Gerald of Aurillac

ON ST. GERALD OF AURILLAC, COUNT AND CONFESSOR, IN AUVERGNE,

ABOUT THE YEAR 909.

PRELIMINARY COMMENTARY.

Gerald, count of Aurillac, confessor, at Aurillac in Auvergne. (S.)

BY D. A. B.

§ I. Why we record St. Gerald at Aurillac; by whom and when his Life was committed to writing.

Auriliacum, or, as it is written by others, Aureliacum or Aureliacus, Aurelhacum, [St. Gerald, whom, having set forth the situation of this place, we mark here at Aurillac,] Orlacus, or also, as it is named in the Geography of Baudrand, with an appellation not unfittingly, as appears, derived from the name by which that place is called in French, Aurillac (Martinière meanwhile carping at him for that reason), Aurilliacum, is a distinguished city of Auvergne, or Upper Arvernia, situated formerly in the diocese of Clermont, today in that of Saint-Flour, on the little river Jordanne. In this city of the Gauls, then not yet very populous, which, as we are taught by Baudrand just praised and by the Geographical Maps, is distant westward from Saint-Flour nine leagues, toward the summer East from Cahors fifteen, and southward from Clermont twenty-four, and indeed on his estate of the same name, which, as appears from the Life presently to be mentioned, either adjoined it or was included in it, Gerald, count of the place, built a monastery, whom we have thought should be recorded here above in the same city or town, because after a life led most holily he afterwards obtained ecclesiastical cult in that same place too, as we shall say below, although he closed his last day neither in the said town nor on the estate or castle of the same name, but at Cézernac, or, as is read in Chastelain, at Cedinacum in the Cahors country, which place is called in French Cezeinac or Cezenac, as is understood from the Life of this holy Man.

[2] This Life, which Marrier, a monk of Cluny, and André du Chesne, St. Odo, abbot of Cluny, the Life or Deeds, in writing, as here who also illustrated it with Notes, first published in the Library of Cluny, and which the last edition of Surius exhibits reprinted at the XIIIth day of October, bears in front an Epistle addressed to Aymo the abbot, in which the author of the little Work, divided into four books, names himself Odo; but since nothing is found either in that Epistle or in the Preface or text of the Work from which it can be discerned who that Odo was, and since there were in these times, or in the middle of the 10th century, several abbots of this name, whom Mabillon proves, in the Benedictine Annals at the years 940 num. 1, 942 num. 38, 952 num. 56, 963 num. 72, to have been placed over various monasteries, namely those of St. Maixent, of Massay, of Déols, of Saint-Mihiel on the Meuse and of Cluny, someone perhaps will call into doubt whether that Life was written by Odo of Cluny or by another abbot of the same name; and not, as appears, undeservedly: but although this is so, the ancient Manuscripts from which that Lucubration came forth prevent us from thinking that there should be doubt about the matter; for all expressly call the Odo whose name they bear abbot of Cluny. There prevent it also the authors both contemporary and near-contemporary, and those who wrote in the following centuries; for all with unanimous consent attribute to the Great Odo, the excellent restorer of monastic discipline both in the Gauls and in the other parts of Europe, the Life of St. Gerald whose author names himself Odo.

[3] it is shown, he set forth, Among these there occur in the first place Ademar of Chabannes and the chronologer of Aurillac, of whom the former, as Labbe affirms in the Syllabus of the Writers published by himself in tome 2 of the Manuscript Library, flourished about the year 1031; and the other is understood to have lived under the abbot of Aurillac Peter de Roca, that is, in the year 1129, from what he himself supplies at the end of his Chronicle in Mabillon, Vetera Analecta, older edition, tome 2, page 244. The words of Ademar in Labbe, in the tome cited, page 166, are these: "Turpio" (bishop of Limoges) "honored most highly Odo, abbot of the monastery of Cluny: which most reverend Odo, at the request of Turpio, published the Life of St. Gerald, and composed a very useful book On Contempt of the world." In the same Labbe, in the same tome of the Manuscript Library, page 272, the Chronicle of the Abbots of St. Martial of Limoges has thus: "He" (Aymo the abbot) "had friendship with St. Odo, abbot of Cluny, whom he bade publish the Life of St. Gerald. He honored with the highest love Turpio, bishop of Limoges, his brother, and in the third year after his death the same St. Turpio the bishop died on the VIIIth before the Kalends of August." To the words of Ademar, which are confirmed by these words of the Chronicle of Limoges, I now add the words of the chronologer of Aurillac. They are the following: "Oddo, venerable third abbot of Aurillac and of Cluny, asked by Turpio, bishop of Limoges, and by Aimo, abbot of Tulle, described the Life of blessed Gerald." Nor do there dissent from Ademar and the chronographer of Aurillac Peter the venerable, placed over the monastery of Cluny about the middle of the 12th century, Vincent of Beauvais, a writer of the 13th century, and Trithemius, whose words du Chesne published in the Library of Cluny, col. 59 and following. The Cluniac chronologer, whose Work is edited in the same place from col. 1627 and following: "St. Oddo, second abbot of Cluny," he says, "wrote the Life of blessed Gerald, which is with us." All those writers therefore most clearly hand down that the Life of St. Gerald was put into writing by B. Odo, abbot of the monastery of Cluny, so that there is no doubt that he truly set forth the Life of our Saint in writing.

[4] Further, that the Life of Gerald which, from what has been said, it is plain that Odo, abbot of Cluny, [and the Lucubration in which he did this is not different from the Life published by Marrier:] wrote, is that very one which Marrier and du Chesne published, is clear even from this, that Ademar and the chronologer of Aurillac affirm in the words already recited that the Life which the praised writers attribute to Odo of Cluny was committed to writing by him at the request of Turpio the bishop and Aimo the abbot, and that Odo himself, who wrote the Life published by Marrier and du Chesne, clearly reveals in the dedicatory Epistle and in the Preface that he did this compelled by Turpio and Aymo the abbot with much force of prayers. There is added that the following words, which Peter the venerable, book 2 of the Miracles, chapter 25, excerpted from the Life of St. Gerald written by Odo of Cluny, "The visions of dreams are not always empty," are read in the Life published by Marrier and du Chesne, book 1, num. 6; so that indeed the Life of St. Gerald which Marrier edited in the Library of Cluny and André du Chesne illustrated with Notes is the genuine and true offspring of B. Odo, abbot of Cluny.

[5] But about what time Odo of Cluny committed it to writing and it not after the year 942, must be defined here. Flodoard in the Chronicle at the year 942 writes thus: "The lord Odo, venerable abbot, restorer of many monasteries and repairer of the holy rule, died at Tours and was buried at St. Julian's." And to these words of that chronologer, here transcribed, the anonymous chronologer of Déols in Labbe, page 315, assents, marking the death of Odo at the same year 942. "Hence," says Mabillon, Benedictine Annals, book 44, num. 39, "both some ancient and more recent writers are to be corrected, who note the time of his death and the place of his burial otherwise." And deservedly indeed; for since John, the biographer of Odo, and others who can safely be trusted, nowhere express the year in which this holy abbot died, undoubted credit seems certainly to be given to Flodoard, a contemporary author, and to the chronologer of Déols, who assign the year 942. Now, since this is so, and St. Gerald, as we shall say below, exchanged life for death about the year 909, it follows that his Life, published by Marrier and du Chesne under the name of Odo, abbot of Cluny, was certainly put into writing by him before thirty-four years had elapsed after the Saint's death. And indeed, as it also follows from what has been said that it cannot have been written by Odo after the year 942, so it will become plain from what is now to be said that it was not committed to writing by him before the year 923.

[6] but about the year, That he committed the deeds of St. Gerald to writing only when compelled by either the persuasion or the prayers of Aimo the abbot, the biographer of our Saint reveals in the Epistle prefixed to the Work and in the Preface, addressing Aymo in these words: "To the lord Aymo the abbot, to be remembered with affection for his merits, Odo, fellow-servant of the brethren, perpetual greeting in Christ. The little book, venerable father, concerning the conversation and miracles of the blessed man Gerald, which you lately so imperiously urged me to dictate, in whatever way I could, I now, though trembling, undertake." He has not dissimilar things in the Preface: "For indeed," he says, "both the lord Turpio the bishop and the most beloved and venerable abbot Aymo, with very many others, compelled me with much force of prayers to undertake these things." This Work is dedicated by Odo to Aimo the abbot. Aimo therefore had then undertaken the governing of some monastery by the office of abbot, and indeed that he was then placed over the monastery of Tulle appears from the words of the chronologer of Aurillac recited at num. 3, and this too seems able to be concluded from the following words of Odo in the Preface, which I subjoin: "When an occasion pressed that we should visit the brotherhood of the monastery of Tulle, it pleased us to direct our course to his tomb" (namely St. Gerald's). "Then, four of those whom he himself had brought up having been summoned …, and also very many others, we inquired thus far concerning his conduct and the quality of his life… And having ascertained how religiously he lived, and that God had shown by many indications that he was in his grace, we could no longer doubt of his holiness." St. Odo had therefore come to Tulle when he went to Aurillac to inquire into the conduct and quality of life of St. Gerald; but to Odo setting out from Tulle to Aurillac

that Abbot Aimo was present as his companion is indicated by the words with which he addresses Aimo in the dedicatory Epistle: Some things, about which you will perhaps complain, I pass over; I put together only those things which were made known to me, while you too were present in person, from reliable authorities. Abbot Aimo had received Odo into hospitality when he came to Tulle, and after he had pressed him to write the History of St. Gerald, he accompanied him as companion of the journey and of the inquiry to be made when Odo was making for Aurillac. Why, I ask, would Aimo have been staying at Tulle, unless he had already then been set as abbot over the brethren of Tulle, whom Odo had visited? And that he was indeed abbot of Tulle is proven by the chronologer of Aurillac and by various instruments collected by Baluze in the Appendix to the History of Tulle.

[7] as is shown from various At about what time, however, Aimo received the monastery of Tulle to govern, we are taught by the precept of Rudolf, king of the Franks, which is exhibited in the Appendix to the History of Tulle, col. 325 and following, drawn up at its beginning in these following words: Be it known to all that I, Rudolf, king of the Franks, being solicitous for restoring the state of religion, have decreed to repair the monastery of Tulle in the regular way of life, as it had formerly been; … and at the prayers of the man Ademar, … at the suggestion also of Count Ebalus, I had entrusted that same place to a certain most religious abbot Aimo, for the restoring of the regular way of life, and had made it subject to the monastery of Saint-Savin. Hence it is plain that Aimo came to the monastery of Tulle only at the summons of Rudolf, king of the Franks, namely in order to establish the regular way of life there. But since Rudolf was taken up as king by the Franks only in the year 923, in the month of July, for that reason Aimo could neither have been placed over the monastery of Tulle, nor have been present as companion to Odo as he made for Aurillac to inquire into the life and conduct of the holy Confessor, nor have received the History dedicated to him, which St. Odo had lately composed at his persuasion, before the year 923, in which Rudolf was proclaimed king of the Franks. And this, indeed, I think must be held as certain and beyond doubt.

[8] Now, indulging a little in conjectures, let us determine more closely the time in the middle at which Blessed Odo set his hand to composing the History of St. Gerald. That Odo, the biographer of St. Gerald, was made abbot of Cluny towards the end of the year 926, or certainly no later than about the beginning of the year 927, is clearly proven by what Mabillon brings forward in the Annals of the Benedictines, book 42, number 88. Moreover, that the same Odo, before he received the monastery of Cluny to govern, was abbot of Tulle, is strongly shown by what I subjoin. Bernard Gui, bishop of Lodève, in his book On the Saints of the Diocese of Limoges, published in Labbe's Bibliotheca, volume 1, page 636 and following, writes thus: Saint Odo, second abbot of Cluny, who was previously abbot of Tulle, of the diocese of Limoges. Nor does the ancient Martyrology of Limoges, which is cited by Duchesne in the Notes on the Life of St. Gerald, col. 29, differ from this writer, since it supplies these following words, transcribed in the same place: Odo, second abbot of Cluny, was first abbot of Tulle, of the diocese of Limoges; so that truly both this and Bernard Gui most clearly hand down that Odo did not become abbot of Cluny before he had been created abbot of Tulle.

[9] But since, to persuade one of this, the authority both of that Martyrology, by the reasons adduced here whose age is unknown, and of Bernard Gui, who did not flourish before the fourteenth century, may seem not sufficient, I am pleased to add something else by which the reader may be led to believe the matter. Rudolf, king of the Franks, in the precept praised by us above and granted in favour of the monastery of Tulle, speaks thus: After the departure of our most faithful and most beloved lord Odo, who succeeded the aforesaid Aimo, to whom, as is clear from the same precept, the same king had entrusted the monastery of Tulle in order that he might establish the regular way of life in it, and after Adacius, whom the same venerable Odo asked to be ordained to supply his place, let them (namely the monks of Tulle) have licence, according to the rule of Saint Benedict, to elect from among themselves whomsoever they shall prefer by sounder counsel. Odo therefore, as is understood from this, both succeeded Abbot Aimo in the abbacy of Tulle, and, when he had succeeded to it, asked that Adacius be ordained to supply his place, or be appointed his co-abbot; but when were these things done? Baluze, in the said Appendix to the History of Tulle, col. 35 and following, brings forward a Charter from which it is established that Adacius was already abbot of Tulle in the year 928, so that accordingly he, if not earlier, certainly in this very year was ordained to supply Odo's place in the abbacy of Tulle, or was appointed co-abbot of Tulle. But that he had been promoted to this dignity already from the year 927 appears probable from this, that, as the things which Mabillon adduces in the place just cited prove, about the beginning of this year Odo received three different monasteries to govern, namely Cluny, Massay and Déols; and that probably then, when he saw himself unequal to governing these three monasteries and Tulle at the same time, he requested that Adacius be joined to him as helper or co-abbot for administering Tulle.

[10] it is shown, Now indeed, since Odo had succeeded Aimo in the abbacy of Tulle some while before he did this, it becomes a conjecture that he was set over it, if not earlier, at least no later than the year 926; and that accordingly it seems not undeservedly to be assented to the Martyrology of Limoges and to Bernard Gui, who expressly assert by the words transcribed above that Odo did not become abbot of Cluny before he had been abbot of Tulle. Further, to come now to that on account of which I have discoursed these things about the time of Odo's prelacy among the monks of Tulle: Odo, when for a certain cause, as he himself intimates in his Preface to the Life of St. Gerald, he had come to Tulle to visit the monks living there, and accordingly, as seems to follow from this, at a time when he was not yet discharging the office of abbot of Tulle, or living there as abbot, went to Aurillac, or to the tomb of St. Gerald, in order to inquire into his conduct and the quality of his life: and since Odo, if not earlier, was probably, as has been said, made abbot of Tulle no later than the year 926, it is a consequence that he went to Aurillac to inquire into the conduct and life of St. Gerald before this year, and that in the year 926 or in one of the three preceding, before he was called to govern the monastery of Cluny or others, complying with the exhortation lately made, as he himself says, by Aimo, he set his hand to writing the Work, and, having completed it between the year 923 and 926, dedicated it to Abbot Aimo, as appears from what has already been said.

