in the monastery of Andaïn) in the clerical habit, until, in the reign of the emperor Louis the Pious, son of Charlemagne, the divine disposition enlarged that same place, when namely Walcandus, bishop of Liège, restored it. The clerics, therefore, instituted at Andaïn by St. Beregisus persevered from the death of their holy Founder up to the reign of Louis the Pious, and so up to the restoration of the monastery of Andaïn made by Walcandus, who introduced monks there, in the year 817, and that under the clerical garb, or, as the Cantatorium says, in the clerical habit; whence it follows beyond doubt that according to the Cantatorium there existed in the monastery of Andage, up to the age of Walcandus, until he restored it, clerics under the same habit under which they had existed while St. Beregisus lived. Now, since it is certain, and the author of the Observation himself admits, that in the age of Walcandus, until he restored the monastery of Andaïn, there existed in it clerics and not monks, and therefore that these then wore the clerical habit and not the monastic, it follows that while Beregisus lived the religious inhabitants of the same monastery likewise wore a habit of this kind, and so that from the original institution they existed as clerics or canons Regular, and not as monks for whom clerics were afterwards substituted before the age of Walcandus, bishop of Liège.
[75] Therefore the aforesaid opinion of the author of the Observation, is contended, as resting on no trustworthiness or authority either of a monument or of an ancient writer, cannot be admitted by me as altogether probable; nor indeed would he himself, so far as I think, have thrust it forward as such, had he not set before himself the aim of claiming St. Beregisus and St. Trudo in any way whatever for his Benedictine Order. For he saw that, if it is admitted that St. Beregisus instituted clerics or canons Regular at Andaïn, it could be argued thus against the monkhood of St. Beregisus and then against that of St. Trudo, as I have already done above against the monkhood of Berigisus alone: it is most probable that Beregisus instituted at Andaïn men of the same profession as he himself was, and so, if he instituted clerics or canons Regular at Andaïn, that he was a cleric or canon Regular. Now, if Beregisus professed as a canon Regular, it follows that St. Trudo likewise instituted canons Regular at Sarchinium, since Beregisus lived there a long time under his discipline and without doubt followed the same norm of living as the other religious inhabitants of the same place, and so that he himself, since he most probably placed in that place men of his own profession, existed as a cleric or canon Regular and not as a monk. This argument militates very strongly indeed as much against the monkhood of St. Trudo as against that of St. Beregisus; and therefore I most vehemently suspect that the author of the Observation makes the first inhabitants of the monastery of Andaïn monks, not canons Regular, against the most received opinion, for no other end than to elude its force. For the rest, someone will say, since St. Beregisus first instituted clerics or canons Regular at Andaïn, as seems certain and indubitable from what has already been disputed, what Rule did he prescribe to them to observe? I answer that I am altogether ignorant of it, and so also whether and in what respects it differed from the Rule which canons Regular profess today. Meanwhile I have distinguished, and shall continue to distinguish, the clerics or canons instituted by the Saint at Andaïn by the name of Canons Regular, both because I have no doubt that they had at least some Rule prescribed to them by the Saint, and also because many learned writers lead me to it by their example.
Annotata* add: usibus for the uses
§ VI. The Saint obtains certain vineyards for his monastery from Count Grimbert; whether he cooperated with St. Hubert in converting the district of the Ardennes to the faith; about what time he died, and what honour was paid him after death, as a Saint.
From a charter by which certain Vineyards are given to the Saint When, therefore, says our biographer in the Prologue at num. 3, I was hesitating about these things (the time and the mayor of the palace Pepin, under whom the Saint flourished), it happened that a charter was found which is kept laid up in the custody of the church. For this was given in the time of the venerable abbot himself (Beregisus), in his name, by a certain count of that time named Grimbert, and by it a donation was made of vineyards at Trier, which are still retained in the right of the monastery (of Andaïn). When, therefore, I was examining this, and on account of the difficulty of the barbarous script was not easily penetrating it, I noticed
at the end, that it stated that it had been issued in the fifth year of King Theuderic. Thence having recourse to those volumes where the deeds of the aforesaid kings are described, I found that under Theuderic, king of the Franks, Pepin, surnamed the Younger, son of Ansgisus, held the leadership of the Austrasians together with a certain Martin; but that, Martin having been killed by Ebroin, who was mayor of the palace, and that same Ebroin having afterwards been slain, Pepin obtained the principal government under the king. Thus the biographer of our Saint reasons, so as to prove that that Pepin, during whose tenure of the mayoralty of the palace in Austrasia he had earlier asserted that St. Beregisus dwelt at the palace, was Pepin, son of Ansegisus, surnamed of Herstal. For after the words just recited, having interposed some other things, he subjoins this at num. 4: For this venerable Man (St. Beregisus) seems to have been in the time of that Pepin, son of Ansgisus, that is, the Younger, namely because, while Austria was held under him as duke, Theuderic, by whose name the aforesaid schedule (the charter by which Count Grimbert makes a donation to St. Beregisus) is corroborated, held the helm of the kingdom. The whole reasoning of this writer, as will be plain to one who considers it, comes down roughly to this: while Pepin held the mayoralty of the palace in Austrasia, the king was Theuderic, in whose fifth year the mentioned charter of the donation made to St. Beregisus is dated; therefore the Pepin during whose tenure of the mayoralty of the palace in Austria St. Beregisus dwelt at the palace was Pepin, son of Ansegisus, surnamed of Herstal.
[77] But although from the charter of the donation made to St. Beregisus by Count Grimbert, Count Grimbert; it is shown that the Pepin under whom which charter is dated as given in the fifth year of King Theuderic, it can indeed be proved that the Pepin under whom the Saint is said to have dwelt at the palace was Pepin of Herstal, the reasoning of our biographer nonetheless errs in this, that he makes the Theuderic in whose fifth year the aforesaid charter of donation is marked as issued Theuderic the Third, who began to reign in Neustria and Burgundy in the year 673, and then in the year 678 in Austrasia also, and departed from the living in the year 691, as the more common opinion now holds. For the Theuderic under whom Pepin held the mayoralty of the palace is without any controversy Theuderic the Third; but the Theuderic in whose fifth year St. Beregisus obtained from Count Grimbert the donation of certain vineyards at Trier, an authentic instrument of charter being added to secure the donation, was Theuderic IV, surnamed of Chelles. I show the matter thus: the mentioned donation of vineyards, as is clear from the words of the biographer recited at num. 76, was made by Count Grimbert to St. Beregisus in favour of the monastery of Andage, and therefore after this had already been built. Now, since it was built only at the beginning of the eighth century, as we taught at num. 67 and following, it follows that the Theuderic in whose fifth year the aforesaid charter is marked as issued is not Theuderic III, since he departed from the living before the beginning of the eighth century, namely in the year 691. The Theuderic, therefore, in whose fifth year the donation of certain vineyards at Trier was made to St. Beregisus is Theuderic IV, or of Chelles, by which surname he is customarily distinguished by historians, because he was raised to the throne of the Franks from the monastery of Chelles, in which he had been shut up. This happened, moreover, as is admitted among almost all the learned, in the year 720; whence it follows that the often-mentioned donation of vineyards, or rather the making of the charter to corroborate it, since it is dated in the fifth year of King Theuderic, took place in the year of Christ 725 or certainly 726.
[78] the Saint dwelt at the palace, was Pepin of Herstal, But, you will say, since the Theuderic, as has already been clearly shown against the biographer of St. Beregisus, is not Theuderic III, who reigned while Pepin held the mayoralty of the palace, by what reasoning can it now be proved with sufficient certainty from the aforesaid charter of donation, dated in the fifth year of King Theuderic, that the Pepin under whom Beregisus is said to have dwelt at the palace was Pepin surnamed of Herstal? I answer that I show it thus: Beregisus dwelt at the palace either under Pepin of Herstal, or under Pepin of Landen, or under the Pepin who is surnamed the Short; and therefore, since it happened neither under the Pepin who is surnamed the Short nor under the Pepin who is called of Landen, it remains that it happened under Pepin of Herstal. That Beregisus dwelt at the palace neither under Pepin of Landen nor under Pepin the Short, I prove thus: the Saint, when he was taken into the retinue of the Pepin at whose palace he is said to have dwelt, had already reached an age of at least twenty-five years, and was, at the time he began to build the monastery of Andaïn, at least forty years old, as follows necessarily from the priesthood to which, when he was taken into Pepin's retinue, he had already been promoted according to what was said at num. 18, and from the stay which he made with Pepin in the palace before he built the monastery, according to what has already been said before. Now, since Pepin of Landen exchanged this wretched and mortal life for the blessed and immortal one about the year 640, it follows most certainly from the mentioned charter of donation, since St. Beregisus obtained it from Count Grimbert in the fifth year of Theuderic of Chelles, that is, in the year of Christ 725 or 726, that the Pepin under whom the Saint is said to have dwelt at the palace is not Pepin of Landen, unless you would have Beregisus to have been at least one hundred and twenty-five years old when he obtained the aforesaid charter from Count Grimbert. As for what now pertains to Pepin the Short, he did not hold the mayoralty of the palace before the year 741; and therefore, since the Saint dwelt at the palace under some Pepin, mayor of the palace, before he built the monastery of Andaïn, and so before he obtained from Count Grimbert the charter of donation in its favour, it also follows most certainly from that charter, since it is held to have been issued in the fifth year of Theuderic of Chelles, that is, in the year of Christ 725 or 726, and therefore before Pepin the Short was mayor of the palace, that the Pepin during whose tenure of the mayoralty of the palace St. Beregisus is said to have dwelt at the palace is not Pepin the Short. Wherefore, since, as I taught before, considering the charter of donation of which there is here question, it is also not Pepin of Landen, it follows that it is Pepin of Herstal, under whom nothing prevents the Saint from being believed to have dwelt at the palace. For Pepin of Herstal began to hold the mayoralty of the palace as the seventh century grew old, and also held it up to the year 714, in which he died; St. Beregisus therefore could have dwelt at the palace under him while already mayor of the palace, before he obtained from Count Grimbert in the year 725 or 726 the charter of donation in favour of the monastery built by him, and at the same time, when he obtained the aforesaid charter, not have reached an age beyond belief.
[79] And the king in whose reign Beregisus obtained the donation of vineyards from Count Grimbert, the Saint, in converting the Ardennes forest to the faith, and the mayor of the palace under whom the Saint is said to have dwelt at the palace, being thus now defined, I now proceed to another thing which is related by our biographer of St. Beregisus at num. 27 and following. Behold his words: To no one, therefore, he says, is there any doubt that in the same grace (the preaching of the Gospel) (St. Hubert) had the blessed father Beregisus as a cooperator, since in the monastery which (Beregisus) had built in that very territory (of the Ardennes), toiling in good works, fervent at one time with the same ardour of charity, and he himself (Beregisus was) also administering the grade of the priesthood under him (St. Hubert); it is held credible that the reverend Pontiff himself (St. Hubert) also consequently was a cooperator in enlarging that monastery (of Andaïn) and place. For, pressing on together in preaching, stirred by mutual devotion, they both led the multitude of pagans dwelling in the same land (the Ardennes) to the true faith, God helping, and built with most ardent devotion the glory of a monastery in the place divinely chosen and designated. Thus far the biographer of our Saint, asserting rather from conjecture than from certain knowledge, or even from a tradition received from the elder monks of his monastery, that St. Beregisus was a cooperator with St. Hubert in the preaching of the Gospel and the conversion to the faith of the peoples dwelling in the Ardennes forest. For when he has narrated that St. Beregisus lived contemporaneously with St. Hubert, and that the latter especially, the divine clemency having mercy, drove idolatry out of the territory of the Ardennes, he presently subjoins: To no one, therefore, is there any doubt that in the same grace (the preaching of the Gospel and the expulsion of idolatry) (St. Hubert) had the blessed father Beregisus as a cooperator. By which manner of concluding, considering the premises, he certainly seems to hint that he joins Beregisus to St. Hubert as a cooperator in the work of the Gospel only because the former lived contemporaneously with the latter in the same tract of land while he utterly put idolatry to flight from the territory or forest of the Ardennes.
[80] But however that may be, since St. Hubert held the see of Maastricht from about the year 709 up to the year 727, to him indeed who has considered what has already been disputed concerning the time of the building of the monastery of Andaïn, he lent his effort, as is probable, to St. Hubert. there can be no doubt that St. Beregisus St. Hubert in many places, and especially in the Ardennes forest, abolished the worship of idols with the greatest care and the greatest effort. For in the Life of this Saint, prefixed by John Robert to his Notes on it and to his Hubertine Questions, at chap. 4, this is read of St. Hubert: For the whole Ardennes, hitherto enslaved to these cults (of idols and profane rites), he in a short time freed from sacrilegious servitude and subjugated to the service of the Lord. Since, therefore, St. Hubert utterly extirpated the worship of idols in the Ardennes forest and brought the peoples of this tract to the true worship of the one God, that seems to me most probable indeed which our biographer writes, although perhaps only by conjecture, namely that holy Beregisus, living in the Ardennes forest, gave vigorous help to St. Hubert, of whom he was a contemporary, in abolishing the worship of idols and converting the peoples to the true faith. And this indeed is confirmed in some measure by the author of the Cantatorium or History of Andage. Behold, then, his words too: And because, he says at num. 7 towards the end, Bl. Hubert, for the care of souls entrusted to him, as is read in his Life, strove throughout the whole Ardennes to empty out the idolatry which still survived there, it is clear that from frequent intercourse in going to and fro each of them (Beregisus and Hubert) was of most familiar acquaintance, and of the same love and devotion towards God, and no less also of cooperation in this place (the monastery of Andaïn) of divine choice; by the urgency of the preaching of both, faithlessness giving way, the increase of the Christian religion advanced in the same territory; whence also, the Lord granting it, it has been conceded that those whom the province itself deserved to have as teachers while still placed in the flesh, it should have the same, reigning with Christ, as its special patrons and defenders.
[81] [and this one in turn, in founding the monastery, to Beregisus, who was also abbot] By this text, since it is said in it that by the urgency of the preaching of both, namely St. Hubert and St. Beregisus, faithlessness giving way, the increase of the Christian religion advanced in the same territory (of the Ardennes), it is surely clearly hinted that St. Beregisus brought help to St. Hubert in preaching the Gospel throughout the Ardennes forest and in propagating the true worship of God. And although what the Cantatorium writes on this argument in the words recited
author probably drew from our biographer, and although the former yields to the latter, as I have already taught, the prerogative of age, he nonetheless adds some weight, of whatever kind, to the biographer's assertions, because he is held by the learned to be a weighty author, and because he seems at least to approve by his vote the things which he transfers from more ancient writers into the Cantatorium, or History of the monastery of Andage, composed by him. Further, the author of the Cantatorium, just as he joins St. Beregisus to St. Hubert as a coadjutor in the work of the Gospel or the preaching of the word of God, so he joins the latter to the former in the construction of the monastery of Andaïn. For in the text just recited he has this: Each of them (St. Hubert and St. Beregisus) was of most familiar acquaintance, and of the same love and devotion towards God, and no less also of cooperation in this place (the monastery of Andaïn) of divine choice. In this matter the biographer of St. Beregisus without doubt also lit the way for the author of the Cantatorium. For at the end of the text which we have just recited from him, he has thus: For, pressing on together in preaching (St. Hubert and St. Beregisus), stirred by mutual devotion, they both led the multitude of pagans dwelling in the same land (the Ardennes forest) to the true faith, God helping, and built with most ardent devotion the glory of a monastery (of Andaïn) in the place divinely chosen and designated. By which words he indicates, and indeed much more clearly than the author of the Cantatorium, that St. Hubert was a helper to St. Beregisus in founding the monastery of Andaïn.
[82] According to our biographer and the author of the Cantatorium of Andage, therefore, SS. Hubert and Beregisus brought mutual help to each other in converting the peoples of the Ardennes forest to the true worship of the one God, perhaps set over it by that holy bishop, and in building the monastery of Andaïn, and this indeed appears to me very probable. Wherefore, since St. Hubert was created bishop of Maastricht about the year 709, the learned reader will now, so far as I think, easily perceive, first indeed, that the epoch to which I hinted at num. 70 that the construction of the monastery of Andage could be referred is not a little confirmed from this, as I noted beforehand; and then also that what the author of the lessons recited at num. 7 and 8 writes at the end of the second lesson is not unlike the truth, namely that St. Beregisus was set as abbot over the monastery of Andaïn, or over the clerics living Regularly whom he had gathered in it, by St. Hubert. For, as Thomassin teaches in tome 1, book 3, On the Old and New Discipline of the Church, chap. 26 and following, bishops were then often accustomed to set superiors or abbots over monasteries. And although among the monks of the Benedictine Order the free election of the abbot according to the Rule of St. Benedict was for the most part carried out, the same rule perhaps did not so frequently obtain among clerics living in common, or among canons Regular, as being more subject to the bishops. Wherefore, since St. Hubert, as we have taught, held the see of Maastricht at the time when the canonical monastery of Andaïn was built, it surely does not appear unlike the truth that St. Beregisus was set over it as abbot by St. Hubert, or at least instituted or ordained. However that may be, there is at least no doubt that St. Beregisus was not only the first founder of the monastery of Andaïn, but also its abbot. And his clerics, whom he had there to govern, he both instructed in Regular disciplines, as Molanus, praised more than once above, asserts is read, and as is in fact read in Mauburnus, and advanced them in spiritual and temporal things. To which clerics, says our biographer at num. 19, gathered by St. Beregisus at Andaïn, serving in the canonical order, he himself (St. Beregisus), the father, was associated in the same habit, and, being unceasingly occupied with them in the praise of Christ the Lord, and instructing his sons by word and example, he lived on for the space of very many years in this place, leading a religious life, and, leaving his posterity, formed in the studies of most wholesome doctrine, as heirs of the monastery, he passed from the toil of the present age to eternal rest. From which words it is rightly gathered that the Saint presided as first abbot over clerics serving, as the biographer speaks, in the canonical order.