[11] composed in 926, But this whole reasoning, contracted into a few words, I set forth thus: St. Odo, neither when, led by Aimo's prayers, he came to Aurillac to inquire into the conduct and life of St. Gerald, nor when, shortly after he had been stirred up by Abbot Aimo to compose his History, he set his hand to the Work and dedicated it, now finished, to that abbot, was, as it seems, distinguished by any title, whether of abbot of Tulle or of Cluny. Further, since, on the testimony of Mabillon, he took up the monastery of Cluny to govern only in the year 927, and since, as Bernard Gui writes and as the various instruments just brought forward intimate, he had previously been set over the monastery of Tulle, it turns out as a consequence that he composed the History of St. Gerald about the year 926 or in one of the two preceding years. Nor did the same man set his hand to the Work long after he had been stirred up by Aimo to write the Life of St. Gerald, as is indicated by these following words with which he addresses him in the dedicatory Epistle: The little book of the man Gerald, which you so imperiously LATELY urged me to dictate, in whatever way I can, I now, though trembling, undertake.

[12] But if nevertheless Odo had at that time been abbot of Tulle, dedicated to Aimo of Tulle, afterwards abbot of Saint-Martial of Limoges, Baluze would not on that account have to be assented to, when he contends in the History of Tulle, page 74, that the Abbot Aimo to whom the Life of St. Gerald is dedicated cannot in that case be the abbot of Tulle of that name. For Aimo, while Odo was appointed abbot, or if you prefer co-abbot, of the monastery of Tulle, which from what has been said was certainly done before the year 929, still for some while retained both the name and the office of abbot of Tulle, as three Charters brought forward by Baluze in the Appendix to the History of Tulle, cols. 327, 339 and the three following, bear witness; for in these, of which one was dated in the year 930 and the remaining two in the year 931, Aimo still appears as abbot of Tulle. Hence further it also follows that, even if Odo had been abbot of Tulle while he was writing the Life of St. Gerald, it would by no means be necessary, contrary to what Baluze thought, that it should be believed dedicated to Aimo, abbot of Saint-Martial, as one distinct from Aimo, abbot of Tulle. And indeed, since the Aimo to whom Odo dedicated the Life of St. Gerald, put together by him at his request, by no means wholly abdicated the government of the monastery of Tulle in the year 923, as is plain from what has already been said, why, I ask, should we think that he, who is undoubtedly one and the same with Aimo, abbot of Tulle, at whose request the chronologer of Aurillac, in Mabillon's Vetera Analecta, published in the year 1676, volume 2, page 237, says Odo wrote the Life of St. Gerald, is distinct from Aimo, abbot of Saint-Martial of Limoges, at whose command Ademar of Chabannes, in Labbe's Bibliotheca, volume 2, page 272, writes that Odo published the Life of St. Gerald? Odo makes mention not of two, but only of one abbot of the name of Aimo, at whose urging he says he composed the Life of St. Gerald; nor does anything prevent it being believed that Aimo, who in the year 925, nay indeed, as is established from what has been said, also in the year 931, was still abbot of Tulle, afterwards became abbot of Saint-Martial of Limoges about the year 936, as will be evident to one who computes the chronological Notes assigned by Ademar in Labbe.

[13] However that may be, Odo indeed probably wrote the Life of St. Gerald either in the year 926 or in one of the years next preceding, and with full credibility, which whether he was at that time abbot of Tulle or was not, as no one will fail to gather from what has already been said above; and since he accomplished this before eighteen years had yet elapsed after the death of St. Gerald, which, from what is to be said, occurred about the year 909, it truly acquires the greatest authority for itself on account of the time at which it was written. Nor does it deserve to be held in less esteem on account of the diligence with which the things it embraces were examined. Hear what Odo himself, opportunely for our purpose here, says in his Preface to that Lucubration: But when a cause pressed us to visit the brotherhood of the monastery of Tulle, it pleased us to turn aside to the tomb of Gerald himself. Then indeed, having summoned four of those whom he himself had brought up, namely Hugh the monk, Hildebert the priest, Witard also and another Hildebert, noble laymen, and many others besides, we inquired thus far about his conduct and the quality of his life: now together, now separately, what each would say, or whether in speaking

they agreed with one another, we examined with eagerness, silently weighing whether his Life was such that miracles might perhaps have befitted it. But having found out how religiously he lived, and that God had shown by many signs that this man was in His grace, we could no longer doubt of his sanctity.* Since, therefore, Odo, as it is right to gather from these words of his, did not set his hand to writing the Life of St. Gerald before he was furnished with the best and most accurate knowledge of the matters pertaining to it, and since the very well-known sanctity of the Man does not permit us to doubt that he accomplished this with the highest good faith, there is truly reason, on account of what has already been said, why sure and undoubted credence should be given, unless something stands in the way, to those things which he relates about St. Gerald in that Lucubration.

[14] whether other writings on St. Gerald, which are mentioned here, This offspring of Odo, moreover, copied out by the hand of Sirmond, came to the Bollandian Museum, but so like the Life published by Marrier and Duchesne that not even the least discrepancy is found, whether in the words or in the distribution of the books and chapters. Mabillon besides obtained other, shorter Acts of St. Gerald from the manuscript codices of Compiègne and of Conques; which, he says in Sæculum V of the Benedictines, part 1, page 6, since they have nothing different from Odo's offspring, we have judged it better to omit them too than to burden this volume with useless writings. Mabillon also did not see to the printing either of those two last chapters of the Life of St. Gerald written by Odo, which are wanting in the Bibliotheca Cluniacensis, transmitted from a Cistercian manuscript codex through John de Lannoy, a Cistercian monk of good memory, or of the sermon annexed to them. Whether Dominic of Jesus, a Discalced Carmelite, and after him D. Compaing, pastor of Savenès in the diocese of Toulouse, in the History of St. Gerald written in French and published at the press of Aurillac in the year 1717, intended to speak of that sermon, I do not know. But that book would perhaps have done much for our purpose which Branche mentions in his Work on the Saints of Auvergne, published in print in the fifty-second year of the century just elapsed, page 595: the manuscript book on the Miracles of St. Gerald, formerly preserved at Aurillac, of which Branche affirms, in the place just cited, that mention is also made by the author of a Life of St. Gerald composed in Latin rhymes, and that he himself brought some of them into his Work.

[15] [deserve it, we doubt; a Life certainly worthy we shall subjoin to this Commentary.] But since neither that manuscript book on the Miracles of St. Gerald, nor the Rhythmic Life of St. Gerald in which, as Branche says in the place cited, mention of it is made, is at hand to us, we cannot determine in what esteem both those lucubrations are to be held and whether they are worthy of the press, and we doubt whether they are such that they could be much desired by the reader; but as regards now the two chapters and the sermon annexed to them, which Mabillon did not see to be printed, since Mabillon seems to intimate that they were not printed by him for this reason, that they would contribute nothing or little to illustrating the Life of St. Gerald, these are truly no more to be sought by the reader than the shorter Acts of St. Gerald which the same Mabillon mentions in the place cited above, and so, even if they were at hand, they would not be communicated in print together with this one. But since the Life of St. Gerald, put together by St. Odo, abbot of Cluny, and brought into the Bibliotheca Cluniacensis by Marrier and Duchesne, clearly sets forth the things that pertain to St. Gerald, deserves sure and undoubted credence, as is evident from what was said above, and is for that very reason supremely worthy to be exhibited to the reader, we shall subjoin it to this Commentary, divided into chapters and numbers according to our custom, adding also Annotations by which it may be illustrated wherever the nature of the argument shall from time to time require it.

§ II. About what time and from how noble a stock the Saint was born.

[The Saint, born in the fifth year of Abbo, abbot of Limoges, as Ademar, in the words] That St. Gerald was born in the fifth year in which Abbot Abbo ruled the monastery of Saint-Martial of Limoges is handed down to memory by Ademar, praised above at number 3, a writer of the eleventh century, not yet very long begun, as you will understand from what is said in the same place, in the Opuscule which is entitled Commemoration of the Abbots of Limoges of the Basilica of St. Martial the Apostle, and which is extant printed in Labbe's Bibliotheca of Manuscripts, volume 2, from page 271. Wherefore, in order that it may become known about what year of Christ our Saint was born, only the time at which that fifth year of Abbo ran must be determined. Let us therefore do this here. The text in which Ademar hands down to memory what I have just said is conceived in these following words: In the year 848 from the Incarnation of the Lord, in the 11th Indiction, on the day before the Kalends of April … the canonical habit was changed into the monastic in the basilica of the Saviour of the world and of Martial His apostle in the city of Limoges. Ainard, abbot of that same place, did this … and both he himself and all the canons made themselves monks in the same place, and they would not appoint an abbot from among themselves, but chose for themselves as abbot the regular abbot of Saint-Savin, by name Dodo…

[17] Therefore the first abbot of this place from among the monks was the same Dodo, and he presided three years. recited here, writes, obtained his birth in the year 855 or 856, The second abbot, Abbo, presided eleven years, in whose fifth year Charles the Bald (nay rather, as it is easy to understand from the text of the Annalist of Saint-Bertin to be cited below, Charles the Younger, or the son of Charles the Bald) was anointed king at Limoges by Radulf, archbishop of Bourges, and Stodilus, bishop of Limoges, and many other archbishops and bishops of France and of Aquitaine and of Italy and of Burgundy. In this year the monastery of Beaulieu was founded and consecrated by Archbishop Rodulf, and St. Gerald of Aurillac was born. Abbo died on the 14th day before the Kalends of June. But if the three years in which Ademar hands down in these words that Dodo, and likewise the eleven years in which Abbo, his next successor, presided over the monastery of Saint-Martial of Limoges, were complete, it will be a consequence that Abbo was substituted about April of the year 851 for Dodo in the government of that sacred house of ascetics, to which everyone will determine from the same words that the latter was brought about the beginning of April in the year 848; and that accordingly the fifth year in which he governed the said monastery was in course from April of the year 855 to April of the year 856. Now indeed, since thus the fifth year of Abbo coincides partly with the year 855 and partly with the year 856, it becomes a further consequence that St. Gerald, who, as I have said, Ademar, by whom we must here abide, writes was born in the fifth year of Abbo, first obtained his birth either in the year 855, as it pleases Mabillon in Sæculum V of the Benedictines, part 1, page 6, and in the Annals of the Benedictines, volume 3, page 293, or in the year 856, as Duchesne determines in his Annotations on the Saint's Life.

[18] or certainly, as from those things which here And indeed that Gerald was born in one or the other of these years will be altogether undoubted and certain, as will be evident to one who considers it, if truly the years in which Ademar writes that Dodo and his next successor Abbo presided over the monastery of Saint-Martial of Limoges were complete. But that those years, not otherwise than often elsewhere, as everyone knows ought to be done with regard to the years in which ancient authors write that something lasted, are to be taken only as incomplete, is clear even from this, that Abbo, as the Chronicle of Limoges, printed in Labbe's Bibliotheca of Manuscripts, volume 2, from page 332, bears witness, departed from the living in the year 861 on the 10th day of March, or, as Ademar determines in the words transcribed hither above, on the 19th of May; and from April of the year 851, in which, from what has already been said, Abbo was substituted for Dodo, if the three years in which Ademar writes that the latter presided over the monastery of Saint-Martial of Limoges were complete, up to the 19th day of May of the year 861, much less the 10th of March, not eleven years, but only about ten would have run out. Moreover Ademar (see the words of this writer recited at number 17) joins with the fifth year of Abbo the anointing of Charles the Younger, who was the son of Charles the Bald, as king of Aquitaine, performed in the month of October of the year 855, when it was already advanced to its middle part, as the Annalist of Saint-Bertin teaches at that year in Duchesne's Writers of France, volume 3, page 208.

[19] are adduced, it follows, in the year 854, already advanced beyond 15 October, Wherefore it is necessary that this year was still in course in the said year 855, in the middle of the month of October, or on the 15th day of it; but since then, if Abbo had begun to govern the said monastery before the middle of October, or the 15th day of this month, of the year 850, not his fifth but his sixth year, as will become clear to one who computes it, would have been in course, it is necessary that Abbo began to preside over that monastery not earlier than in the year 850, already advanced beyond the 15th day of October; and since, as I have already taught, he died in the year 861 either on the 10th day of March or on the 19th of May, and from the year 850, advanced beyond the 15th of October, up to the 10th of March or the 19th day of May of the year 861, not eleven complete years but only ten together with some months would have run out, it is a consequence that the eleven years in which Ademar writes that Abbo presided over the monastery of Saint-Martial of Limoges are to be taken only as incomplete. Now indeed, since it is so, and since Abbo, as it is easy to gather from what has already been said, undoubtedly began to govern the monastery of Limoges either in the year 850, already advanced beyond the 15th day of October, or not earlier than in the year 851, only a little begun, that is, lest otherwise he should have to be said to have presided over that sacred house of ascetics only ten years, contrary to what Ademar determines, it becomes a further consequence that the fifth year of his rule ran either from the year 854, already advanced beyond the 15th day of October, up to the year 855, likewise advanced beyond the 15th day of October, or from the beginning of the year 855 up to the beginning of the year 856; and that accordingly St. Gerald, who, as I have already taught above from Ademar, was born in the fifth year of Abbo, obtained his birth, if not in the year 855, as appears most probable, or in the following year, certainly in the year 854, already advanced beyond the 15th day of October.

[20] Now let us turn our discourse from the time of the Saint's birth to his noble lineage. he obtained from a most noble family; Odo, at number 5 of the Life to be published, speaks in the following manner: Gerald, begotten of his father Gerald and his mother Aldetrude, was so excellently illustrious by nobility of the flesh that among the families of Gaul his lineage seemed more generous both in possessions and in uprightness of morals. For it is said that his parents held modesty and religion as a kind of hereditary dowry. Of which thing two witnesses from the same

stock, emerging, exist who are quite fit to establish this, namely Saint Caesarius, bishop of Arles, and the blessed Abbot Aredius. Thus far the praised biographer of our Saint, who truly hands down most clearly that he obtained a most noble birth; nor is it to be called into doubt whether all good faith is to be given to the words in which he does this. For besides the fact that in the writing of the things pertaining to our Saint Odo certainly enjoys the highest authority, his assertion about the most illustrious pedigree of Gerald is confirmed by what is said of him by the writer of the Miracles of St. Genulfus, already brought into our Work at the 17th day of January, who composed the Work in which he embraced these things after the year 990, as the writers of the Literary History of France teach in volume 6, page 520, or in the eleventh century. His words which pertain hither, and which are read in that Work at number 20, are these following: Saint Gerald also, a man of great sanctity and of illustrious nobility, flourished in those very times (namely while the ninth century was passing), who built the monastery of Aurillac. Moreover, that Gerald was born of a most noble family is agreed among all the more recent writers who have examined the matter.

[21] But was he certainly sprung also from the same stock from which St. Caesarius, [but although to Odo, who asserts that Gerald too sprang from the same stock from which Caesarius and Aredius were,] bishop of Arles, and St. Aredius, abbot of Attanum, were? This truly, as it at least appears to me, Odo also hands down in the words transcribed hither just now; for although, while in them he makes discourse about the parents of our Saint, who held modesty along with religion as a kind of hereditary dowry, he does not affirm that they in fact possessed these two virtues as a kind of hereditary dowry, but only, as becomes clear even from the single word he uses, it is said, informs the reader what common report carries on that point, yet the matter stands otherwise when he soon subjoins that there exist two witnesses of this thing, namely that the parents of St. Gerald held modesty and religion as a kind of hereditary dowry, emerging from the same stock from which these were; as appears even from this, that otherwise he would seem likely to have inserted as they say or some other similar formula of speech between the words from the same stock and the word emerging. And indeed, that Gerald is asserted by Odo, in the words transcribed hither just now, to be from the same stock from which Caesarius and Aredius were, Mabillon too and Duchesne have thought. And the former indeed in Sæculum V of the Benedictines, part 1, page 6, and the latter in his Annotations on the Life of our Saint written by Odo, not obscurely reveals this. But the latter seems at the same time to have doubted whether Odo did not stray from the truth in that matter.