[83] Moreover, from the same words, since Beregisus is said in them not to have departed from the living departed from the living when the eighth century was somewhat advanced until he had already lived for the space of very many years leading a religious life at Andaïn, it is also easy to gather that the Saint, considering at least the age to which he had advanced when he founded the monastery of Andaïn, reached a very long-lived old age. But, you will say, what age indeed had Beregisus already reached when he died, or about what year did he exchange this wretched and mortal life for the blessed and immortal one? I answer that I can determine for certain neither the year in which the Saint departed from the living, nor the age which he then had; that there is no doubt, however, that he departed from the living when the eighth century was already somewhat advanced, and over seventy, or certainly about seventy. For Beregisus, as I taught at num. 16 and following, was born into the world about the year 660, or perhaps even five years earlier; and he obtained from Count Grimbert in the year 725 the charter of donation for the monastery of Andaïn built by him, mentioned at num. 77 and several times elsewhere, and so was still among the living at that time. Now, since from the year 660 up to the year 725 sixty-five years run, and from the year 655 up to the year 725 seventy years, it follows that the Saint, when he obtained the charter of donation from Count Grimbert, was about seventy, and therefore that he did not depart from the living before he had reached an age of about seventy years. Indeed, since the monastery of Andaïn began to be founded about the year 710, as is most probable at least from what was said at num. 68 and the two following, and the Saint, as his biographer hints in the words just recited, presided as abbot for the space of very many years before he died over the clerics or canons Regular in it once founded, and only fifteen years run from the year 710 up to the year 725, it is sufficiently probable to me that he prolonged his life for many years also beyond the year of Christ 725, in which he obtained the mentioned charter from Count Grimbert, so that he reached an age of eighty or even more years, and probably did not depart from the living before the eighth century had already elapsed to about its middle part; and hence it is that at the head of this Preliminary Commentary, designating the time at which the Saint passed to the Lord, I noted in the margin the eighth century somewhat advanced.
[84] and after death, at least in the tenth century, indeed even earlier, Let the studious reader now consider whether it has not already been shown, as I noted beforehand at num. 9 that I would show, that the death year of our Saint is wrongly marked as the six hundred and eighty-ninth year of Christ in the lesson recited at num. 8 from the Proper of certain canons Regular; meanwhile I, so as to dispatch the remaining things to be treated concerning our Saint, now set forth those things which demonstrate that honour was paid to him as a Saint after his most happy death. There is no doubt that in the tenth century, in which his biographer flourished, the honours proper to Saints were paid to Beregisus. For that writer most openly indicates it in the words recited at num. 5. Moreover at num. 28 he writes thus: To merit their (St. Hubert's and Beregisus's) intercession the devout people of the faithful run together in great numbers on their feasts and at other fixed times, and, seeking their memory continually, copiously offer gifts of oblations, so that, supported by the help and intercession of those whom they were counted worthy to receive as Fathers in the beginning of the faith, whose spirits they trust have attained a company among the companies of the Saints, having obtained their prayers, they may merit, Christ being propitious, to gain the rest of eternal light. He then subjoins what holds the place of a prayer, in which help is besought from the Lord against spiritual snares through the merits and intercession of SS. Hubert and Beregisus, so that, as I have already taught at num. 5, beyond doubt in the tenth century, in which our biographer flourished, those very honours which are customarily paid to Saints were paid to Beregisus. But, you will say, did not the Saint enjoy the same veneration even earlier in the monastery of Andaïn and among the faithful of the Ardennes?
[85] Our biographer, in those very words recited at num. 66, in which he teaches that the monastery of Andaïn, built earlier by St. Beregisus, was afterwards restored by Walcandus, or Valcandus or Volcandus, monks being substituted in place of the clerics or canons Regular, honoured as a Saint, as having been raised from the earth, also teaches that at the time when this was done the body of St. Beregisus was raised from the earth and translated into the same monastery, renewed almost from its very foundations, or rather into the church of the monastery built anew. That Walcandus, bishop of Liège, restored the monastery of Andaïn appears sufficiently certain from what was disputed at num 65 and following; but, so that this may become more indubitable to the reader, it is pleasing to transcribe here also the testimony of Jonas, bishop of Orléans, who lived contemporaneously with Walcandus. He, in John Robert, in the History of the Translation of St. Hubert, chap. 16, records this to the present purpose: There offered itself to his (Walcandus's) munificence a certain cell, called by the ancient name Andagium, which formerly indeed flourished with inhabitants of the canonical habit, but through the lapse of time, having collapsed from excessive age and its inhabitants failing, had been almost brought to nothing. This, then, offered itself as a kind of material for his munificence; in which, having slackened the reins of his liberality, he showed not by empty words but by the execution of the work how free he was of tenacity. For having restored it almost from its foundations, and renewed it afresh into a better state, avarice being set aside, he nobly ordered its state, ennobled it with seemly buildings, and, besides the estates which it formerly possessed by the largess of religious men, added others from his episcopal holdings, and willed that the inhabitants of that place should be monks. In which words he teaches most clearly that the monastery of Andaïn was restored by Walcandus. But in what year did this restoration, and therefore the elevation of the body of our Saint, which was closely joined with it, more probably take place?
[86] Mauburnus, in his Venatorium of the Saints canons Regular, and translated into the church built anew about the year 817. which I also praised at num. 36, writes thus: In the year … eight hundred and eleven Walcandus, the sixth bishop of Liège (namely counting among the bishops of Liège St. Hubert, who transferred the see from Maastricht to Liège), wished to erect monasteries of monks and the Order in his diocese. Among the others he saw none more suitable than this place (the monastery of Andaïn). Whence, renewing the buildings, he exalted the body of saint Beregisus. According to this writer, therefore, the restoration of the monastery of Andaïn and the exaltation of the body of St. Beregisus took place in the year 811. But the author of the Cantatorium of Andage, with whom Giles, its copyist, agrees in his additions to Anselm, the historian of Liège, in the words recited from it at num. 62, connects the restoration of the monastery of Andage, or at least the substitution made in it of monks for canons Regular, with the year 817. I think, however, that Giles is here rather to be agreed with than Mauburnus. For, as the whole
chapter 16 of Jonas, just praised, from which we have already recited a few things, will make it plain to one who turns it over, the restoration of the monastery of Andaïn was made in the reign of Louis the Pious; and therefore, since this prince began to reign in the year 814, it follows that the restoration of the monastery of Andaïn, and so also the elevation of the body of St. Beregisus, took place later than the year 811. The restoration of the monastery of Andage, therefore, or at least the substitution of monks in place of clerics or canons Regular in it once restored, was probably accomplished in the year 817, as the author of the Cantatorium of Andage says, and Giles after him. Wherefore, since that substitution of monks in place of clerics is joined by our biographer, in the words recited at num. 66, with the elevation of the body of St. Beregisus, it follows that this took place either in the same year 817 or perhaps a little later. Whence it further follows that St. Beregisus was held as a Saint already from the beginning of the ninth century also. Other things concerning more ancient veneration shown to him as a Saint I have not been able to discover: but as for what pertains to the ecclesiastical cult customarily paid to the Saint today, see what is set out in §1.
LIFE
By an anonymous monk of Andage.
From a Ms. of Rouge-Cloître, taken from the second part of the Hagiologium of the Brabanters.
Beregisus, abbot, at Andaïn in the Ardennes Forest. (S.)
BHL Number: 1180
aBY AN ANONYMOUS AUTHOR.
PROLOGUE.
The author complains of the sloth of earlier Writers, The monastery of Andage b, of which he is known to have been the founder by divine command, rejoices to retain happily within itself the memory of the blessed abbot Beregisus. But this joy of devotion is not a little hindered by the fact that the deeds of so great a Man, however many of them may be recounted by many in common speech, are by no means had in writing, from which they might be recited more correctly in public; which we believe happened through the inertia, or rather the sloth, of the writers of that time. For the things concerning the deeds of this venerable Man that were worthy of memory and could have been committed to writing were not so small, since reverence of memory is paid to his name, held in celebrity from that time c, and the notable signs of his deeds or of this place protest that he was of great merit. Therefore, our brethren desiring, and praying and bidding, that what is hitherto related of him be fulfilled by our littleness, we have undertaken the work enjoined, to be completed if the Lord shall grant it through his merits; which is not done rashly, as I think, since in this I have both obeyed them or other devout men, and have, as is due, set out to be retained in writings, though unskilled ones, the acts of our Patron d, which I found were every moment on the point of fleeing from memory.
[2] and teaches whence he learned the things he is about to write, From whom I learned the things which I undertake to write, since many are surviving, and very many already dead, it does not seem necessary to express by name, especially since it comes to mind that in the very rudiments of boyhood I learned certain of them when I was present, together with my father, as the elder monks Otbert, Wlbert and Beregrinnus conversed about them with him or with one another. Let it suffice only to have said that only those things are written which are proved to have been so, handed down still by the testimony of almost all the elders dwelling about the place, by the relation of the ancients e. And under what time the same Man lived — since it is held as certain that he dwelt at the palace under Pepin — when I was anxious under which Pepin, since there are read to have been three who are known to have held the leadership over the Austrasian Franks f; of whom the last, those failing who by God's gift had possessed the sceptres of the kingdom from the lineage of Clovis, the first Christian king of the Franks, according to the trust of those who have written the deeds of the Kings of the Franks, was the first of this line of kings, which now is already failing, to be raised to the kingship g.
[3] When, therefore, I was hesitating about these things, it happened that a charter was found about what time which is kept laid up in the custody of the church. For this was given in the time of the venerable abbot himself, in his name, by a certain count of that time named Grimbert h, and by it a donation was made of vineyards at Trier, which are still retained in the right of the monastery. When, therefore, I was examining this, and on account of the difficulty of the barbarous script was not easily penetrating it, I noticed at the end that it stated that it had been issued in the fifth year of King Theuderic i. Thence having recourse to those volumes where the deeds of the aforesaid kings k are described, I found that under Theuderic, king of the Franks, Pepin, surnamed the Younger, son of Ansgisus l, held the leadership of the Austrasians together with a certain Martin m n; but that, Martin having been killed by Ebroin, who was mayor of the palace o, and that same Ebroin having afterwards been slain [p], Pepin obtained the principal government under the king [q]; and that the same Pepin had a most noble woman named Plectrude, from whom he received sons, Drogo and Grimoald, of whom Drogo, made duke of Champagne, died before his father [r]; but Grimoald, when he was mayor of the palace, a man of pious morals, was killed at Liège by a certain wicked Raingarius in the basilica of saint Lambert the martyr [s].
[4] But the same Pepin is said to have begotten from a certain noble woman [t] a son, St. Beregisus flourished, whom he called by the rustic name Charles [u], who, grown up, of fierce spirit, after his father's death, endowed with lofty power, wrought innumerable slaughters of enemies, everywhere victorious [x]. But after his death also, his two solium, as printed, namely Carloman and Pepin, take up the leadership [y]. But Carloman, going to Rome, is made a monk [z]; and the Franks, the king who still ignobly survived from the stock of Clovis being deposed and tonsured, set up Pepin as king [aa]. This Pepin, surnamed the Little, himself also of great devotion and power, church chants having been brought from Rome, established that the churches of the Franks should be ennobled by them [bb]. He was the father of Charles the Great, the most powerful king of the Franks and of all the Gauls, Germans, Saxons and Italians, and of many other nations [cc]. For this venerable Man seems to have been in the time of that Pepin, son of Ansgisus, that is, the Younger; namely because, while Austria was held under him as duke, Theuderic, by whose name the aforesaid schedule is corroborated, held the helm of the kingdom [dd]. Which Pepin, as is found in his deeds, died in the seven hundred and fourteenth year from the Incarnation of the Lord [ee].
[5] From this we can observe how much time has flowed from the first foundation of this place, and in what year he himself committed his Acts to writing. which, by the ordering of heavenly regard, began first to be inhabited and established by this religious Priest. Hence, finally, in the second year of Otto, son of Henry, ruling the kingdom of the Saxons [ff], which is the nine hundred and thirty-seventh from the Incarnation of the Lord [gg], it is established that from the death of Pepin, in whose age, the grove being cut down, the space for dwelling is measured out, the courses of CCXXIII years have elapsed [hh]. But this dwelling of holy religion, afterwards reformed into this state in which it is seen by Walcandus of pious memory, bishop of the Tungri, and distinguished with the order of monks, it having kept the canonical order at its beginning, illustrated also with the relics and name of the most holy confessor Hubert, the bishop himself most devoutly procuring it [ii], shines forth, ever made glorious also by the venerable bones or the benefits of that blessed Man; but by the gift of how great a privilege the beginning of its habitation was received is to be described more at large in what follows. Desiring first to show in very few words of how inimitable a life the same Man was, we have judged it right to take the beginning, the Lord helping, from his very rudiments and from his mind, so far as we have found out.
ANNOTATIONS.
p. Namely in the year 681, as I showed in the Preliminary Commentary to the Life of St. Leodegar, num. 264.
q. Ebroin having been killed, the Neustrians, as again the Deeds of the Kings of the Franks and the second continuator of Fredegar testify, raised Warattonus or Waradonus to the mayoralty of the palace. He, promoted to that dignity, immediately made peace with Pepin, of whose conditions, as is rightly thought, the chief was that Pepin should enjoy peacefully and securely in the kingdom of Austrasia the mayoralty of the palace, which he had already before, amid the turmoils of war after the death of Vulfoald, discharged for some time with Martin, as it appears. Pepin therefore obtained, Ebroin having been killed, the mayoralty of the palace of Austrasia alone, or, as the biographer speaks, the principal government. But five years afterwards, that is, in the year 686, Warado or Waratto departed from the living, and Bercharius, or, as others read, Bertharius, was made mayor of the palace of Neustria and Burgundy. He by his depraved morals stirred up some Neustrians against himself, who, fleeing to Pepin, by their instigations brought the matter in a short time to this point, that he moved an army against King Theuderic and his mayor of the palace Bertharius. King Theuderic and Bercharius met Pepin with the army of the Neustrians at the place which, as the second continuator of Fredegar says, is called Textricium. But, battle having been joined and the Neustrians conquered, Bercharius was killed by those who had earlier cultivated a feigned friendship with him, and, he being killed, Pepin at last obtained in the year 687 the mayoralty of the palace of Neustria and Burgundy also. See the second continuator of Fredegar, chap. 99 and 100, and the Deeds of the Kings of the Franks, chap. 47 and following.
r. For Pepin of Herstal, Drogo's father, died, as is admitted among most Annalists, in the year 714; but Drogo in the year 708, as is read in the Annals of Nazarius, in the Tiliani, in the Petaviani, and in the Chronicle of Saint-Denis.
s. The second continuator of Fredegar writes thus at chap. 101 of Grimoald, son of Pepin of Herstal, and of his election to the mayoralty of the palace, namely in Neustria and Burgundy: Grimoald the Younger (so he is called by reason of Grimoald, mayor of the palace of Austrasia, who tonsured Dagobert II and banished him to Ireland) was elected mayor of the palace over the Franks, that is, over the Neustrians and Burgundians, with King Childebert, and he was a most gentle man, filled with all goodness and meekness, generous in alms, and ready in prayers. He then narrates in the two following chapters some things which are not to the point here, and then at chap. 104 relates the death of the same prince in these words: Pepin also falling ill at Jobii-villa (commonly Jupile, or Jupil) above the river Meuse, when the same Grimoald had come to visit him, and had gone forth to prayer in the basilica of saint Lantbert the martyr, he was killed by a most cruel and impious man named Rantgarius. This happened in the month of April, and in the following month of December, as is noted in the Chronicle of Saint-Denis, Pepin of Herstal, having avenged the slaughter of his son, departed from the living. Wherefore, since Pepin, as most ancient annalists testify, departed this life in the year 714, Grimoald also departed this life in the same year.
t. Namely from Alpaïs, or, as others read, Alpheida. Pepin, says the second continuator of Fredegar at chap. 103, took another wife, noble and elegant, named Alpheida. When Pepin did this, his first wife, named Plectrude, was still surviving among the living. Cointius and Valesius contend that she was then repudiated by Pepin; but on the contrary Pagi holds that Pepin took Alpaïs to his bed only as a concubine, his lawful wife being retained as before, from whose honour and dignity nothing was diminished. Go to this latter writer in the Critica at the year 688, num. 5.