[22] it appears he is to be believed, For having recited, at col. 29, the words of Cyprian, disciple of St. Caesarius, who composed his Life inserted into our Work at the 27th day of August, and then having further observed some things about Caesarius, he subjoins: But how St. Gerald, count of Aurillac, could have emerged from his (Caesarius's) stock, as St. Odo notes, is certainly not yet clear to me; and having transcribed a little afterwards the precept of a certain noble matron Karissima, by which she derives the generation of Blessed Aredius from Childebert, king of the Franks, he speaks in the following manner: But neither can anyone learn from there that St. Gerald, count of Aurillac, was begotten of that most noble Aredius named above, as our holy Odo here asserts. Thus Duchesne; but since the praised precept of Karissima was written a very long time before the age of St. Gerald, what wonder is it that nothing at all is found in it which shows that Gerald was sprung from the same stock from which Caesarius and Aredius were? Moreover, although no other documents are found, written either in the very age of Gerald or not long after, by which the origin of Caesarius, Aredius and Gerald from the same stock can be proved, yet it appears that Odo is to be believed, who asserts it, and who most probably had at hand authentic documents, now lost, by which he could confirm his assertion, even from this, that, as I have already pointed out above, that writer enjoys the highest authority in the things which he hands down to memory concerning our Saint in the Life in which he has embraced, with the greatest possible accuracy, what pertains to him.

[23] [yet it cannot be inferred from that, that the Saint's family is derived by Odo from the blood of kings,] But although it is so, yet it is not to be concluded from that without doubt that the Saint's family is derived by Odo from the lofty blood of kings. Mabillon, indeed, seeing that he used these following words in Sæculum V of the Benedictines, part 1, page 6, Odo of Cluny derives the family of Gerald from the lofty blood of kings through Caesarius, bishop of Arles, and Abbot Aredius; others through Matilda, daughter of Pippin, king of Aquitaine; which Matilda they think to have been Gerald's grandmother, thought the contrary; but in order that from the fact that Odo affirms Gerald to have been sprung from the same stock from which SS. Caesarius and Aredius were, it could be concluded that his noble family is derived by the same Odo from the lofty blood of kings, it is necessary that Caesarius and Aredius were sprung from royal stock; but that Caesarius was sprung from royal stock neither does Cyprian declare in his Life, already brought into our Work at the 27th day of August, nor do I find anything handed down to memory elsewhere from which this might be learned; and as regards Aredius, the contemporary writer of his Life, whose lucubration is extant printed in our Work at the 25th day of August, writing about his illustrious origin at number 1, has these words: Aredius…, originating from the city of Limoges, being destined to be of such great nobility among the chiefs of the Christian warfare, came forth also, according to the world, from a most noble, namely royal, and, what is more sublime, a well Christian parentage. By which, certainly, Aredius is expressly intimated to have been sprung from the lineage of kings; and if in this matter the biographer of Aredius were to be assented to without doubt, there would truly be reason why Gerald too, whom Odo, from what has already been said, hands down as born of the same stock from which Aredius was, should be believed to have been begotten of royal blood.

[24] But St. Gregory, bishop of Tours, the Saint's family cannot be inferred without doubt, who more than once made discourse about Aredius and the miracles worked by him, and who was joined with him in singular friendship, speaking of his illustrious birth writes only this, in the History of the Franks, book 10, chapter 29: Aredius was an inhabitant of the city of Limoges, born of parents not mediocre for his region, but very well-born; but if Aredius had belonged by blood to the royal house, the holy bishop would without doubt have said this, who, as is evident from his writings, seems everywhere solicitous to spread the glory of Aredius. Perhaps therefore the biographer called the lineage of Aredius royal, not because Aredius had in fact drawn his origin from kings, but only, as sometimes happens elsewhere too, on account of the signal splendour of his birth; and since it is so, and our predecessors, although they had before their eyes both the above-praised precept of Karissima, a noble matron, and some other ancient monuments in which a royal origin is attributed to Aredius, did not dare to pronounce, either in the Commentary prefixed to his Life or elsewhere, at the day praised above, that Aredius was sprung from royal stock, there is truly reason why this, especially since none of those monuments seems certainly to be held in great esteem, should be thought very doubtful; and that accordingly, although Odo affirms that both Aredius and our Saint emerged from the same stock, yet it cannot without doubt be inferred from that, that the family of our Saint is derived by Odo from the lofty blood of kings.

[25] Nor indeed, as follows from what has already been said, does it seem that this can be derived without great danger of erring nor rightly derived from it by Branche through Matilda by means of Aredius, who was sprung from the same stock as Gerald. Now let us examine whether the same family of St. Gerald is rightly derived by Branche, in the Work entitled Lives of the Saints of Auvergne, from the lofty blood of kings through Matilda, daughter of Pippin, king of Aquitaine, who was the grandmother of St. Gerald. The words of that writer which pertain hither, and which I here translate from the French idiom into Latin, are these following: The son of Louis the Pious, Pippin by name, king of Aquitaine, granted his daughter Matilda to be joined in marriage to Gerald, son of Albo; from whom was born the count of Aurillac, who had Saint Gerald from his wife Adeltrude. Thus he; but although he indeed thus most openly derives the family of the Saint from the blood of kings through Matilda, daughter of Pippin, king of Aquitaine, yet he does not prove by any authority of an ancient writer that this is rightly done by him. I do not, however, deny that there existed some Gerald joined in marriage with a daughter of Pippin, king of Aquitaine, whom the author of a certain fragment, published by Bouquet among the Writers of Gallic Affairs, volume 7, page 480, names count of Limoges and dear to Pippin: but whether he was the grandfather of our St. Gerald or even joined to him by blood is hidden from me, nor does any other writer of this age teach that; therefore Father Dominic of Jesus, a Carmelite, whom Branche praises, and Branche himself asserted that, led only by vague conjectures.

[26] Whether perhaps moved by the authority of Branche and of more recent writers Bouquet, in volume 8 of the Writers of Frankish Affairs, called Gerald of Limoges, [it is proved, and, dismissing the assertions of more recent writers about the Saint's lineage,] mentioned there at page 235 in the Chronicle of Ademar of Chabannes, the father of St. Gerald, in the Notes subjoined to that Chronicle at page 232 and in the Onomastic Index, I am not to declare; but I persuade myself that he fell into error. For the one whom Bouquet there names as father of our Gerald is the one who, together with his son Wido, was defeated by Helias, count of Périgord, when battle was joined, after the year 940. But that the father of St. Gerald, who was born about the year 855, as is clear from what was said above, and taken from the living about the year 909, as you will understand from what is to be said below, died before the tenth century, everyone will gather from what St. Odo writes at numbers 9 and 10 of the Life to be published. I pass over what the authors of the History of Languedoc wrote about the Saint's lineage in volume 1, page 727 and following. For since their statements rest on no documents at all, but on conjectures alone, nothing certain can be drawn out of them. It suffices for us that St. Gerald obtained a signal splendour of birth among the families of Gaul; but the things that are said by more recent writers about his lineage, since no documents occur to us by which they might be confirmed, and since they are recorded neither by Blessed Odo nor by other contemporary or nearly contemporary authors, passing them over, some things now about the Saint's

it will be better to have adduced about his kinsfolk, or those joined with him by the bond of blood.

[27] some, illustrious by the splendour of birth The Saint's sister, whom the chronologer of Aurillac, whose Work Mabillon inserted in his Analecta of the later Edition from page 349, calls Vicerna, St. Odo names Avigerna at number 78 of the Life to be published. She had two sons, namely Rainald and Benedict, who had perhaps already died before St. Gerald, since the latter, in drawing up the Tablets of his Testament, made no mention of him; the writers of the New History of Languedoc, volume 2, page 590, suspect however that he had a son named Atho, who, having received no offspring from his wife Amelia, built the monastery of Lézat, enriched with ample goods. Amelia, imitating the example of Atho, laid the foundations of another monastery, namely that of Saint-Pierre de la Court, of the diocese of Toulouse, near the town of Verdun, on the testimony of Mabillon in the Annals of the Benedictines at the year 940, number 13. And from Avigerna, or from her sons, there was born besides, as it appears, a daughter, whom Geoffrey, Prior of Vigeois, suggests was married to the prince of Malemort; his Work, brought into volume 2 of the Bibliotheca of Manuscripts from page 280, was composed, as Labbe observes in the Syllabus prefixed to that Bibliotheca of his, in the year 1183.

[28] illustrious, who seem joined with St. Gerald For that writer has thus in chapter 3: At that time (namely of Robert, king of the Franks) Guy de Turribus, who was surnamed the Black, was distinguished among the princes of the Limousin region by the title of probity. He had a wife not unequal in birth, Engaleias by name, daughter of the prince of the Castle of Malemort, who is related to have been the great-granddaughter, through a niece, of Saint Gerald of Aurillac. Then in chapter 6, page 281, Geoffrey weaves the progeny of Guy de Turribus in the following manner: Guy, who with the help of the count of Périgord built the town of Pompadour against the viscount of Ségur, is related to have had the principality over the castle of las Tour, of Tenaffon and of Altefort, besides churches or municipalities of various places… This Guy is reported to have fallen in war at Limoges on the Kalends of August and to have been buried beside the southern gate of the monastery. And Engaleias his wife, having been made a nun at Arnac, died in a good old age on the 6th day before the Kalends of September. She asked to be buried outside the threshold of the door by which one goes from the cloister to the monastery, so that her spirit might be the more devoutly commended to God by the prayers of the faithful entering. Their only daughter Aolaars was taken by Ademar lo Contors of Laron, son of Roger, of whom he begot Guy: afterwards she died on the 2nd day before the Ides of July and was buried beside her mother, because she was very frail… Guy, of Agnes, sister of the prince of the castle of Chambon-Sainte-Valérie, begot Guy, Gerald and Gulferius, and is buried at Arnac. Guy died at Jerusalem, and his son Oliver, slain at Ayent of the castle of Exandon on the 8th day before the Kalends of December, is honourably buried at Arnac. Gerald, of Humberga, daughter of Sequinus his knight, begot Guy and Seguinus. Guy, of Matilda, mother of Boso of Turenne, who is buried at Arnac, begot Guy and Gulferius. Their father died at Jerusalem, when King Louis went there. Guy, of Elisabeth, daughter of Guy Flamene the elder, begot Gulferius. Gulferius, son of Matilda, of Alpais, daughter of Gauscelin of Pierre-Buffière, who is buried at Arnac in the chapter-house with the rest, begot Guy and Radulf the cleric (this Guy was raised to the see of Périgueux in the year 1209 from the Incarnation of the Lord; in whose place Denis de Sainte-Marthe, in the Series of the Bishops of Périgueux, volume 2 of Gallia Christiana, col. 1472, is of opinion that Rudulf or Ramnulf should be read.)

[29] Seguinus, son of Humberga, of Brunicenda, daughter of Aimeric of Aixe, by the bond of blood begot Gerald and Seguinus. Seguinus, of Aimelina, daughter of Bertrand de Born, begot Gerald and Ranulf. That elder and great Gulpherius, of whom mention is made in the History of the war of Jerusalem, brother of Guy and of Gerald, of Agnes, daughter of Ramnulf, viscount of Aubusson, through whom he had half of the castle of Gimel, begot Gulferius, who, wounded at Limoges, died in the monastery of Saint-Martial on the 3rd day before the Nones of March, and Oliver, and Guy, who died at Jerusalem when King Louis went there. Oliver, of Almodis, daughter of Archambald the Bearded, viscount of Comborn, who lies buried at Arnac on the 4th day before the Kalends of September, begot several: only Agnes, whom Constantine de Born had, and Gulferius survived. Constantine de Born, of Agnes, daughter of Oliver, begot Gulferius, whom Guy, viscount of Limoges, destroyed.

[30] Thus Geoffrey, Prior of Vigeois. To the stock of St. Gerald there undoubtedly belonged John, are reviewed from the more ancient writers. who had obtained the administration of the monastery of Aurillac shortly after Gerald's death, and whom the chronologer of Aurillac hands down to have been his kinsman, as do certain letters of Raymond and Bernard, abbots of the monasteries of Aurillac and of Tulle, by which an agreement was entered into, about the year 984, between the monks of both churches concerning certain estates which furnished the matter of a lawsuit. Baluze published these letters in the History of the Church of Tulle, page 379. But why the Sainte-Marthes, in Gallia Christiana, volume 3, page 117, and Baluze, just cited, at page 71, called Adalgarius, the first abbot of Aurillac, a blood-relative of St. Gerald, I have not found out. For neither St. Odo nor the author from Aurillac declares that. The occasion for writing this may perhaps have been given to Baluze by certain words occurring in the Appendix to the History of Tulle, page 343 and following, in which Amalgerius, surnamed Pallo, is said to have gone very frequently to Rome with blessed Gerald his blood-relative. Marbod, archdeacon of Angers and afterwards bishop of Rennes, who composed in the eleventh century the Life of Blessed Robert, abbot of La Chaise-Dieu, inserted in this Work at the 24th of April, asserts that he is believed to have been joined with St. Gerald by some propinquity of blood. These are his words: Robert, an Arvernian by race, free by condition, was born of Christian parents, his mother Raingarde, his father Gerald, who, as is believed, drew his ancient origin from the stock of blessed Gerald of Aurillac. But let these things said about the kinsfolk of our Saint, or those joined with him by blood, suffice.

§ III. In the disturbed state of affairs among the Franks, to which king St. Gerald adhered. The time of the death of Ramnulf, duke of Aquitaine, is inquired into: on his death the Saint took refuge with William: of Ademar and certain others who were troublesome to the Saint.

The Saint, the state of affairs in France being most wretched, Certain things done by the Saint, or pertaining to his history, St. Odo narrates from number 39 to 46 of the Life to be published in such a way that, unless they are brought back to a certain epoch of time, they cannot easily be understood. Therefore, in order that these may be arranged in due order of time, and that light may thus come to the narration woven by the Saint's biographer, I shall try to accomplish it in this §. But first I set forth what the holy abbot has, at number 39 of the Life to be published, about the state of the Frankish monarchy at the close of the ninth century. Gerald, he says, was frequently provoked by certain men of the provinces. For the state of the commonwealth being by now too much disturbed, the insolence of the marquises had subjugated the royal vassals to itself. By now, therefore, it had been proved by the experience of many cases that, as it is written, the Almighty was against the enemies of Gerald… William, indeed, duke of the Aquitanians, when at length he had grown exceedingly powerful, urged, not indeed with threats but with prayers, that Gerald, departing from the royal service, should commend himself to him; but he, the count's favour having been lately usurped, by no means consented. Yet he commended his nephew, Rainald by name, to him, with a great number of soldiers.