u. The second continuator of Fredegar, in the chapter praised at the preceding letter, says that Pepin begot a son from Alpaïs and called him Karl, not by a rustic name but in his own tongue. But
why do these two Writers here speak so differently? Marquard Freher teaches, in Bouquet, tome 7 of the Writers, page 39, first indeed that the Teutonic tongue was proper to the Merovingian and Carolingian kings of the Franks; and then that, while they reigned, there also obtained in the Gauls a corrupt Latin tongue, or semi-Latin or Gallo-Latin, which the Franks themselves called rustic Latin. These things being laid down, it is now easily understood why the praised continuator of Fredegar asserts that Pepin called his son Karl in his own tongue, but the biographer by a rustic name: namely because the latter thought the name of Karl to be a semi-Latin or rustic Latin name, while the former thought it a Teutonic one. But which of them is to be agreed with here? Schottelius, with whom the praised Freher agrees, and, as it indeed appears to me, rightly, in his work on the German tongue, page 1068, counts the name of Karl among the proper names of the ancient Germans or Teutons, and derives it from the Teutonic word Kerl, which signifies a strong man.
x. The battles fought with enemies by Charles Martel, of whom there is here question, and the slaughters inflicted by him on them, you will find celebrated everywhere both among the ancient and among the more recent writers of Frankish History.
y. That is, they administer the mayoralty of the palace, the former namely in Austrasia, the latter in Neustria and Burgundy.
z. Carloman, says the third continuator of Fredegar at chap. 116, kindled for the sake of devotion by inexstinctu Note: i.e. instinctu, impulse, committing the kingdom (of Austrasia), together with his son Drogo, into the hands of his brother Pepin, came to Rome to the thresholds of the Apostles Peter and Paul, to persevere in the order of monks. Carloman did this after he had carried out various affairs brilliantly, and had already held the mayoralty of the palace in Austrasia for six years after the death of his father, Charles Martel. For this magistracy, which he had first taken up in the year 741, he laid down in the year 747, setting out for Rome, as the Annalist of Metz and many others testify.
aa. The last king of the Franks of the Merovingian stock was Childeric, third of this name. This unfortunate prince, when he had already reached the tenth year of his reign, having been deposed in a general assembly of the Franks at Soissons in the year 752, and shorn as a monk, was shut up by his own subjects in the monastery of Sithiu or Saint-Bertin, Pepin being substituted in his place, who had already administered the mayoralty of the palace in the three kingdoms of the Franks, namely Neustria, Burgundy and Austrasia, since the withdrawal of his brother Carloman. Go to the Chronicle of Iperius and the Annals of Saint-Bertin.
bb. And yet, even when Charlemagne, Pepin's son, was already reigning, the Franks seem not yet to have been skilled in the Roman or Gregorian ecclesiastical chant. For when Charlemagne was at Rome in the year 787, a contention arose between the Romans and the Gauls from their differing manner of singing, as the monk of Angoulême relates, edited by Pithou, and cited by Baronius under the name of the Pithoean Chronicle. Pepin, therefore, will have tried indeed to introduce the Roman or Gregorian chant into the Gauls, but in reality will have introduced it into the churches of the Gauls not at all, or certainly only into a few; while afterwards his son, Charlemagne, bringing with him from Rome into the Gauls, as the monk just praised says, most skilled cantors, took care that it be received everywhere.
cc. Concerning the various nations here named, over which Charlemagne held dominion, either subject to him immediately from the beginning of his reign, or afterwards subdued by his arms, there is no need to note anything here, since this is known to all who have so much as greeted history from the threshold.
dd. The biographer, since Pepin of Herstal held the mayoralty of the palace under no other Theuderic than the III, here indicates that the charter by which Count Grimbert secured the donation of vineyards made by him to St. Beregisus was granted in the reign of Theuderic the third, king of the Franks. But he is probably mistaken here. See § VI of the Preliminary Commentary, where we also proved that from the mentioned charter, although this, as it ought, is held to have been issued in the fifth year of Theuderic not III but IV, or of Chelles, that is, in the year 725, it nonetheless follows that the Pepin under whom St. Beregisus dwelt at the palace was Pepin of Herstal.
ee. So, namely, most of the ancient annalists testify who committed to writing the affairs carried out both by the Kings and by the Mayors of the palace of the Franks. See Pagi in the Critica at the year 714, num. 3.
ff. Mabillon, in the fourth Benedictine Century, part 1, page 294, in the excerpts which he brings forward from the Life of St. Beregisus, num. 4, reads: In the second year of Otto, son of Henry, king of the Saxons or of the Austrasians, ruling over the Austrasians.
gg. Here beyond doubt the biographer rightly joins the 2nd year of the reign of Otto, king and emperor of the Germans, son of Henry, with the year of Christ 937. For Otto was elected king of the Germans in the year 936.
hh. Namely from the year 714, in which Pepin departed this life, up to the year 937, in which this writer hints that he committed the Acts of our Saint to writing, as I showed at num. XI of the Preliminary Commentary.
ii. Walcandus or Valcandus, bishop of Liège, who is nevertheless here called bishop of the Tungri because the see of Liège first existed at Tongres, restored the almost collapsed monastery of Andaïn (see the Preliminary Commentary num. 85), and in the year 817 substituted monks for the clerics or canons Regular whom St. Beregisus had first instituted there; and afterwards, at their request, in the year 825 he translated the body of St. Hubert from Liège into the said monastery already restored by him. Go to the History of the Translation of St. Hubert, written by Jonas, bishop of Orléans, in John Robert.
CHAPTER I.
The Saint's homeland, education, promotion to the priesthood, reception into the court, favour with Pepin, and the occasion on which he received from him a place for building a monastery.
The Saint, already promoted to the priesthood, Beregisus was sprung from the Condroz district a of the Austrasians, from the village which is called Spangius b, of parents not indeed freeborn as regards the world, but nevertheless wealthy according to their birth, and religious; his father's name having been torn from memory, they report that his mother was called Berilla; that he himself, in Hesbaye c, within the monastery of saint Trudo, by the handing over of his parents, was educated under the religious habit d, and, instructed at once in the learning of letters and in the divine law, advanced by such salutary increases that by pontifical authority he was consequently put forward as quickly as possible to assist at the sacred Orders; and thence, he himself ever striving towards better things, he was raised by the merit of his life to the reverend grade of the priesthood e. But because the clemency of almighty God permits certain elect, whom, advancing within themselves, He carries forward inwardly to spiritual gifts, to be raised outwardly in the course of time, by the judgment of a hidden examination, for the advancement of others, He disposes that this fit Man, seeking higher things through the aforesaid advancements, should be present at royal services or attendance, and become familiar to the loftiness of worldly powers, and that the rights of the kingdom should be decided by his skilful genius f.
[7] is taken into the retinue of Pepin of Herstal; At that time, then, Pepin the Younger, son of Ansgisus, held the leadership in Austria under King Theuderic, he who had surpassed all the chief men of the kingdom in the power of wars and in genius. Cleaving to him with familiar zeal, the venerable Priest enjoyed his protection. That prince, not ignorant of his probity or prudence, had taken him to himself to be cherished with the reverence due to a father, as so eminent a priest, to whose doctrine he had submitted himself with his wife and offspring to be instructed, since his indissoluble conversation of life and morals bore witness to his chaste utterances. Whence, submitting his acts to be corrected by the censure of his severity, and leaving to him whatever things were to be corrected within the house, he had entrusted himself with all his own to be commended to his patronage and prayer g. Hence, that he might bind him to himself continually with greater confidence, he asked that his offspring, being reborn from the sacred font of baptism, should be received by him with the name of father, so that from this he might both exercise care of everything more familiarly in his household, and, bound by a tighter bond, as of a kind of covenant, might be retained in the palace.
[8] him, when he did wrong, But the prudent Man, not unmindful of himself, the more he was impelled to commit himself to the billows of the shipwrecking world, the more, manfully turning back the ship of his mind by the helm of faith, did he strive constantly to glide back to the harbour of rest. And those to whom, pressing on with doctrine, he applied his effort with admonitions of salvation, he by no means judged were to be stroked with the softness of oil where reason demanded, however much they were raised up by the glories of proud power; nay, he judged it opportune that they be struck with the sword of the spirit and of just invective. Whence it came about that he incurred the displeasure even of the prince of the earthly dominion to which he had joined himself. But he nonetheless, rebuking him when he did wrong, bore his terrible looks undaunted; from which it is evidently gathered how great a zeal of charity had kindled his heart towards the preservation of the rectitude of justice, and with how great a grace of virtues he shone forth, endowed within.
[9] Then, when he celebrated Masses with sedulous devotion, he performed this reverently with great humility and urgency of prayers. rebukes, and hence But the aforesaid prince was sometimes present for a vow or on a solemn day. On a certain day, therefore, the Priest standing at the altar, while he was present as usual, surrounded by troops of attendants and puffed up with worldly haughtiness, and with swollen neck did not lay aside, for the awaiting of so great a mystery, the crinarium h which he wore on his head, the Man of God took it gravely; and when they had come to the kiss of peace, he would not offer it to him, indicating that it was unworthy to have outward peace with him whom he saw inwardly at discord with the Author of peace. Thus avoiding him by turning aside, and constantly inviting the others, who had stood far off, he offers the kiss; he makes small account of the prince exalted by the glory of worldly power, where he recognizes that the command of the Author of the world and Lord of hosts is despised. He does not fear to incur the offence of a fleshly lord in that in which, with upright intention, he strives to please the Creator, on whose nod all power hangs.
[10] That famous prince, therefore, although he took this ill, he has him somewhat offended. and, his spirits astounded, grew hot with shame, nevertheless did not dare to dishonour in any way the Man of God, whom he well knew to remain undaunted; but after the offices of the Masses had been performed he wished to inquire by questioning into the novelty of the matter, while the other was disposing to strike him with the sharpest rebuke, namely, why he had dared to enter the church with such tyranny of pride; that he grieved indeed for him, whom he saw, God having been driven out by him, subject to the devil, and whom the enemy had long since enslaved to himself and up to now sat upon his head, because he still wore that foul ornament of the crinarium in the sacred temple itself; that the kiss would never be offered to him by himself unless he put it off his head.
[11] These things are said from the just fervour of charity, and are, moreover, not taken to heart as they should have been by a man savouring fleshly things, But while, desiring to be free for God alone, since he held him in suspicion with himself because of this i; but he, ever striving to avoid the passing and harmful blandishments of the world, also bore with even mind the evils that befell him from that prince, and, desiring many times to be free for God alone, of a remote dwelling, where
he might betake himself, he longed some day, the divine clemency favouring, to experience the domicile of a monastery; but the presence of the Creator, who had kindled his heart, illumined by the grace of the Holy Spirit, to this, dispenses that what he had conceived in mind should be wonderfully fulfilled. For He brings it about that, because by spontaneous deliberation he had offered himself to serve God, a place prepared from the beginning for the habitation of devout persons and sufficiently apt for his pursuits should be provided, and that this place should receive from him the beginning of its building and habitation; and also He disposed, with most munificent loving-kindness, that under him the exercises of the religion that was to be in it should take their beginnings, for glorifying the glory of His name and preserving the memory of His devout Servant; and where or how this was fulfilled, or in what manner his memory, laid up in a celebrated place, is preserved, the site of the present monastery, which began to be built by him, declares.
[12] through the Ardennes forest, with Pepin's wife But that I may discharge the debt promised in the Preface, let it be made manifest, as a most true relation k hands down, what cause or management of first inhabiting it arose. When, therefore, Beregisus, long constant in the retinue of the often-mentioned prince, defrauding nothing of the reverence due to his grade, worthily fulfilled the ministry of the priesthood with him, he revered him with such confidence of honour that he would commend to him his wife Plectrude, whom we have said was noble and praiseworthy for the honourableness of her morals, and would leave her under his disposition and nod or authority whenever the necessity of travelling pressed. On this occasion it happened, while a journey was being made along the way of the Ardennes forest on account of estates of their own right placed round about l, that this father Beregisus and the aforesaid woman, who had parted from her husband the day before, made the passage together with a following of retainers.
[13] makes a journey, a certain schedule from heaven But while they freely pursue the journey they had undertaken, the lamp of the sun pressing, the heat of summer grows very fiery. Already the animals on which they rode, sitting upon them, had almost given out, wearied as much by the length of the space traversed as by the scorching of the fiery heat, while the riders themselves were being dissolved by the same heat; and so they rested in a certain meadow lying off the road, and, the horsemen being assigned to guard, the weary travellers decide to wait a long while in the pleasant place. But after they had refreshed their flagging limbs with food and drink, they relax and are dissolved in lying down. But while the hour, long drawn out by delays, was already hastening towards evening, and sleep still held them all overcome, the woman already mentioned, in whose service that company was travelling, waking a little, as she raises her head, saw that the watchmen, overcome by sleep, had lain down, the beasts of burden having been deserted; hence that the beasts, wandering in scattered places, had strayed away on all sides.
[14] glides down to her, from which, of the divine will Moved by these things, while she wavered, hesitating within herself what was to be done, she rises, and, holding a rod in her hand, with threats drove into one troop the horses which had wandered off here and there cropping the green grass; then, seeing that none of the household had noticed what she had done, she wished to relieve her weary limbs for a while by sitting down upon a heap of stones m which she had chanced to see placed nearby. When, therefore, she had approached, the stones suddenly slipping down round about on account of the instability of the mound, looking back, she marvels at a certain charter falling down among the stones n. Astonished at this miracle she ventures to touch it, but because she was ignorant of letters, she stood still, not being able to know what it set forth, but yet believing that this had not happened without the portent of some great matter, she places it in her bosom to be concealed. Further, taking it ill that she should remain in suspense, she decides that it must be made known to her husband as quickly as possible, and, entrusting it to no one to carry, she proposes rather to return and make it known to him herself.
[15] Pepin, being informed, Plectrude therefore, having quickly roused her companions, intimates that they must return at once to her lord; all being astounded, they go back with haste to the prince, who was staying thus far in the villa from which they had departed, and the woman secretly makes known to him the whole event of the sudden matter, and confirms the tenor of her words by the attestation of the schedule. So both, examining the cause, anxiously inquire what is needful to be done. Then they take care to disclose the secret to Beregisus, and hand him the schedule itself to be read; and when he had read it, he consequently disclosed in order the things contained written in it; namely, that that place where it appeared to have been found was held chosen by God, since it was foreknown that it would at some time be inhabited by devout people, and that from it many souls were to be directed into heaven.
[16] But while, disturbed, they were held in doubt what was to be done concerning this, grants St. Beregisus a place for building a monastery. which was believed to have been ministered by an angelic hand, to be pleasing to the King of the ages, Beregisus, as though it had been commanded him from heaven that the divine condescension bade be fulfilled there what he had long pondered in mind, confidently asks that the place be handed over to him; and, at the persuasion of the wife that no one so vigorous in this work could be found, they hand the place over to him, and urge that a monastery ought to be built. The aforesaid prince, therefore, walking round about through the woodland, determined and conferred as much as seemed fitting for extending a level clearing, or for buildings, or for the pasture of animals, or for various uses; and also in those things which he had left to be retained in the surrounding fiscs o, he enjoined by an established law that whatever things were necessary for the pasture of the flocks of those who, attached to the cell [p], should serve, or if any other things were needful, no one should at all forbid them to those seeking them. The services of serfs also, and the rights of estates, and from other revenues or tithes the necessaries of livelihood, and whatever the Priest asked of him for the expenses and building of the place, he voluntarily granted all [q].
ANNOTATIONS.
p. So the domicile to be built by St. Beregisus for clerics or canons Regular is here named by the biographer, so that Mabillon wrongly brings the name of cell, by which the domicile founded by this Saint at Sarchinium is called by Donatus, the biographer of St. Trudo, into part of the argument by which he proves that St. Trudo first instituted at Sarchinium not clerics or canons Regular, but monks. See the Preliminary Commentary num. 33 and following.
q. The author of the Cantatorium of Andage, at num. 1, assigns in this manner the bounds within which Pepin granted St. Beregisus a place for building a monastery: The borders having been surveyed, (Pepin) marked out fixed limits of the same donation by the confines noted below; namely on the Southern side between the divisions, on the Eastern side Mollis Campellus, on the North between Campilo and Haletus Francus mount, between Nasania and
Anvana, the Fontana of the tablet; on the West the rock of Sulmonium and the river Lunna. This author also indicates under which king of the Franks this donation of Pepin took place. For he narrates at the same number that the charter, of which we treated in § IV of the Preliminary Commentary, was found by Plectrude, wife of Pepin, who was mayor of the palace under King Theuderic. According to this author, therefore, the finding of the said charter took place under Theuderic III, king of the Franks, under which Theuderic alone Pepin of Herstal held the mayoralty of the palace. Wherefore, since the mentioned finding of the charter was closely joined with the aforesaid donation, this too must, according to the same author, have taken place under Theuderic III; whence it follows that the same donation is to be placed before the year 691, since in this year Theuderic ceased to live. But that this donation, since it was also closely joined with the construction of the monastery of Andaïn, is to be placed later, becomes plain from what we disputed in § V concerning the time about which the monastery of Andaïn was built. The author of the Cantatorium, therefore, probably errs when he refers the charter that glided down to Plectrude from heaven to the reign of Theuderic III, and he seems to fight with himself, since he also refers the construction of the monastery of Andaïn, closely joined with the finding of the charter, to about the year 709, as it appears. See the Preliminary Commentary num. 69 and 70.