[32] who here Thus St. Odo; by which, as it appears, he intended to designate the beginnings of the reign of Odo; for so great was the disturbance of affairs in Gaul at that time that, Charles having been rejected by the Germans in the year 887 and following, and taken from the living, kings sprang up on all sides, the nobles of the kingdom acclaiming them. For scarcely six years, that is, from the year 888 to 894, did Aquitaine enjoy any peace. For indeed, although both Abbo, and whoever that author was who illustrated his verses on the siege of the city of Paris with Notes, and Hugh of Fleury, whose Work Bouquet published in volume 9, page 321, placed Aquitaine within the limits of the kingdom pertaining to Oddo, lately elected; although, I say, those writers have intimated that Aquitaine belonged to Oddo's kingdom, yet not a few monuments occur, published either by Baluze in the Appendix to the Capitularies of the Kings of the Franks, col. 1522, or by Mabillon, either in volume 3 of the Benedictine Annals, page 272, or in the Appendix to the Marca Hispanica, col. 819 and following, or praised by Bouquet in the Notes prefixed to the diplomas of King Oddo, volume 9, page 440, by which it is proven that Oddo was not held as king by all the Aquitanians immediately at the beginning of his reign, and that great commotions were then stirred up in Aquitaine.

[33] That is also not obscurely indicated, 1°, by the verses of Abbo, is described in a few words, taken from book 2, pages 452 and 453, which run thus:

*Moreover, headlong Odo sought the crafty Aquitanians: Soon, having subjected them to himself, he revisited the kingdoms of the Franks.*

2°, by the words of Hermann the Lame, illustrated by Bouquet in volume 8, page 245, in which Ramnulf is asserted, having usurped the royal name, to have claimed Aquitaine and Septimania for himself. Nor in the year 889 were the seeds of civil dissensions laid to rest among the Aquitanians: since the Annalist of Saint-Vaast, whose Work, dug out by the Abbé Leboeuf from the leaves of the Library of Saint-Bertin written in the tenth century, Bouquet published in volume 8 from page 79, asserts that Oddo subjected to himself only some part of this region. For the author, a contemporary of King Odo, writes thus at the year 889: After the Nativity of the Lord Odo went with a few Franks into Aquitaine, in order to ally them with himself. On hearing this, Ramnulf, duke of the greatest part of Aquitaine, came to him with those favouring him, bringing with him the boy Charles, son of King Louis the Stammerer, and swore to him the things that were fitting… The king, therefore, having received the Aquitanians IN PART, hastened on account of the Northmen to return into Francia. Therefore some part of Aquitaine in this year 889 did not have Odo as king.

[34] These things set forth first, it will help to inquire what St. Gerald did through these stormy times. in the state, to some king, For indeed, that he then remained subject to some king St. Oddo teaches in the words recited at number 31, who describes the commotions of these times in a few words, when he narrates that William urged Gerald, not with threats but with prayers, to depart from the royal service. And accordingly William, not yet bound to the royal service, was perhaps of those who, as Mabillon and Bouquet, praised above, observe, were waiting for a king, and so inscribed in public charters the years counted from the death of Charles the Fat. Therefore it appears most probable to me that these things are to be fixed to the first years of King Odo.

[35] But that Odo was the one to whom Gerald is said to have shown allegiance, namely to Odo, there is scarcely any doubt. For although Hermann the Lame asserts at the year 888 that Ramnulf usurped the royal name, yet him, since in the following year, about to swear fealty, to the court of Odo, according to the Annals

of Saint-Vaast he came, I am of opinion that he acted as king in the parts of Aquitaine for a very short space of time. Further, no one besides Odo seems to have been acknowledged as king by the Aquitanians; for that he was held as king in the greatest part of Aquitaine not a few monuments testify, which we mentioned at number 32; the same thing is declared by the Annalist of Saint-Vaast, whose words are transcribed at number 33. Hence it appears truly most likely that he himself was the one to whom Gerald rendered allegiance. But that the Saint also stayed for some while in his court is taught by Ademar in the Chronicle printed in Labbe's Bibliotheca, volume 2, from page 151. His words at page 163 run thus: Ramnulf of Poitiers also and Ademar, son of Emeno, were enemies over the city of Poitiers, which Ademar was striving to claim for himself on behalf of his father Emeno. Now this Ramnulf, since he had no offspring from a lawful wife, received from a concubine a son, Eblus by name, and had the greatest friendship with his kinsman and friend William, count of the Arvernians, and confirmed a pact with Rollo, prince of Rouen, on account of fear of Ademar. For this reason he was honoured by King Odo rather out of fear than out of love, and while he was in assiduous attendance at the royal court, being killed by poison, at the last he committed his little son Eblus to be protected by Saint Gerald, who was present there… But Ademar…, held in great honour in the palace by King Odo, was advanced after the death of Ramnulf to be count of Poitiers; and Saint Gerald, returning from the palace, entrusted the son of Ramnulf, secretly withdrawn from Poitiers, to William, duke of Aquitaine, count of the Arvernians, to be brought up, to whom he was a blood-relative. The chronologer of Saint-Maixent, or of Maillezais, writes in almost the same words in the same place, page 201, and so does Richard of Poitiers, whose Chronicle is extant printed in volume 9 of Bouquet's collection from page 21. From which words it becomes evident, 1°, that St. Gerald obeyed King Odo in these days: 2°, that William, before the death of Ramnulf, either opposed Odo or fell away from his rule, since Ramnulf was held by Odo as suspect for this reason, that he was joined in friendship with his kinsman William; hence, from the narration of Ademar and the other chronologers, the things now become clear which St. Oddo had intimated rather obscurely about the allegiance rendered by the Saint to the king. And accordingly no one fails to see how much it matters, in illustrating the Acts of St. Gerald, that we should mark the killing of Ramnulf, inflicted on him by poison in Odo's court, at a certain and determined year.

[36] up to the killing of Ramnulf, Ademar and Richard of Poitiers have mentioned the killing of Ramnulf in such a way that they fix it to no certain year. But others, who likewise made mention of it, did not all think that it should be placed at the same year. For the chronologer of Maillezais wrote that it happened in the year 890, the Annalist of Saint-Vaast in the year 892, and some others, among whom is Bouquet too in volume 9, page 8, in the year 893. But let us examine which of these epochs is to be held as certain. And first the Chronicle of Maillezais seems to deserve very slight credence, in which, to use the words of Bouquet taken from volume 9, page 8, all things are narrated with no order of times observed. Moreover, we learn from various writers, as what is to be said below will disclose, that after Ramnulf's death graver commotions were stirred up in Aquitaine. Further, scarcely any tumults occur among the Aquitanians in the years 890 and 891; hence his death seems to be fixed to the following years. Shall we then mark it with Bouquet at the year 893? But on what monument he relied in asserting this truly is not Col. 286A clear to us. For indeed the Annalist of Metz, who places the death of Eblus at that year, has nothing at all here about the death of Ramnulf: besides, reasons of graver moment, which we are about to adduce in the course of this §, prevent our fixing his killing to the year 893. Therefore we have judged, with the monk of Saint-Vaast, that the killing of Ramnulf, perpetrated in Odo's court, should be marked at the year 892. For indeed, says Bouquet, the writer of these Annals has this peculiar, that after the year 877 he reports many things which are of the greatest service in illustrating our history and which you would seek in vain among others. The Abbé Lebœuf holds the same opinion of these Annals in his most learned Dissertation inserted in volume 24 of the Royal Academy of Inscriptions, where the learned man discourses at length about the age of the writer and the usefulness and excellence of his Work. I transcribe here the Annalist's words which bear on the matter.

[37] The Franks, he says, who had long been hostile to King Odo, in the year 892, having allied others to themselves, in order that they might accomplish what they wished (namely to promote Charles, son of Louis the Stammerer, to his father's throne), persuaded the king to leave Francia and go into Aquitaine for the sake of wintering… And because Ramnulf had died, and because Ebulus and Gozbert had fallen away from him, he should either re-ally them with himself, or drive them from his kingdom, or deprive them of life. He, made credulous, acquiesced in their counsel, not knowing what they were preparing for him. But when he reached the borders of Aquitaine, Ebulus, foreknowing his arrival, turned to flight and was killed by a stone near a certain castle (namely that of Laon). His brother Gozbert also, after this besieged, in a short time ended his life. Therefore after the siege of the castle of Laon in the month of July, as the praised Annalist of Metz writes, Valtgarius having been condemned to death, before Odo directed his steps to quell the commotions of Aquitaine, and accordingly in the year 892 before the 10th day of October, which is inscribed in the Necrology of Saint-Germain-des-Prés, on the testimony of Mabillon in the Benedictine Annals, volume 3, page 283, as the day of death of Eblus, Ramnulf (for that Odo did not arrive in Aquitaine at the close of the month of September is proved by the diploma by which Odo confirms certain properties to the Arrematensian abbot, granted at Coneda, in a village of the parish of Auxerre situated on the Loire, and inserted by Bouquet in volume 9 of his Collection, page 459 and following) was extinguished by poison in the court of Oddo, who was then staying outside the limits of Aquitaine, as certainly appears from the words of the Saint-Vaast codex; nor does it seem that his death can in any way be deferred to the following year.

[38] And indeed this is not difficult to draw out from verses 532 and following, not 893, as here in which Abbo, in book 2 On the Siege of the City of Paris, sings of Ademar, now raging against Odo's enemies in Aquitaine, now fighting against Odo himself, who, Ademar being slighted, granted the county of Poitou, which Ramnulf had held while living, to his brother Robert. Further, all writers assert that Ramnulf held that county up to the death inflicted on him. And although some inform us that Ademar wished to claim for himself this county snatched from Ramnulf, yet it appears equally certain that he did not usurp that honour before it had been granted to Robert, after the killing of Ramnulf had been perpetrated. But if you attend to the order of narration observed by Abbo, it appears beyond doubt that Ademar occupied the county of Poitou before the election of Charles the Simple as king, which was made by the nobles of France at the beginning of the year 893, came to the knowledge of Odo. And what the settlement was between Odo and the princes of Aquitaine, on the ratifying of which the king moved at harvest time from Aquitaine into Francia against Charles, although no writer informs us, yet it is not difficult to conjecture it from the monuments that occur. From a certain charter, which Sainte-Marthe mentions in the enlarged Gallia Christiana, volume 2, col. 433, William, substituted by Oddo for Adalgarius as abbot of Saint-Julien of Brioude, seems to have obtained the duchy of Aquitaine: at least from this time we see William occupying it; and Ademar, peace being ratified, retained the county of Poitou, snatched from Robert by force and arms. And so, the honours of Ramnulf being distributed between the two, Aquitaine remained subject to Odo up to the year 898, in which he met his death, nor do I find that any dissension, even a slight one, arose among the Aquitanians. Thus accordingly, the killing of Ramnulf being marked at the year 892 with the Annalist of Saint-Vaast, the historical facts can easily be harmonized with one another: which cannot be done if you judge that it should be placed, with some more recent writers, in the following year.

[39] against Vaissète, being refuted, To this year, however, Vaissète fixed it, led chiefly by these reasons, which I subjoin here, excerpted in summary from the History of Languedoc, volume 1, page 726. 1°. Ramnulf, he says, if you listen to Regino and the Annalist of Metz, had not yet been killed by poison when Odo moved against the rebel Aquitanians in the month of July of the year 892. 2° Scarcely had he died when Eblus his son, secretly withdrawn from Poitiers by St. Gerald, passed over to William in Auvergne. But Eblus was at Poitiers in the court of Odo on the 15th day of October of the year 893, as is clear from a diploma of the same king, drawn up on this day, by which Odo assigns certain properties situated in the territory of Tours to Eblus the younger. 3° finally, in the year 893 Ramnulf was still among the living, who, having in this year settled matters with Odo, or ratified peace with him, while staying in his court, being suspect to the king, at length perished extinguished by poison.

[40] which he brings, by the arguments. But neither Regino nor the Annalist of Metz marked Ramnulf's death at the year 893 in any place, who nevertheless, to say what is the case, judged, not quite rightly, that the death of Eblus the Elder should be placed at this year. I do not indeed deny that Ramnulf was still among the living in the month of July of the year 892, but I hold it as most probable that he died before Odo went thither to quell the first commotions of rebellion stirred up in Aquitaine. For the Annalist of Saint-Vaast intimates this in express words, whose words we recited at number 37, and who deserves no small credence in narrating the things done by Odo: nor is there any doubt to me that Vaissète would have followed his opinion on this matter if he had had the Annals of Saint-Vaast at hand in writing the History of Languedoc. Therefore, according to the writer of Saint-Vaast, it must be said that Ramnulf was killed before Odo moved against the rebel Aquitanians, or not long after the siege and capture of the castle of Laon. Nor do I much heed what Vaissète tries to draw out from the diploma granted on the Ides of October in the sixth year of Odo's reign, which Bouquet reprinted after Besly in volume 9, page 462. For indeed by this diploma, given not indeed at Poitiers, as that author writes, but at Saint-Denis, Odo assigns to Eblus certain properties situated in the territory of Tours; but what prevents the king, matters having been settled among the Aquitanians at harvest time, from having bestowed them on Eblus, he who had given the abbey of Saint-Julien of Brioude to William, formerly the chief of the rebel Aquitanians, as Denis de Sainte-Marthe proves by a charter drawn up in the month of August of the year 893?

[41] Wrongly in the third place does Vaissète, citing Regino and the Annalist of Metz, assert is proved, should be placed, he was obedient; that Ramnulf was still among the living in the year 893, and that after Charles the Simple was elected king he settled matters with Odo. For at this year they have nothing about our Ramnulf

those writers, who make mention of his death in no place: the learned man will accordingly have interpreted them wrongly in marking the epoch of his death. And what is to be thought of the charter of Eblus, by which he offers some properties to St. Martin of Tours in the third year of King Odo, on the 10th day of October of the year 892, it is not difficult to say. For it is altogether certain that some error has crept into the chronological notes of that charter, whether it is to be placed at the year of Christ 891, or rather, as it seems to me, at the year 893. If you think it is to be fixed to this latter year, Vaissète will be able to draw nothing from it against us; for since on the 10th day of October of the same year 893 Odo was acknowledged as king by all the Aquitanians and by William himself, Eblus could certainly ascribe his sixth year to the charter drawn up by him. Therefore I conclude this whole discussion about marking Ramnulf's death with this brief observation: if you think that his killing should be put off, with Vaissète, to the year 893 after the fifteenth day of October, then, since his violent death was as it were the signal of war among the Aquitanians, it will be right and proper to infer from it that the war blazed up from that month into the following months and through the year 894, which is certainly neither true nor like the truth. Having weighed, therefore, the various reasons proposed by Vaissète, and having compared them with the monuments of the tenth century, I am of opinion that we must abide by the Annalist of Saint-Vaast, who intimates that the killing of Ramnulf happened about the month of August of the year 892.

[42] Ramnulf's death being marked at this year, and indeed about August, but afterwards, made William's comrade in arms it is easily understood for how many years St. Gerald rendered allegiance to Odo, or was devoted to him as king. Hence also it is easy to draw out when our Saint, who earlier had been unwilling to depart from the king's service, took refuge with William, who had refused to acknowledge Odo's rule, and pursued William's enemies for a long time, as is said by St. Odo. For everyone who has considered what I have already said will easily admit that nothing at all prevents its being believed that Gerald took refuge with William about August of this year 892, in which we see commotions stirred up in Auvergne after the killing of Ramnulf had been perpetrated. Nor do these things permit me to doubt that the Saint stood in arms with William until the peace, about the summer season of the following year, although meanwhile I am of opinion that the things St. Odo has about the troubles inflicted on our Saint by Ademar and others are to be fixed no less to the beginning of this Aquitanian war.