CHAPTER II.
The Saint builds a monastery in the Ardennes forest, is assiduously occupied in the praises of God with the canons whom he instituted in it, helps St. Hubert in converting idolaters, and, having become of very advanced age, dies.
Beregisus, in the Ardennes forest, Beregisus, therefore, sought out that place of the forest designated by angelic ministry, invoking God to be present as his helper, and zealously began both to cut down all the leafy growth and to widen the spaces for the buildings to be constructed. Further, how far removed the site of the place is from the throng of cities, how wooded and fruitful it is held to be, is in plain view. It is also most abundantly watered by springs issuing from the ground nearby, but another, more excellent, removed from these, rising from the same side, flows up, which, receiving the others into itself by its greatness, claims the stream for its own name. And from those going to and fro, or frequenting either the forest or the place, it received the name Andaïna a. Thus, fertilized by most clear and wholesome waters, bearing meadows flourishing with rich turf, and surrounded by the loveliness of groves, it promises great commodiousness to those desiring the solitary life. But this is its state now.
[18] builds a monastery, and when he had long, in it, to his disciples For the rest, the venerable Man, first arriving, when the shades of the wood made everything dense, applies every intention of solicitude, invites all to run together to so great a work, provokes the zeal of all by his example and devotion, leans on the suffrages of pontiffs, counts and other nobles, is supported by the aid of kinsmen and friends, constantly presses on with the labour day and night, and at length, the divine protection favouring in all things, happily brings the pleasing work to completion. Then he established the monastery, consecrates the basilica he had built with the name and relics of blessed Peter, prince of the Apostles, delegates the offices of the clerics, ordering the provisions and the other expenses necessary for their uses, skilfully instituting those who should minister to them; and, carefully managing also the vineyards and little estates which devout persons had spontaneously conferred on the monastery, he greatly provided that nothing pertaining to exterior uses should be lacking.
[19] shone before with good example, he dies. To which clerics, serving in the canonical order, he himself, the Father, was associated in the same habit b, and, being unceasingly occupied with them in the praise of Christ the Lord, and instructing his sons by word and example, he lived on for the space of very many years in this place, leading a religious life, and, leaving his posterity, formed in the studies of most wholesome doctrine, as heirs of the monastery, he passed from the toil of the present age to eternal rest. His body, committed to the earth in the very temple, and cherished with worthy reverence, has been glorified by the showing of miracles; honour is also paid to his memory thenceforth, whose deposition is observed on the sixth day before the Nones of the month of October. c
[20] Valcandus afterwards restored that monastery The monastery was afterwards governed by his disciples for a long time, until Walcandus, of worthy memory, was set over the pontificate of the Tungri d, who, when, God inspiring him, he wished to increase the norm of holy religion in his diocese, and therefore was searching with pious intention where he might, God helping, establish the Order of monks, seeing this place enriched with diverse abundances of utilities, judged that none in the bishopric was to be compared with it for such great opportunities, and none so fit for that which he desired; and therefore, with zealous intention, having renewed it from its very foundations and transposed it into the Eastern part, and both in the most vast and nobler restoration of the buildings and in the variety of fields, vineyards, obedient serfs and necessary goods, and in whatever pertained to it there, by a most excellent augmentation, he adorned it, most excellently ennobled, with fitting honour; and he translated into it the body of the blessed Man, and instituted an order of monks; and thereafter, as the matter demanded, whether in the offering of gifts or in those things which had already been conferred, he took care with most sagacious zeal that they should be preserved, set down in charters and confirmed by imperial authority e, so that it should be lawful for no one of any power whatever to withdraw anything in the future.
[21] Thereafter, striving to honour and grace the same place of monastic religion more nobly, with the consent of all the chief men of the kingdom he carried hither the body of the blessed confessor Hubert, Of the spring Andaïna, formerly prelate of the Tungri, which from the time of his deposition had lain buried at Liège for about ninety years in the church of saint Peter f, and laid it with glory in the structure of a sepulchre which he had prepared for him wreathed with gold and silver g. And he also decreed that the place itself should be called by its former name, that is, Andaïna h, which it had taken in its beginning from the spring which we said above is derived from that spot. Not undeservedly, therefore, is this place, thus preordained, chosen, which, by figurative signification, that is, by site and by name, by which it is called Andaïnus, that is, irrigation of water i, is known to have aptly prefigured the things that were to be done in it.
[22] Rightly was that place chosen, which by the quality of its state should accord with the life of its inhabitants. from which it drew that name, It is fitting, therefore, that the inhabitants be so instructed in the studies of abiding discipline that they may deservedly be freshly cherished in it. For not undeservedly are they taken away from it who disdain to be made fruitful, after its likeness, with the virtues of wisdom. Whereas, on the contrary, those who, received in it, wish to be conformed to them by the beauty of spiritual virtues, are without doubt to be directed hence, as the allegation set forth above has made known, to the heavenly kingdoms. For as the soil is daily filled with moisture by rivulets led hither and thither, so the hearts of those dwelling there, cleft by the ploughshare of doctrine, are thus far bedewed by the grace of knowledge; and as plants, having received moisture, rise up to the maturity of putting forth shoots, in like manner the zealous and those preordained to life, when they have been touched by the savour of abundant eloquence and wholesomely cultivated, straightway eagerly rise up in the advance of fruits to be brought forth, that is, of work or learning.
[23] But that I may pursue the order of the matter proposed, this house of blessed Peter the apostle, of SS. Beregisus and Hubert, like that which had first been founded by blessed Beregisus, dedicated with his relics and name, is illustrated also with the pledges of many other Saints, among which it shines most of all with the gifts of these twin Confessors, through whose merits and intervention we believe the divine Majesty wills to show the so many signs of powers which are wrought there and in almost all the places adjacent to the same church, so that the memory of His Saints may be the more commended; whose glorification indeed appeared greater before us and at the beginning; but in our days also many wonderful things have been seen k. Of past things, however, many were set down in writing, very many given over to oblivion; of those which we have been able to tell as either shown in our time or more certainly done in the past, we have already committed many to letters l; certain ones still to be written we retain in memory.
[24] In these prodigies of miracles each is to be admired, each to be extolled; of their miracles, who also, while abiding in the flesh, at one and the same time both illumined the province by preaching and the salvation of souls, and dedicated this place by spiritual consecration as by bodily presence m, and now, existing in spirit in heaven with Christ, but placed here in the essence of their bodies, relying on the power of God, grant their help to those who seek and knock. That they reign in spirit with Christ, no one but an unbeliever doubts; and although what precedes demonstrates to those who understand that, established in the flesh, they sojourned under one time or prince, yet, so that it may appear more manifestly how this came about, it will not be irksome to elucidate it.
[25] of the time at which For it is established that blessed Hubert was for very many years the successor of the bishop and martyr Lambert in the pontificate of the Tungri n. And that this blessed Martyr both administered the pontificate and frequented the palace in the time of Childeric, son of Clovis, son of Dagobert, the pious king o. This Hildebert *, since he did very unfitting things and raged cruelly against the nobles of the Franks, was ambushed by one of them and fell by a most swift death [p]; to whom succeeded in the kingdom his brother Theuderic, of whom I made mention in the Prologue [q], under whom the aforesaid Martyr took up the trophy [r]. While he held the government, Pepin, son of Ansgisus, in whose retinue we said above the venerable Beregisus lived, and under whom and with whose help he established the monastery, held the leadership in Austria. These things, finally, having been intelligibly discussed, who does not see that after the death of the aforesaid Martyr, who was slain under Theuderic, blessed Hubert obtained the chair of the prelacy under the same prince [s]?