[43] For indeed Ademar is said by St. Oddo to have persecuted Gerald for this reason, that he had been bound in the friendship of William; from Ademar and his followers many this persecution, therefore, I think, is not to be deferred to the summer season of the year 893, in which Ademar, son of Emeno (not that one who was in charge of the castle of Dijon, about whom Mabillon writes in the Benedictine Annals, volume 3, pages 314, 315, 435 and 436, whatever the Abbé Lebœuf writes in his Notes on the Annals of Saint-Vaast, which he inserted in volume 24 of the Royal Academy of Inscriptions), is handed down by the Annalist of Saint-Vaast as William's comrade in arms; and accordingly it appears that that hostile dissension, which was between the Saint and Ademar, befell earlier, namely when Ademar, bound to Odo's party, was pursuing his enemies with arms on every side. Abbo, in book 2 On the Siege of Paris, verses 432 and following, which I subjoin here, sings of Ademar raging against the Aquitanians rebelling against Odo:

*Raging therefore he attacks them, laying waste and ravaging Now the fields and now the common folk; though striving to shut up Against them the cities… The Consul Ademar, joined to the same king By descent, whom I have mentioned.*

[44] he suffered troubles; Bouquet places these things at the year 892, in volume 9, page 24: and rightly indeed; for since Abbo, a synchronous writer, intimates that they were perpetrated before Charles the Simple was acclaimed king by the nobles of the Franks at the close of this year, the troubles which Ademar and others adhering to him inflicted on the Saint are to be placed about the beginning of this Aquitanian war; and indeed about the month of October, in which Odo betook himself into Aquitaine to subdue the rebels, or rather, as I am of opinion, after Odo had distributed the honours of William and Ramnulf between his brother Robert and Hugh, count of Bourges, when Ademar, who had long been canvassing for the county of Poitou, exasperated in mind, having joined arms, as is probable, with William, occupied by force the county of Poitou granted to Robert, and William, having overcome Hugh, retained the county of Auvergne against Odo's will. Which indeed, relying on the words of the Annalist of Saint-Vaast and of Abbo, I reckon to have happened before the election of Charles the Simple as king, and certainly before the peace entered into between the Aquitanians and Odo in the summer season of the year 893.

[45] which the holy Man bore with a Christian mind, What St. Odo has at number 44 and following about the various raids made by Godefred, count of Turenne, or by Adalelm, Ademar's brother, upon the properties pertaining to the Saint or upon the town of Aurillac, I reckon by like reasoning are to be fixed to the summer season of the year 892; nor truly can they be referred to the other years of Odo's reign, in which all the commotions stirred up among the Aquitanians were quieted. And with what constancy of mind Gerald bore all these adversities, with what charity or with what Christian mind he behaved towards his enemies, St. Odo teaches us here and there, wherever he makes discourse about them: and therefore it is not necessary to speak about all of them.

[46] [often also, while he was still living in the world, accustomed to visit the tomb of St. Martial.] To these let it be permitted to subjoin some things drawn from the Chronicle of Geoffrey, Prior of Vigeois, inserted in volume 2 of Labbe's Bibliotheca from page 279, and which contribute somewhat to the history of our Saint. For while, says Geoffrey, a writer of the twelfth century, at page 289, the same man of God Gerald was living in the world, he frequently visited with honour the tomb of St. Martial the apostle, from whose gift the canons of Saint-Étienne are known to have up to now certain possessions and his ring. For which cause, while he was passing along the public road near the Puy surnamed de Grossas, having suffered injury from certain soldiers whom they surnamed Ragimberts, he cursed them, and thereafter their progeny suffers loss. This report is evident through the successions to the people of Vigeois, who reproach with this the soldiers of the same village, who are said to have descended from their stock. Since St. Oddo hands down nothing about this deed, let the credit rest with the author. Perhaps these things to those deeds, of which Odo at number 23 of the Life to be published; that the Saint, however, not seldom went to the tomb of St. Martial, the holy abbot asserts at number 72 of the Life to be published.

§ IV. St. Gerald builds the monastery of Aurillac, and enriches it with various estates. In what year he did this, and who were the first abbots of that monastery.

The monastery of Aurillac, built by St. Gerald, There was formerly a notable monastery among the mountains of Auvergne, namely at Aurillac, which afterwards passed into a college of canons, and which, belonging once to the diocese of Clermont, now to that of Saint-Flour, was built by St. Gerald, as is proved, 1°, by the writer of the Life of St. Genulfus, published by Bolland at the 17th of January, page 102, whose words are these: Saint Gerald, a man of great sanctity and illustrious nobility, flourished in those very times (namely of William the Pious), who built the monastery of Aurillac. 2°, by the author of a Fragment of the History of the Franks, published among the Writers of Gallic Affairs, volume 7, page 224, who says: Saint Gerald founded the monastery of Aurillac. 3°, by Ademar of Chabannes in the Chronicle of the Abbots of Saint-Martial, page 272, published in volume 2 of Labbe's Bibliotheca of Manuscripts, where it is read thus: In the sixth year of Abbot Fulbert St. Gerald died on the third day before the Ides of October, buried in the monastery of Peter the apostle, which he himself had built. The same is asserted by the chronologer of Maillezais, page 201 of the same Bibliotheca, and by St. Odo in the Life of our Saint shortly to be published, number 54. I transcribe his words here: After … he (namely St. Gerald) had devoted himself to divine worship in all things, in order that he might also consecrate his possessions to the Lord, he set out for Rome, and, having solemnly made a testament, he delegated the notable estate of Aurillac to Blessed Peter, prince of the Apostles, namely with such great appurtenances as could suffice for every stipend of the monks whom he had arranged to gather there… He also delegated a payment which should be rendered annually at the urn of blessed Peter.

[48] Therefore the holy abbot here clearly testifies that St. Gerald not only laid the first foundations of this monastery, which, that its honour and stability might be provided for, by two privileges, but also heaped it with various goods or estates. But in order that these estates, granted to the monks, might remain assured to them, the man Gerald (says the chronologer of Aurillac in Mabillon's Analecta, page 237, volume 2 of the edition of the year 1676) sends to Charles, king of France, on account of the privileges and honour of the monastery, that it should be subject to no one except St. Peter, for a payment of twelve solidi to be paid each year; in the rest it should be in the power and authority of the founder and of Vierna, or Avigerna, his sister, and of the monks serving God there. King Charles assented to his supplication by a diploma published by Mabillon at page 8 of Sæculum V of the Benedictines, part 1, which it will help to set before the reader's eyes, reprinted here together with another of King Louis confirming the same diploma of Charles.

[49] of which as well the first, The first of these diplomas is conceived in these following words: In the name of the Holy and Undivided Trinity. Charles, by the propitious divine Clemency, king. If we bestow fitting benefits upon the places of the Saints devoted to divine worship, we do not doubt that the reward of eternal remuneration is repaid to us with God. Therefore we wish it to be known to the faithful of the holy Church of God and to our own, both present and to come, that a certain illustrious man and beloved count, Gerald, directing his envoys and monks to the presence of my sublimity, has besought our highness through them with most humble prayers that we would deign to take under the protection of our immunity his monastery, which is situated in the district of Auvergne, surnamed Aurillac, founded in honour of Peter, prince of the saints, and of blessed Clement, where Abbot Adalgarius presides together with the rule of the monks serving God there, and the properties of the same monastery which the same abbot and monks, and he himself, Gerald, ruler and founder of the same place, held, that is, the church of Saint Peter in Exitense, and Glinicum, and Curtiniacum, with the church of Saint Cyricus, with manses and serfs, from which the monks themselves are to pay to the power of Saint Peter Pictensis five solidi every year, and Magrinum in Condacense, and the vineyards handed over in various places by those fearing God there, or manses, or all things pertaining to the aforesaid place, both in properties and in bondsmen.

[50] by Charles the Simple, Recognizing his petition to be right, and weighing nonetheless the salvation of our soul, we have willingly given him assent, and

have decreed that this our authority should be made towards the aforesaid monastery, or its rulers, under the fullest defence of our immunity, by which we command and order that the abbot himself and the monks living there should remain secure under our mundeburd without the power of any judge, except that of Gerald himself and of his sister []: and that no public judge, or anyone of judiciary power, should in our times and those to come dare to enter into the churches, or places, or fields, or the other possessions of the aforesaid monastery, which at the present time they justly and lawfully possess in any districts and territories within the dominion of our kingdom, or which the divine Goodness shall hereafter wish to be increased in the right of the holy place, for hearing causes or exacting freda, or for making mansionatica or paratæ, or taking sureties, or constraining the men of the monastery itself, both free and others dwelling upon its land, or requiring any redhibitions or unlawful occasions, or presume at all to exact those things which have been mentioned above: but let it be lawful for the aforesaid abbot and his successors and the monks to possess the properties of the above-said monastery in quiet order under the protection of our immunity, so that it may delight the servants of God themselves, serving the Lord there, to implore with continual prayers the mercy of almighty God for us and for the state of our kingdom. And in order that the authority of this our immunity and confirmation may obtain greater vigour in the name of God, we have confirmed it below with our own hand, and have ordered it to be sealed with the impression of our ring. Sign of Charles, most glorious king. Heriveus the notary, in place of Archbishop Fulco, has recognized and subscribed. Count William was the envoy. Given on the fourth day before the Nones of July, in the 2nd Indiction, in the 7th year of the reign of Charles, most serene king. Done at Liturnum in the name of God, happily, amen.*

[51] Such is the privilege or diploma which Charles the Simple, king of France, granted to the monastery of Aurillac. as the second, granted by Louis VII, is shown here, Behold now also that which Louis, namely the Seventh, king of the same France, imparted to it in order to confirm this one. It runs thus: In the name of the Holy and Undivided Trinity, amen. Louis, by the propitious divine Clemency, king of the Franks. If we bestow fitting benefits upon the places of the Saints devoted to divine worship, we do not doubt that the reward of eternal remuneration is repaid to us with God. Therefore we wish it to be known to all the faithful of the holy Church of God, both present and to come, that, when we were in Auvergne at the siege at the castle of Noneda [], the privilege of Charles our predecessor was brought to us in our presence, which we esteemed worthy of much veneration and authority; and at the instance of the prayers of Peter, abbot of Aurillac, adhering to the counsel of our intimates, whatever was contained in that privilege, and had been granted to the church of Aurillac by the testimony of the aforesaid privilege in all fiefs and possessions, and in all things that pertain to the right of that church, or in those things which that church shall be able justly and reasonably to acquire, we have confirmed and have caused to be fortified with the impression of our name. We add also and altogether forbid that anyone in our kingdom should presume on any occasion to make any building which could be in any way to the damage of the aforesaid church, or to take away its rights or possessions; but let it be lawful for the aforenamed abbot and his successors and the monks to improve the possessions of that monastery in whatever ways they can, and to possess them in quiet order under the protection of our immunity: so that it may delight the servants themselves, serving God there, to implore with continual prayers the mercy of almighty God for us and for the state of our kingdom. And that this may be held ratified hereafter, we have commanded it to be confirmed with the impression of our ring. Done publicly at Noneda in the year from the Incarnation of the Lord 1169, there standing by in our palace those whose names and signs are subscribed. S. of our Count Theobald, our Steward, secretary. Sign of Matthew the Chamberlain. S. of Guy the Butler.. S. of Radulf the Constable. Given P. B. by the hand of Hugh, Chancellor and Bishop of Soissons.*

[52] Thus truly the things which had been conferred on the monastery of Aurillac by St. Gerald through the testament mentioned in the words of Odo given here above at number 47 were most firmly assured to it by the two diplomas or privileges just transcribed hither. granted, was also, by Gerald's testament, with new But that primary instrument of the foundation of the monastery of Aurillac, by which, as the words of Odo cited just now bear witness, the payment to be rendered annually at the urn of blessed Peter was also delegated, has most probably already perished through the injury of time. Certainly, although a most diligent search was made, I have been able to find it nowhere, neither in our manuscript literary stores, nor in the very ample collections of ancient writers and documents which have come forth into the light by the untiring labour and study of some learned men. In the Notes on the Life of St. Gerald, added at the end of the Bibliotheca Cluniacensis from page 30, a certain testament of Gerald is indeed recorded; but André Duchesne, by whom it was brought into the said Notes, contends that it cannot be the first testament of St. Gerald by which the foundation of the monastery of Aurillac was made, both from the beginning and end of which it consists, and from this, that, contrary to what Odo's words, recited at number 47, reveal the testament praised by Odo to have done, it makes no mention at all of the payment to be paid yearly at the urn of blessed Peter; and with him Mabillon also agrees, in Sæculum V of the Benedictines, part 1, page 7, for the reasons he alleges in the same place, and not, as it at least appears to me, undeservedly. But although it is so, nothing yet prevents its being held as in some way a secondary instrument by which that monastery was founded by the Saint.

[53] which, in full, For by this, drawn up in the 17th year of the reign of Charles the Simple, which is noted at the end, Gerald added other estates to the estates, or goods of whatever other kind, which he had conferred on the same monastery of Aurillac before the same Charles the Simple, in the seventh year of his reign, imparted the diploma transcribed hither above, and thus made its foundation, made by him through his first testament and further approved by Charles the Simple through that diploma, more firm and stable. Wherefore, since there is indeed reason why it should be demanded by some that this be held, as I have said, as in some way a secondary instrument of the foundation of the monastery of Aurillac, it will help to subjoin here before the reader's eyes, not otherwise than the two diplomas already transcribed hither above, that one too in which the Saint showed himself munificent, also towards the end of his life, as will be evident from what is to be said below. It runs thus: As the end of the world approaches, with ruins growing more frequent, certain signs are now manifested, because at their coming the world will truly be convicted. And if we confer anything of our possessions on the places of the Saints, we trust that the Lord will be our rewarder, who says: "Give alms." For this reason, therefore, I, Gerald, considering the fall of human frailty and greatly fearing the last trembling day of judgment, therefore cede to the places of the Saints and of those serving them, and to the substance of the poor and to my kinsfolk and faithful: that is, in the first place to the place [] I have granted for God and of St. Peter, which is called the monastery of Aurelhacus, that is, what the monks themselves possess from the present day, and the half of the court itself, and the castle itself with the demesne baccalaria and two manses in Grandemont and in Fabricas, the manse where Rainald was seen to remain settled, let him hold it while he lives; after his death let it remain to the Order of Aurelhacus.*

[54] The middle court let Rainald and the monks divide equally, here likewise and after his death let all pass to Aurelhacus. Of the court of Catucerias I give half to Rainald my nephew while he lives; afterwards let it remain to Aurelhacus. My village at Ermos let the monks have. My village Fraxininas, the monks half and Rainald half; after his death let it remain to Aurelhacus. Curtogillum let Rainald have while he lives; afterwards let it remain to Aurelhacus. The church of Claurgus let the monks possess. My court Roacina let Rainald hold while he lives; after his death let it remain to Aurelhacus. Of that which I am seen to have in Goliacum, the monks half, Rainald half while he lives; after his death let it remain to Aurelhacus. Boresia I give to Amalfred, son of Galamon, while he lives; after his death let it remain to Aurelhacus. Likewise the manse Marconum, which I bought from Adoald, let him hold while he lives; after his death let it remain to Aurelhacus. Whatever pertains or is seen to pertain to the said properties named above, acquired or to be acquired, with the bondsmen themselves remaining there and their blood-relatives living outside these said properties, and with all their pertinences and appurtenances and adjacencies, and in full, I give to the Lord and to St. Peter and St. Clement and to those serving them, by proper right to have and to receive in usufruct: on this condition, that while I live I may possess them, and after our death let Rainald my nephew have power over this above-named monastery of sending abbots, of removing them, of inquiring into the causes of the monks before kings and counts and their vicars, or of keeping in protection the monks and their households in various regions.

[55] And let this accession made by me remain firm and stable for all time with all firmness, and confirmed by the hands of men, with a stipulation also annexed: is shown, enlarged with possessions, this cession being made in the month of September on a Thursday, in the 17th year since King Charles took up the rule; and signed by Gerald, who asked that this donation be written or affirmed. Signed of Fatald, signed of Vigo, signed of Vicarnus, signed of Blandinus, signed of Tugirannus. To this testament there is undoubtedly a reference in the Life of our Saint, by these following words of Odo at number 89, The place (namely Aurillac), as he had formerly decreed, he delegated to the dominion of the monks … in the space for which he survived, he took the greatest care to leave all who belonged to him in peace… The estates or bondsmen which he had not delegated to Blessed Peter he left among certain kinsfolk and soldiers, or certainly to servants. To some, however, on this tenor, that after they had died, the things received should return to Aurillac, as anyone will without difficulty recognize who, by unrolling that testament, has learned that Gerald did by that testament too what he is asserted by these words to have done when near to death. But although it is so, yet neither in the text of Odo just recited nor in the testament of Gerald just transcribed hither, by which, as I have already taught, the monastery of Aurillac was indeed enlarged with new possessions, but was not first founded, do I find anything from which it can be determined, even in any way, about what time this was done.

[56] about the year, as the things adduced here Wherefore, in order that this, which is here now chiefly desired, may become known, recourse must now be had elsewhere. The diploma transcribed hither above, by which Charles the Simple held the foundation of the monastery of Aurillac ratified, was not by that prince before it had already been founded for some years, four for example or five,

granted, as it is right to gather from this, that, on the testimony of the very diploma of which we are speaking here, there were already at the time when it was given monks in that sacred house of ascetics, and Abbot Adalgarius set over them. In order, therefore, about what time this was founded, it is only necessary that we determine in what year of Christ that diploma, which is noted as given on the fourth day before the Nones of July, in the 2nd Indiction, in the seventh year of the reign of Charles, most serene king, … at Liturnum, was granted by that prince; and accordingly we shall now do this here. It is commonly known that Charles employed three epochs in his diplomas. The first, say the Benedictine editors of the Writers of Gallic Affairs, volume 9, page 466 and following, is reckoned from the 27th day of January of the year 893, on which the king was crowned: the second from the third day of January of the year 898, on which he succeeded King Odo: the third Mabillon and Pagi derive from the 21st day of January of the year 912, on which Charles, Louis king of Germany having died, obtained a larger inheritance; and of these three epochs the first is sometimes omitted in Charles's diplomas, in some is read alone, in most together with the second and third; but in none at all is the second, or that which draws its reckoning from the years of Charles in the succession of Odo, marked without the first, as will be evident to those reading the various diplomas of Charles printed among the Writers of Gallic Affairs, volume 9, page 468 and following.

[57] persuade, was founded in 894, Since these things are so, I persuade myself that Charles employed the first of the three epochs just mentioned, or computed the years of his reign from the year 893, in the diploma granted to the people of Aurillac, and that it was accordingly given in the year 899, being partly impelled to this, first indeed, because in this year the 2nd Indiction, by which that diploma is also marked, was in fact running; 2°, moreover, because some other diplomas too, reported among the Writers of Gallic Affairs, volume 9, from page 476 to 484, which are themselves also noted as given in the seventh year of Charles, in the second Indiction and at Liturnum or Turnum, are by the common consent of the learned to be placed at the same year 899; and thirdly, finally, because Fulco, archbishop of Reims, ascribed his name as chancellor of King Charles to the diploma granted by him to the people of Aurillac, and yet could not have done this if Charles had followed in it either the second or the third of the two epochs mentioned above, since in that case that diploma would have had to be given, not in the year 899, but, as will be evident to one who computes it, either in the year 904 or 919, and Fulco had ceased to live before either of these years, as is agreed among all. Now indeed, since undoubtedly, as follows from what has already been said, the diploma by which Charles the Simple held the foundation of the monastery of Aurillac ratified was granted in the year 899, and this monastery, before that was given, had already stood four or five years, as I taught above, it is a consequence that it was founded about the year 894. Nor did our Saint then only solidly found that sacred house of ascetics, but he also afterwards diligently took care that the institute of religious life in it should be most holily observed even after his death; and not at all in vain, as it will be right to gather from what I shall allege here below, when I have first set forth some things about the first abbots who ruled that monastery.

[58] Adalgirus is called the proto-pastor, or first abbot, of the monastery of Aurillac by the chronologer of Aurillac, and it, of which some abbots, both those who before Gerald's death, in composing the History of his monastery. He, as Mabillon conjectures in the Benedictine Annals, volume 3, page 293, was one of the noble youths whom Blessed Gerald had caused to be instructed in the monastery of Vabres, where regular discipline flourished. St. Odo was silent about his name, because he lived dissolutely; and yet Blessed Gerald did not remove him from the pastoral office, because he had no one, on the testimony of St. Odo, whom he could substitute in his place. Adalgirus was sent to King Charles, to whom St. Gerald, on account of his sanctity and nobility, was not only dear but also most intimate, says the chronologer, in order that he might obtain from that prince the privilege printed by us above, by which the estates and immunities conferred on the monastery were to be assured to it. The historian of Aurillac hands down that he died a little before St. Gerald, who passed to heaven in the year 909, as we shall soon say. In the place of Adalgirus there came John, who, sprung, says the chronographer of Aurillac, from the illustrious stock of St. Gerald, is called in the letters of Raymond, abbot of Aurillac, and Bernard, abbot of Tulle, published by Baluze in the Notes on Regino, page 635, and in the History of the Church of Tulle, page 625 and following, a kinsman of St. Gerald and prelate of both churches. If you inspect the words of this chronologer diligently, you will argue that there was then no abbot among the people of Aurillac when St. Gerald departed from the living. For Adalgirus having been taken away a little before the Friend of God, John assumed the helm of the monastery of Aurillac only after his deposition.

[59] That John prolonged his life, or presided over the church of Tulle, up to the year 923 or thereabouts, in which Rudolf was elected king by the Franks, and those who flourished afterwards, is clear even from this, that by this prince's diploma Aimo had the monastery of Tulle entrusted to him, in order that he might establish the regular institute in it. Therefore John had either already then departed from the living, or by spontaneous dismission had cast off the prelacy of the church of Tulle. That he had already exchanged life for death when St. Odo, led by the prayers of Aimo and Turpio, setting out from Tulle to commit the Life of St. Gerald to writing, came to the town of Aurillac, I should believe probable even for this reason, that Odo, in inquiring into the conduct and life of St. Gerald, seems to have taken no account at all of John, prelate of Aurillac, who, on the testimony of the chronologer of Aurillac, was pre-eminent in nobility and industry and especially dear to the Roman Pontiff (for he makes no mention of him while narrating that he did this); and who would believe it would have come about that, if John had then still been among the living, Odo nevertheless would not have heard this man discoursing and testifying about all those things, who, having been on most intimate terms, as there appears no reason to doubt, with Gerald, with whom he was joined by blood, had seen him leading a most Christian life and dying piously, who had seen or heard of the miracles worked by the same man whether before or after death, but, passing him over, would have preferred to question other monks and intimates summoned, whom the Man of God had brought up? Therefore Aimo had come into the place of John to govern the monastery of Tulle when St. Odo, who succeeded John as abbot among the people of Aurillac, not yet distinguished by the dignity of abbot, came to the monks of Aurillac, then bereaved of their father, to inquire into the life and conduct of St. Gerald, as one may conjecture from his own Acts. But on the testimony of the chronologer of Aurillac, in the year 928, in which Leo VI sat at Rome for some months, St. Odo presided over this monastery; nay, that he was taken up to rule it at the same time at which he had the monastery of Tulle to govern seems to me truly most likely.

[60] abbots But he was certainly still living as abbot of Aurillac about the year 930, in which, according to Aimoin, book 1 On the Miracles of St. Benedict, chapter 4, he entered the monastery of Fleury in order to restore the fallen discipline in it. Although distracted by the government of various monasteries, St. Odo nevertheless did not cast off the chief care of the affairs of Aurillac, which it will become probable from what is soon to be said that he kept until he died. Arnulf, chosen as co-abbot by St. Odo, is not numbered among the abbots of this monastery by the chronologer of Aurillac, who, as soon as he had spoken of Odo, beginning his discourse about Adraldus, assigns the fifth place to Gerald of Saint-Céré, to whom, however, only the sixth would belong if the fourth had been granted to Arnulf by the author. The editors of both Gallia Christianas, however, inscribe him in the tables of the abbots of Aurillac, and Mabillon in the Benedictine Annals, volume 3, page 433; inasmuch as he appears as abbot of Aurillac whether in the erection or in the restoration of the monasteries of Thomières and of Saint-Theofrid. But to Arnulf, as legate of Odo or acting in his stead, in the year 936, which was the first of Louis d'Outremer, was committed the business of translating the sacred pledges of Blessed Marcellinus, bishop of Embrun, and of other Saints to the church of the monastery of Chanteuges, very recently erected, the instrument of which translation is extant at the end of volume 3 of the Benedictine Annals, page 707. Whence you will argue not ineptly that Arnulf acted as St. Odo's deputy among the people of Aurillac.

[61] are reviewed here, Adraldus, a monk of Conques, from the district of Rouergue, created abbot of Aurillac, fulfilled the prophecy of St. Gerald, about which see number 78 in his Life to be published shortly; and since the basilica was narrow, says the chronologer, on account of the people flocking to it, he enlarged the church, founded anew, and built another monastery at Cadenacum. This basilica, thus begun, was brought up to the roof by Gerald of Saint-Céré, the successor of Adraldus, who had it, once completed, dedicated in the year 992, in the 15th Indiction, not indeed the 5th, as Mabillon noted in the Benedictine Annals, volume 3, page 569, Pope John XIII still sitting at Rome; and he restored the church of St. Clement, which St. Gerald's father had erected. Gerbert writes in Epistle 71 that Gerald reached the beginning of the reign of Louis V, Gerbert, more illustrious by name than by birth, who, first a monk of Aurillac, then abbot of Bobbio, afterwards bishop of Ravenna and of Reims, was at last elected supreme Pontiff under the name of Silvester. He, venerating Gerald as most dear, had Abbot Raymond, Gerald's successor, as his master. And how highly Gerbert esteemed him is proved by his various epistles, especially that which is published as number 91.

[62] Adraldus II spent a great weight of gold and silver, which his mother had entrusted to him, at last in the sixteenth century it passed to the secular state. on the adornment of the basilica: among other things he fashioned an image of St. Gerald of pure gold, and decorated a silver altar with many gems. In the time of that abbot Leo, abbot of Fondi and bishop of Gaeta, who was present at the Roman council in the year 1059 and at the dedication of the church of Monte Cassino in the year 1071 or 1072, withdrawing to Aurillac, with the assent of the abbot and the monks, shut himself up under a certain crypt and ended his life piously there. Adraldus himself died on the 18th day before the Kalends of November, as the chronologer of Aurillac writes, to whose assertions already employed by me in furnishing this brief notice of the abbots I further add the following words which he supplies. There was, he says, in that age (that is, in the tenth and eleventh centuries) the abbey of Aurillac most flourishing among the rest, and the monks excelled for piety. And then, as the Sainte-Marthes, editors of the Old Gallia Christiana, say in volume 3 at the word Aureliacum, so great was its fame that it excelled among the rest of Septimania… Moreover, this house, famous from its first centuries, was commended by an illustrious academy of the sciences, from which men in learning

outstanding came forth at various times. But in the middle of the fifteenth century, says Mabillon in Sæculum V of the Benedictines, part 1, page 10, monastic discipline began to decline among the people of Aurillac, and in the year 1561, under Abbot Martin de Balma, by bulls given by Pius IV, this monastery passed to the secular state, and still continues so.

[*] Avigerna

[*] Nonnette le beau

[] add whom*

§ V. At what time St. Gerald died, and whether he was either buried in the monastery of Aurillac, or professed the monastic life there?

The Saint, whose death is not referred by all to one and the same year, Concerning the year in which St. Gerald exchanged the mortal life for the immortal, the learned disagree among themselves. Branche, in the book on the Saints of Auvergne, page 544, placed the holy Man's death at the year 919; but Father Dominic of Jesus, whom D. the pastor of Savenès praises in the oration prefixed to the French History of St. Gerald, page 36, affirms that he drew out the day and year of his death from a very old codex belonging to the church of Aurillac, in which these words are read: Now blessed Gerald passed away in the eighth month, on the third day before the Ides of the same, in the year from the Incarnation of the Lord 918, John the Ninth, Pope, presiding over the Roman Church, Berengar being emperor, Charles the Lesser reigning in France. Almost the same, but in different words, is contained in a certain rhythmic chant, which they call a Sequence or Prose, customarily sung in honour of St. Gerald and also preserved in the said codex, whose words I subjoin here: On the third day before the Ides of October, Gerald, the golden star, made his holy passing; in the year of Christ nine hundred, and eighteen besides, he gave his spirit to God. John the Ninth ruling the Papacy, and the lord Berengar being emperor, Charles the Lesser king, with great honour continually in the rose-garland of the Saints. So that from that twofold document the writers whom we have just named believed that Gerald closed his last day on the 13th day of October of the year 918. But a certain Chronicle of Limoges, praised by Duchesne in his Notes on the Bibliotheca Cluniacensis, page 37, places his death at the year 917, in which these words are read: In the year of the Lord 917 Saint Gerald, celebrated for his life and miracles, died. Those who adhere more firmly to the calculation of Ademar of Chabannes ought to mark the death of the blessed Man not at the year 907, as some have reckoned, but about the year 905. For since the sixth year of Fulbert, the second abbot of Saint-Martial of this name, to which that writer refers the death of our Saint, falls partly not in 907, but in the year of Christ 905, it is necessary that those who draw their calculation from the words of the said writer should mark Gerald's death about this year.