[26] flourished, But since under the same king the aforesaid Pepin was duke, to whom blessed Beregisus adhered by the office of charity, there is no doubt that they stood at one and the same time in one diocese and under one contest, especially since, under the prince Carloman, son of Charles, son of this Pepin, holding the principate in the third year after his father's death, the body of the same blessed man Hubert was found unharmed [t], which had lain hidden, sunk in the ground, already for sixteen years [u], namely because he passed to the Lord thirteen years before the death of Charles [x], who had succeeded his father Pepin in the leadership already for the courses of fifteen years; whereby it is shown that he was in the times of Pepin and of his son Charles, dukes of the Austrasians; and to confirm the truth of this matter there is added also this, that the truth of history asserts [y] that in the same year in which Pepin died, Grimoald, his other son, was killed in the basilica of blessed Lambert the martyr, and indeed that the same basilica was built by the Confessor himself while holding the pontificate, and that the body of his Predecessor, the martyr, was taken up by him from Maastricht by divine admonition [z].
[27] and concerning the things which they did, some Which could in no way have happened unless it were established that this illustrious Priest was engaged in the word of preaching in the age of King Theuderic and Duke Pepin [aa]. And the villa itself, that is, Liège, which is now the first see or head of the bishopric
on account of the memory of the often-mentioned Martyr, took the beginnings of its restoration and of the frequent assembly in it from the same man, as the testimonies of writers, or the present essence of the thing done, many times confirm [bb]. And with how great excellence of preaching the word of salvation the same holy Man shone forth, the assertion of those men sufficiently indicates. For since in those times the people of the Austrasians were still horribly defiled in many places by fanatical error, through this eminent Priest the divine mercy drove away the illusions of demons and the phantasies of idols especially from this territory of the Ardennes, where his bones are now kept laid up, where at that time there was held almost no worshipper of the Christian law anywhere [cc]. To no one, therefore, is there any doubt that in the same grace he had the blessed father Beregisus as a cooperator [dd], since in the monastery which he had built in that very territory, toiling in good works, fervent at one time with the same ardour of charity, and he himself also administering the grade of the priesthood under him; it is held credible that the reverend pontiff himself also consequently was a cooperator in enlarging that monastery and place.
[28] Pressing on together also in preaching, stirred by mutual devotion, they both led the multitude of pagans dwelling in the same land to the true faith, the biographer here discourses of some things, and ends his work with a prayer, God helping, and built with most ardent devotion the glory of a monastery in the place divinely chosen and designated [ee]. Therefore we believe it was brought about by heavenly disposition that in the land or place in which, while living in the body, they strove the more to please the King of heaven, there they should merit to rest with their bodies laid down [ff], and should obtain from the people as great a dignity of reverence as they sought with such pious intention to gain for Christ the King, and should prevail by what they spent. And as, placed in the body, they took great care that the salvation of the people and the celebrity of the place should come about, so, stripped of the body, they have merited to receive the accumulation of reward, that they should protect the people or the place by their patronage. To merit their intercession the devout people of the faithful run together in great numbers on their feasts and at other fixed times, and, seeking their memory continually, copiously offer gifts of oblations, so that, supported by the help and intercession of those whom they were counted worthy to receive as fathers in the beginning of the faith, whose spirits they trust have attained a company among the companies of the Saints, having obtained their prayers, they may merit, Christ being propitious, to gain the rest of eternal light [gg].
[29] Whence we bless Thee, O Lord, who, having had mercy on Thy creature under the protection of such great Fathers, with a prayer in which he implores the help of those Saints. freeing by gratuitous loving-kindness us unworthy ones who were held guilty through the transgression of proud offence, hast made us sharers in Thy grace and worthy. We therefore beseech Thee, who with the Father and the Holy Spirit art in the beginning the Creator and in the end the Redeemer of the human race, that through their merits and intercession Thou wouldst grant that we, ready in obedience to Thy commandments, be forestalled against spiritual snares, and, instilling into us the zeal of caution, wouldst protect us with the shield of Thy protection, and make us solicitous to heal the woundings of wounds inflicted with the medicine of penance, so that with them, after the end of life, we may merit to obtain the robe of immortality and to enjoy the delight of perennial life, Thou, O Lord, bringing help in all things, who with the everlasting Father, from whom Thou art begotten without beginning, and with the Spirit of the Begetter, who, breathing perennially from Thee together, and creating the world, governs it, art one God, reigning glorious unto the ages of ages, amen.
ANNOTATIONS.
p. For, writes the first continuator of Fredegar at chap. 95, this Childeric was a king light and too hasty, throwing the nation of the Franks into sedition, and into scandal and derision; until no moderate hatred grew among them, even to scandal and ruin. As this grew heavier, he ordered a noble Frank named Bodilo to be stretched at a stake and beaten, against the law. The Franks seeing this, moved with great anger, namely Ingolbert and Amalbert, and the other elders of the Franks, stirred up a sedition against Childeric himself. The mentioned Bodilo rose up against him with very many others to lie in wait, and killed the king in the forest of Lauchonia, together with his pregnant queen named Bilihild, which is a grief to tell. This happened, as I said at the preceding letter, in the year 673.
q. The Theuderic who succeeded Childeric when he was killed, and of whom the biographer made mention in the Prologue, is Theuderic III.
r. That is, he obtained the palm of martyrdom. But here the biographer strays by the whole breadth of heaven. For since Theuderic III departed from the living in the year 691, with what appearance of truth can it be said that St. Lambert obtained the palm of martyrdom under him, which certainly happened no earlier than when the eighth century (see the Preliminary Commentary to the Life of the same holy martyr) had already begun a little?
s. St. Hubert immediately succeeded St. Lambert in the bishopric of Maastricht. Wherefore, since the latter, as I said at the preceding letter, obtained the palm of martyrdom no earlier than when the eighth century had already begun, the biographer errs here again when he says that St. Hubert obtained the chair of the prelacy under Theuderic, who departed from the living in the year 691.
t. So it is narrated in chap. 15 of the Life of St. Hubert in Surius and in Robert, priest of our Society. This happened, therefore, in the year 743 or 744. For Charles, surnamed Martel, of whom there is here question, departed this life in the year 741, as all agree. The third year after his death, therefore, in which according to the Life of St. Hubert and the testimony of our biographer the body of St. Hubert was found unharmed, agrees with the year of Christ 743 and 744, and so that finding took place either in the year 743 or 744.
u. So again the author of the Life of St. Hubert, in Surius and John Robert just praised, also testifies.
x. Pepin of Herstal, father of Charles Martel, departed from the living in the year 714, as most ancient annalists of the Franks testify; and St. Hubert, as follows from the sixteen years during which, as I have just said, he had lain buried when his body was found unharmed in the year 743 or 744, passed to the Lord in the year 727. Wherefore the biographer rightly writes here that Charles Martel, when this happened, had already succeeded his father Pepin in the leadership, that is, the mayoralty of the palace, for the courses of fifteen years.
y. For a notice of Grimoald go to the Annotations subjoined to the Prologue at letter s.
z. St. Hubert did this, as his biographer testifies in chap. 3, in the thirteenth year of his prelacy; but,
before he did this, the basilica of St. Lambert, in which Grimoald was killed, had long existed at Liège. See num 117 and following of the Preliminary Commentary to the Life of St. Lambert.
aa. The biographer reasons wrongly here. For although St. Hubert administered the bishopric of Liège under Pepin of Herstal and his son Charles Martel, and although he translated the body of St. Lambert into the basilica in which Grimoald had been slain in the thirteenth year of his episcopate, it does not follow that he was already engaged in the word of preaching, or that he was already bishop while Theuderic was still living, since Theuderic departed from the living in the year 691, and so did not prolong his life either up to the death of Pepin of Herstal and of Grimoald, his son, which took place in the year 714, or up to the translation of St. Lambert, which (see the Preliminary Commentary to his Life) was made in the year 721 or 722.
bb. St. Hubert, as is admitted among all, transferred the episcopal see, together with the body of St. Lambert, from Maastricht to Liège, where Lambert had suffered.
cc. Here again the biographer has the biographer of St. Hubert agreeing with him. Go to the Preliminary Commentary num. 80.
dd. It appears most probable indeed that St. Beregisus, as I showed at num. 79 and following of the Preliminary Commentary, brought help to St. Hubert in converting the people of the Ardennes to the faith. Indeed it seems to me sufficiently probable that the Religious inhabitants of the monastery of Andaïn instituted by the Saint also did so, and that even if one should contend that they were monks. For monks also laboured most greatly and most diligently in converting the heathen to the true worship of the one God.
ee. Here the biographer seems to teach sufficiently openly that St. Hubert built the monastery of Andaïn together with St. Beregisus, whence it follows that it did not begin to be founded before the year 709. See the Preliminary Commentary num. 70.
ff. Namely, with the body of St. Beregisus at Andaïn there also rests the body of St. Hubert, translated thither from Liège by Valcandus, bishop of Liège. Go to the Annotations at letter g.
gg. St. Beregisus, therefore, was already honoured as a Saint from the age of this writer, that is, from the year 937.
* correct: Hildericus