[64] neither before the year 909, nor after the year But is the Saint truly to be believed to have died in the year 905, and not rather in another later one? That, as I have already indicated, is controverted among the learned. Nor do the things St. Odo writes suffice to settle this controversy, weaving the history of the dying St. Gerald at number 90 of his Life to be published in these words: Now when the time of his passing was already entering, St. Gerald was staying at Cézerniacum, a certain church of his own right … knowing therefore that his dissolution was now at hand, he orders Bishop Amblard to be summoned, so that he might fortify his passing with his prayers… For on the sixth day of the week, as the day was dawning, feeling himself grow worse … he added that word which was always most familiar to him: Come to my help, Servants of God … then indeed he received of his own accord the Lord's Body, which he was awaiting, and so that happy soul passed to the heavens. To these, and partly to other words of Odo reported in Sæculum V of the Benedictines, part 1, page 9, Mabillon adds concerning Gerald's death: It can neither be placed before the year 909, nor be pushed back after the year 912: the first is forbidden by the tablets of the testament drawn up by the same Gerald in the month of September of the year 909; the second by the death of Adelard or Amblard, bishop of Clermont, who was present with Gerald as he died, and who in the month of September of the year 912 had Arnold as successor. I indeed am of opinion with Mabillon that the death of St. Gerald cannot be placed before the year 909, whether the 17th year of Charles the Younger inscribed on his testament be said to be marked at the year 909, or whether that year, counted from the death of Odo, is to be placed at the year 914. But since it is not so certain that Bishop Adelard, who was present with St. Gerald at the last, died before the month of September of the year 912, as Mabillon wrote in the words just recited, then indeed the time at which Adelard died does not prevent the death of the blessed Confessor being pushed back after the year 912; but in order that Gerald's death may be marked by a surer argument, some difficulties occur to us here to be solved concerning the year in which Bishop Adelard, who was present with the Saint as he died, passed away.

[65] although meanwhile this last neither the reason which Mabillon adduces, Mabillon thought that the death of St. Gerald cannot be placed after the year 912, being led by this reason, that in the month of September of the twentieth year of King Charles Adelard, bishop of Clermont, already then had a successor, Arnold, who signed with his name the charter granted by Eblus for the foundation of the monastery of Déols and drawn up in the aforesaid month of the twentieth year of King Charles. But if the learned man thought, in the place cited, that this was to be placed at the year 912, why, I ask, did he bind the same to the year 917 in volume 3 of the Annals, page 357, connecting also with this year the foundation of the monastery of Déols? The editors of the Writers of Gallic Affairs, volume 9, page 713, undoubtedly followed Mabillon's opinion, who in the same place likewise bound this charter of Eblus to the year 917, and accordingly we too, with those learned men, fix that document to this year. And indeed in these times of Charles the Simple, among the Aquitanians and the Burgundians, persons both public and private numbered the years of the reign of King Charles drawing their calculation from the death of Odo, which happened at the beginning of the year 898, as may be seen in the Appendix to the Marca Hispanica, col. 835 and following, and likewise in the Writers of Gallic Affairs, volume 9, pages 495, 499 and 507, and in the Benedictine Annals, volume 3, pages 358 and 360. Nor did Eblus establish a different calculation in the charter just reported; and indeed I am the more led to believe this because the chronologer of Déols, whose Work Labbe published in volume 1 of the Bibliotheca of Manuscripts, page 315, in fact places the beginnings of his monastery at the year 917. I transcribe the words of this author hither: In the year 917, he says, the place of the monastery of Déols was founded by Ebo the Elder, first lord of Déols; whose dedication is read in the same place inscribed at the year 920. The same is handed down by Ademar of Chabannes, writing in volume 2 of the same Bibliotheca, page 164: At that time (namely in the year 917) Ebo of Bourges began to build the monastery of Déols in honour of the Mother of God.

[66] Hence Mabillon's whole argument collapses, and since accordingly there is no reason nor the inscription alleged here why we should say on that account that Adelard had already ceded his see to Arnold from the year 912, then indeed the time of the death of Adelard, who was present with the holy Man as he died, ought not to prevent its being determined that the latter, who, as you will understand from what is to be said below, died on the thirteenth day of October falling on the sixth day of the week, died in the year 915, in which in fact the thirteenth day of October fell on the sixth day of the week. But by no means can the holy Man's death be pushed back after the year 915, nor accordingly to the year 917, as the chronologer of Limoges would have it, nor to the years 918 and 919, as Branche, Dominic of Jesus and the pastor of Savenès wrote; since in the month of September of the year 917 Adelard had ceded his place to Arnold, as is most certain from the charter of Eblus, nor did the 13th day of October, the day of the holy Confessor's death, fall on the sixth day of the week in these years, things which, in order that the holy Man's death may be fitly marked, are not to be neglected by the learned. But as we were discussing, there came to hand a certain inscription of a reliquary, which formerly contained the relics of the holy martyrs Agricola and Vitalis, inserted by Denis de Sainte-Marthe in Gallia Christiana, volume 2, col. 254, which, if, as the learned man asserts, it pertains to Charles the Simple, it will be a consequence that the death of Adelard, bishop of Clermont, must be bound to the year 910 or 911, and that accordingly the death of our Saint cannot be deferred beyond the year 912. But before I answer this, behold the words of the inscription: In the name of God most high and in honour of the holy martyrs Agricola and Vitalis of the city of the Arverni, this reliquary from the alms [] King Charles in the eighteenth year of his reign, and also Count Hicterius or the rest of the Christians, who gathered this or the gems for their souls, Bishop Haddebert asked to be made; and you, lord bishops, your successors with your clergy, in reward, pray for us. Deodiggus made it.* Since the eighteenth year of the reign of Charles is marked in the inscription just given, there will truly be reason why this, if by the Charles whom it mentions Charles the Simple ought to be understood, should be referred to the year of Christ 910 or 911, and that accordingly Adelard, already then taken from the living, should be said to have ceded his place in the see of Auvergne, or of Clermont, to Haddebert, named in the inscription, in one or other of those years, and so before the year 912.

[67] proves it convicted, But by the Charles mentioned in that inscription not Charles the Simple but Charlemagne must be understood; for, first, in the days of this prince, that is, about the year 764, as the praised Sainte-Marthe himself confesses, Haddebert sat among the Arverni. 2° Charlemagne at the year 773 had set over the Arverni as count a certain Hictertus, about whom the author of the Life of Louis the Pious, printed in volume 6 of the Gallic Affairs, page 88. This count the most learned Savaron mentions as the liege man of Charles about the year 778 in the Origins of the City of Clermont, page 35: accordingly, while Charlemagne was ruling, the ninth century being half elapsed, Haddebert presided over the Arverni, and at this time Count Hicterius was set over the administration of affairs; which things indeed do not a little to defend our case. What therefore forbids that we assert that this inscription was carved on the reliquary of the holy martyrs Agricola and Vitalis at this time? But from another inscription, transcribed by the same Sainte-Marthe, the matter will shine forth still more. The following words of this document are these: Here the relics of the head of St. Agricola and of St. Vitalis … Bishop Haddebert received at Bologna, King Charles commanding it; their feast on the 4th day before the Kalends of December. Hence it is clear that Haddebert received those remains of the holy Martyrs from Bologna, a city of the Pontifical dominion, King Charles commanding it. But who does not know that Charlemagne ruled this city, since by his bestowal this city passed to the supreme Pontiff, a city which in any case never was under the dominion of Charles the Simple? The inscription, therefore, recited at number 66, which is marked with the name of Charles, not to Charles the Simple, but to Charlemagne

pertains, and is accordingly to be bound to the year of Christ 785, which is the eighteenth of this latter prince; and since it is so, and there is accordingly no reason why some Haddebert should be said, with Sainte-Marthe, to have occupied the see of Clermont in the year 910 or following on account of that inscription, there is also no reason why it should be believed on account of the same inscription that Adelard, whom Haddebert would have next succeeded, had already then departed from the living, and that accordingly the time of death of our Saint, at whose dying Adelard stood by, cannot be deferred beyond one or other of these years, or even beyond the year 912.

[68] 912, but in the year, as more probably But can the death of our Saint in actual fact be deferred beyond the year 912? That this cannot be done, but that it more probably happened in the year 909, I at least persuade myself on account of what is now to be said. By the words of Odo, already recited here above at number 55, reference is made, as I taught in the same place, to the testament of our Saint drawn up in the seventeenth year of the reign of Charles the Simple; so that what Gerald is narrated by those words to have done must be considered to have been done by him by that testament: but since what Odo writes at the just-mentioned number 89 and immediately before and after reveals not obscurely that the Saint did those things only a little before he died, it is a consequence that the Saint drew up that testament only a little before his death, and that accordingly he closed his last day not long after he had done it. But in what year of Christ was the testament drawn up? The seventeenth year of the reign of Charles the Simple, in the month of September of which it is noted as made, is to be numbered either from the year 893, in which Charles was anointed at Reims, or certainly (for the calculation cannot be begun from the third epoch of Charles, or the year 912, lest otherwise the Saint's death would have to be placed after the year 915, which I have already taught at number 66 cannot be done) from the year 898, in which he began to reign in Aquitaine after the death of Odo; if you begin the calculation from the year 893, it will have to be said that the testament was drawn up in the year 909, but if you wish to number from the year 898, in the year 914, as will be evident to one who computes it; and since it is so, it is a consequence from what has already been said that our Saint closed his last day in the month of September, either of the year 909 or of the year 914, while still running, or certainly not long after.

[69] And this indeed appears certain enough; but since the Saint, it appears, closed his last day in 909; as Odo expressly hands down, exchanged life for death on the sixth day of the week, and indeed not on the tenth, as Peter de Natalibus and some other more recent writers following him would have it, but, as Ademar writes and the common tradition of the churches of Auvergne carries, on the thirteenth day of October, and accordingly must be said to have died in no other year than one in which the thirteenth day of October fell on the sixth day of the week, it is a consequence that he did not die in the year 914, seeing that in it the thirteenth day of October did not fall on the sixth day of the week; wherefore, since in the year which next followed it, 915, the thirteenth day of October fell on the sixth day of the week, it becomes a further consequence from what has already been said that he must be believed to have died either in this latter year, or in the year 909, in which likewise the thirteenth day of October fell on the sixth day of the week; and I am of opinion that it more probably happened in this latter year, because between September of the year 914, in which, from what has been said, the testament marked with the 17th year of the reign of Charles the Simple can have been drawn up, and the thirteenth day of October of the year 915 there intervened a space of time of more than one year, but between September of the year 909, in which likewise, from what has already been said, that testament can have been drawn up, and the thirteenth day of October of the same year 909 only a time of a few weeks; and the Saint, as I taught above, closed his last day not long after he had drawn up the said testament. However that may be, since this indeed, from what has already been said, undoubtedly happened either in the year 915 or in 909, and more probably in the latter of these two years, I have hence indicated here above in the margin that Gerald died about this year. Let us now turn our discourse from the time at which St. Gerald died to the place in which he was buried.

[70] The body of St. Gerald, who had departed from the living at Cézerniacum on the sixth day of the week, [but although he was buried in the monastery of Aurillac, as the things adduced here prove,] was carried on the following Sunday to Aurillac, in order that it might be laid in a tomb there. But Odo must be heard, narrating these things at number 96 of the Life to be published: And his people, with very many crowds accompanying, carried that holy body to Aurillac, as he himself had ordered, and placed it in an aristo stone, namely on the left of the basilica itself, beside the altar of St. Peter, so that his sepulchre is held to be on the right and he himself nonetheless towards the right: and at number 98 he adds these words: On the Sunday, therefore, that followed his passing, many crowds accompanying, as we have said, he was carried to Aurillac. The same is asserted by the chronologer of Limoges, cited by Duchesne in the Notes on the Bibliotheca Cluniacensis, page 37, and by Ademar in the Chronicle of the Abbots of Saint-Martial of Limoges, praised by us above at number 61 and following of this Commentary; and by these accounts it is clearly proved that the sacred remains of St. Gerald were committed to the earth in the church of Aurillac, beside the altar of St. Peter, on the Sunday following his death.

[71] he was nevertheless not, as the things alleged here That St. Gerald, therefore, was buried in the monastery of Aurillac is certain and undoubted; but had he previously professed the monastic life there? The first by whom this is asserted, as far as I at least know, is Peter de Natalibus, who in his Catalogue of the Saints, book 9, chapter 45, ascribed the holy Man to the monastic state in these words: Gerald, having left the world, built a monastery on his own soil at Aurillac, which he endowed largely from his means, in which he made himself a monk, and was distinguished by great sanctity of life and abstinence, etc. Equilinus was followed in his announcement at the 10th day of October by Maurolycus, Felicius, Dorgain, Wion, and Ferrari in his General Catalogue of the Saints; but let what Odo, a contemporary of our Saint, hands down at number 53 of the Acts to be published, in these words, serve as answer to all these hagiologists: Gerald summoned Gausbert, a venerable bishop and plainly worthy of praise, with certain other honourable men, and familiarly indicated by what thought of mind he was stirred. For this lord Gausbert was very dear to the Man of God, and on account of their common sanctity they afforded each other mutual companionship. He explains, therefore, that weariness of the present life was in him, and that he desired the habit of religion, that he wished to set out for Rome and to delegate his estates to Blessed Peter, Prince of the Apostles, by testamentary right. And when this had been long discussed, the man of the Lord Gausbert, looking into the matter with higher counsel, at length persuaded him to keep himself in the secular habit in outward appearance, for the common salvation of the people of the province: but to dedicate his properties to Blessed Peter, as he wished. And he, lest by clinging too obstinately to his own determination he should seem to have acted disobediently, assented.

[72] prove it convicted, And at number 66 he adds: Now his people knew that he desired the habit of religion with all his effort. But, since he was provident, considering that the professors of a sublime purpose, when they are corrupted by love of the world, fall more heavily from on high, he judged it better to stand thus than to attempt so arduous a thing without cooperators in probity. If therefore you look at his vow, he kept faith with Christ in the monastic profession through devotion. And it is a very eminent praise to serve the purpose of religion in the secular habit, just as, on the contrary, it is too ignominious to have sought the world under the garment of that same religion. Since therefore this Man did not have brethren, as we have said before, with whom he might dwell well and pleasantly together, he bore the sojourning of this life with weariness. And as once Noah, when he had not found outside where he might rest, returned to the ark and to Noah himself; so this Man, amid the waves of this world, running back to the secret place of the heart, rested in the delight of Christ. Gerald, therefore, as it is right to gather from these two texts of his Life, never put on the habit of religion, or monastic habit, although he most ardently desired it, nor did he lead the common life with brethren or monks in a monastery or cloister, but, keeping the lay habit, he served the Lord in the world, not otherwise than if he had been a monk. That Gerald did not assume the monastic habit, but, keeping the garment of a layman, served the Lord in the world, is not obscurely revealed also by two codices, namely that of Saint-Savin in Saussay, and that of Anchin among the Auctaria of this day, praised in Sollerius, and written, as is understood from Saussay, page 1247, and Sollerius in the Preface to Usuard, page 61, in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries; since the words of the former codex are to be given shortly in the following §, and since both announce it in almost the same words, I subjoin here only what is written in the latter. It runs thus: On the same day, of St. Gerald, confessor; who, although in the lay habit, adhering manfully to the Christian religion, how dear he was to God has been shown by the miracles which he worked while living and works in manifold ways after death. Therefore Gerald served the Lord only in the secular or lay garment, nor ever, as the words of Odo recited above bear witness, did he put on the monastic habit, nor did he live together with monks or brethren in a monastery; hence it appears undoubted that he did not embrace the monastic life, and accordingly was not a monk.

[73] Rightly, therefore, did Ménard in his Benedictine Martyrology, page 34, and Bucelin in his Menology at the 13th of October, ever professed the monastic life. assert that St. Gerald was indeed most desirous of the monastic Institute, but nonetheless was never a monk: to whose opinion, with Mabillon in Sæculum V of the Benedictines, part 1, page 6, we willingly assent. Nor is there reason why we should here refute with new weights of reasons Severt, who in his book on the Bishops of Mâcon thinks that St. Gerald of Aurillac was not only a monk of Cluny but also bishop of Mâcon. For how much this author has been deluded anyone who has read the Life of our Saint written by Odo will without difficulty detect. Hence it is clear that the codices of the churches of Nîmes and of Mende, containing certain Offices of particular Saints, must be emended, in the first of which St. Gerald, weary at once of arms and of military licence, is narrated to have put on the monastic habit in the monastery built by him at Aurillac. It is clear also that the ecclesiastical book published at Lyon in the year 1619 by the authority of the most illustrious Lord Charles de Rousseau, bishop of Mende, must likewise be emended, in which a certain Legend of our Saint arises, fused into one out of the History of St. Gerald of Aurillac and the Life of St. Gerald, abbot of La Sauve-Majeure. But whether the same error has crept into the Breviaries of these churches printed in our times is altogether hidden from me.

Its origin I shall indicate, as it were with the finger, in the following §, with the most learned men Papebroch and Mabillon lighting the way before me.

[] alms*

§ VI. In which sacred Fasti the Saint is found inscribed, and how he obtained cult first at Aurillac and then in other places.

The Saint, who in the ancient Martyrology mentioned here is celebrated today, Since our Saint, as we have already seen, exchanged this mortal life for the immortal only in the tenth century, you would seek his name in vain in Usuard and the other martyrologists who flourished in the ninth century or earlier, who are customarily distinguished by the appellation of classical. But St. Gerald was celebrated here and there by the hagiologists who flourished from the eleventh or twelfth century; and all these were perhaps preceded by the anonymous author of the very ancient Martyrology of Saint-Sabinus, or Saint-Savin, of Lavedan in the Pyrenean mountains in the territory of Tarbes, which was written six hundred years ago (if only the title prefixed to it in Saussay, in the Gallican Martyrology, page 1247, agrees with the truth). He has thus today in that ancient monument, which is extant entire in Saussay from the page cited: On the 13th day of October, in the district of Auvergne [] in the monastery which is called Aurillac, the deposition of St. Gerald, confessor, who, although in the lay habit, adhering manfully to the Christian religion, how dear he was to the Lord is shown by the miracles which he worked while living, and works more manifoldly after death. For from infancy he was a virgin.*

[75] and yet not certainly, because with Gerald, abbot of La Sauve-Majeure, In almost these very words St. Gerald is also celebrated today by the Usuardine Auctarium which is extant in Sollerius, taken from the Anchin codex, which, as he conjectures in his Preface to Usuard, number 224, is not later than the thirteenth century. To this there can also be added other Usuardine Auctaria, which the same Sollerius alleges, taken from the Brussels, Charleville and Reims codices; for although in these, contrary to what is done in the Anchin Auctarium, Gerald is adorned with no eulogy at all, yet he is so announced that he can easily be recognized and distinguished from Gerald, abbot of La Sauve-Majeure; but as regards the other Usuardine Auctaria which are also extant in Sollerius, and which are drawn either from the Saint-Victor, Queen of Sweden, Vatican and Lyon codices, or from the Lübeck-Cologne edition or the other one seen to by Belinus, I do not reckon them among the sacred Fasti that certainly celebrate our Saint; and the reason for which I do not do so you will understand from what is now to be said. Blessed Gerald, abbot of La Sauve-Majeure, about whom it has already been treated in our Work at the 5th day of April, is commemorated by an annual feast on the 13th day of October, not otherwise than our Saint, as Papebroch teaches at the just-mentioned day of April.

[76] today also, as Papebroch The words in which he does this there are these following: The archbishop of Rouen and the bishop of Châlons, whom Pope Celestine III, in the year 1197, in the Bull of canonization, had commanded that they should honour St. Gerald himself (abbot of La Sauve-Majeure) every year with a solemn festivity on an appointed day; these, having no regard to the day of death, … prescribed that he be commemorated annually, namely on the 13th of October; at which day the name of Gerald the confessor soon began to be ascribed in the Martyrologies of Usuard, and in the Manuscript indeed of Saint-Germain-des-Prés on that very day of the holy confessors Gerald and Leobonus. But in the twofold printed Cologne edition and in the manuscript Florarium Gerald alone is placed with the title of Confessor… And his chief cult on the 13th day of October is argued by this, that he is found on such a day and no other in the more ancient Fasti and in various manuscript monastic Calendars, in which only one single Saint, and that one to be honoured with the ecclesiastical Office, is customarily inscribed on each day: and in the manuscript Martyrology of the Benedictines of Saint-Martin at Tournai he is placed in the first position before all others: "On the 3rd day before the Ides of October, the Birthday of St. Gerald the confessor." He seems to be inscribed in a similar phrase in the Martyrology of Rouge-Cloître, which Molanus alleging in the Birthdays of the Saints of Belgium says: "In Aquitaine, the birthday of St. Gerald, abbot and confessor, a man of wonderful sanctity": and, lest you doubt, he calls him in the title: Abbot of La Sauve-Majeure. Ferrari in the Catalogue and others transcribed Molanus. Thus our praised predecessor; nor does Mabillon oppose him in Sæculum VI of the Benedictines, part 2, page 875; for although he does not agree with Papebroch, who thought that Pope Celestine gave it in command to the archbishop of Rouen and the bishop of Châlons that they should establish the feast of Blessed Gerald (namely the abbot of La Sauve-Majeure), yet he himself writes, in the same Sæculum of the Benedictines, part 2, page 873, that he was presented with some festal honour on this day and was hence inscribed in various Martyrologies.

[77] Behold also the words in which he does this. Rightly, he says, and Mabillon teach, honoured from ancient times, he is sometimes confused, did Hugo Ménard record the name of Gerald in the Benedictine Martyrology on the 5th day of April… But those who have recalled his memory to other days seem to have confused this blessed Man with other Saints of the same name, which we do not doubt happened chiefly on the 13th day of October, because on this day memory is made in ancient Monuments of St. Gerald of Aurillac among the Arverni, and accordingly a most celebrated count in Aquitaine. Hence Molanus on this very day, in the Birthdays of the Saints of Belgium, having praised the Martyrology of Rouge-Cloître, where the memory of St. Gerald the confessor is held, pursues the praises of our Gerald from an old Poet and from Lisiard. But Ferrari in the General Catalogue of the Saints on the same day praises our Gerald together with Gerald of Aurillac and another abbot of Limoges of the same name; but Bucelin, although he had already recorded our Gerald on the 5th day of April, nevertheless repeats his memory again on the 13th of October. Since therefore, as Papebroch and Mabillon teach in the words already given, both Gerald, abbot of La Sauve-Majeure, and our Saint were honoured today from ancient times, hence it has come about that today also the martyrologists either expressly celebrate not only this one but also Gerald, abbot of La Sauve-Majeure, or confuse the one with the other, or certainly speak in such a way about the Gerald whom they celebrate that you would scarcely, or not even scarcely, [is to be considered inscribed in all the Fasti in which the name of Gerald is found, yet he is undoubtedly recorded by some more recent writers,] understand of whom they are speaking.

[78] Now indeed, since the Usuardine Auctaria praised last at number 75 make discourse no more distinctly about the Gerald whom they celebrate, hence it is that I have judged they are not to be reckoned among the sacred Fasti that commemorate our Saint today; and although for the same reason the ancient Martyrology of the abbey of Saint-Laurent of Bourges, inserted in Labbe's Bibliotheca, volume 2, from page 697, does not seem to be numbered among them either, yet otherwise must one pronounce about the authors of the Usuardine Auctaria which I cited in the former place at number 75, as also about Dorgain, Wion, Ménard, Maurolycus, Castellanus and some other more recent martyrologists; for these so announce the Gerald whom they record that, either by the place alone by which they mark him, or certainly by other adjuncts, they not obscurely reveal that their discourse is about our Saint, although meanwhile some of them mark the name of our Saint not at the 13th but at the 10th day of October. But although truly Gerald of Aurillac, whom Baillet wonders at not being inscribed by Baronius in today's Roman Martyrology, is thus commemorated in the sacred Fasti, and this contributes not a little to his glory, yet it cannot be inferred from this that Gerald enjoyed ecclesiastical cult already at the time when those Fasti were written. For although the inscription of Servants of God in the ancient sacred Fasti which we call classical is customarily held as equivalent to ecclesiastical cult, yet the matter stands otherwise as regards the Fasti composed in a more recent age, as is commonly known. But although it is so, yet that St. Gerald formerly enjoyed, and further still today enjoys, ecclesiastical cult, not only at Aurillac but also in many other places, will be evident from what is now to be said.

[79] [ecclesiastical cult, not indeed immediately from what is narrated here, happened,] That after his death he was carried to Aurillac and committed to the earth there in the church of St. Peter we have proved at number 70 from the testimony of Odo and the words of various chronologers; and when he had shone there with various miracles, narrated by the biographer, In the seventh year, says the latter at number 103, after he had passed away, the sarcophagus, which had been covered up to the middle of its lid with earth trodden down by heels, began gradually to rise above that same earth; which when Mabillon had considered, in Sæculum V of the Benedictines, part 1, page 10, The ancients, he says, held this as a sign of proven sanctity, as we observed in the Acts of St. Droctoveus, abbot, in Sæculum 18. Hence it came about that public cult was decreed to Gerald, which is still shown him today. But whoever has unrolled the Saint's History composed by Odo will certainly not argue thus; nay, he not obscurely reveals that he was not only not raised from the earth already from the seventh year after his death, but not even at the time when Odo was writing his Life, subjoining these words to the words just recited at number 103 of the Life to be published: Yet the earth which was round about did not seem either to be raised or depressed. The inhabitants, however, did not yet notice this. Meanwhile a certain cleric coming from the district of Limoges asked the monks whether the sarcophagus of the lord Gerald had emerged upwards. And he added that he had been admonished through a dream to come to his tomb, since his sarcophagus had already begun to appear. Then indeed the monks, going with him to the tomb and pulling away the linen cloth from above, found it just as the sleeping cleric had seen. And then indeed it projected a very little. But now it seems not a little higher. And whoever discerns this cannot be ignorant that it is some divine power. Since therefore Odo, after he declared that the sarcophagus containing the body of St. Gerald projected a very little above the earth in the seventh year after his death, soon also adds, but now it seems not a little higher, or to project not a little more above the earth, he thus truly intimates clearly, as everyone will confess, that at the time when he was writing these things that body had not yet been raised from the earth or the tomb. Nor even at that time when his sarcophagus containing the body began to project above the earth was public cult immediately decreed to the Saint, as Mabillon in the place just cited seems to indicate, unless someone should assert that public cult began to be shown to the Man of God when the cleric, about whom the Biographer, admonished in sleep, came to his tomb, which I should believe very uncertain. When, therefore, the Saint was raised from the earth and public cult was decreed to him at Aurillac, it is exceedingly difficult to determine, especially from Odo's words.

[80] but already from the year, as the things adduced here suggest, The Saint's Biographer, to whom Gerald's sanctity was known, and who venerated it in the highest degree, everywhere in the History which he composed about the year 926 adorns him with the title of Saint, and with the same honourable appellation in the charter of a certain soldier Amelgerius, given under Aimo, abbot of Tulle, that is about the year 930, and in the Appendix to the History of the church of Tulle

printed at col. 443 and following, he appears distinguished. Nor are there wanting many other instruments of the tenth century in which he is inscribed endowed with the appellation of Saint; but since from that title which is attributed to Gerald in the charters praised or to be praised it cannot be concluded that he had already been raised from the earth and presented with public cult at the time when they were committed to writing, three charters opportunely occur to us, from which it is understood that the name of St. Gerald was given to the monastery or church of Aurillac about the middle of the tenth century. In the first, which is held as the testament of Raymond, marquis of Gothia, and is found printed among the instruments of the History of Languedoc, col. 107 and following of volume 2, Raymond wills that the allod of Malavalle, which I acquired from those monks and from the abbot himself, of St. Peter and of Saint Gerald, should remain to the monastery itself. In the second, Stephen, who presided over the church of Clermont about the middle of the tenth century, bequeaths to St. Gerald of Aurillac the village which is called Altgrin, which cession Mabillon placed at the year 951 in the Annals, volume 8, page 513.

[81] 936 or The third, finally, from the Monuments of the History of Languedoc published by Catel, and praised by Mabillon at page 423 of the volume just cited: Raymond, first marquis and duke of the Aquitanians, of whom already at the second year of King Louis, wishing to build at Thomières, in the district of Narbonne, a monastery in which monks might live according to the rule of Saint Benedict, summoned certain brethren from the monastery of Blessed Gerald of Aurillac, under the hand of the venerable abbot Arnulf, from among whom Abbot Otgarius was ordained there by several bishops. Since therefore the name of St. Gerald was given to the monastery or church of Aurillac from the year 936 and following, then indeed this is a most certain indication that he was then presented with public cult there. But that he also enjoyed that cult before St. Odo received the crozier of that church, or before he girded himself for his History, or rather while John, joined to St. Gerald by blood, was still prelate of this monastery, I am persuaded by a certain charter of Raymond, abbot of Aurillac, and Bernard, abbot of Tulle, published by Baluze in the Appendix to the Acts of the church of Tulle, col. 379 and following, which it will therefore help to reprint here.

[82] still It runs thus: Be it known to all the brethren of the monasteries, namely of Aurillac and of Tulle, both present and to come, that Raymond, abbot of Aurillac, and Bernard, abbot of Tulle, had complaints against one another. Abbot John, who is recognized to have been a kinsman of Blessed Gerald, held both churches at once, and gave certain possessions of his own right, which had fallen to him from his parents, to the Church of Blessed Martin of the monastery of Tulle, namely the presbyteral ministry of the Church of Saint-Amant de Faurcio and three manses in the same court, the manse of Gerald and the manse of Frudinus and the manse of Rotgerius, and fifteen pigs owed as dues in the same court, the royal freda which John had annually from the hand of the king of the Franks in the castle of Tulle. He gave also another five manses in the parish of Argentat. These properties named above Abbot John gave to the Church of Blessed Martin and to the monks serving God there, on this condition indeed, that every year, on the Festival of Blessed Gerald, the brethren of Tulle should pay to those of Aurillac three pounds of pepper or of pigment. While he indeed lived, as our fathers are accustomed to relate, it was rendered without any contradiction. But after his death a lawsuit very often arose. At length peace was made in this way. I, Raymond, abbot of Aurillac, with the counsel of my brethren, recognizing that this would be burdensome to the brethren of Tulle, at their request and humble prayer, remit the whole annual dues to Abbot Bernard, our brother and son, and monk of our congregation, and to his successors.

[83] earlier Raymond and Bernard presided over the Churches of Aurillac and Tulle, as Denis de Sainte-Marthe intimates in the enlarged Gallia Christiana, volume 2, cols. 441, 663, after the middle of the tenth century; but John, the second abbot of Aurillac, ruled this monastery after the death of Blessed Gerald, as we intimated at number 59, up to about the year 924 or 925. From this instrument, just transcribed by us, it is established that under John's rule, before St. Odo, who, led by the prayers of Turpio, Bishop of Limoges, and of Aimo, abbot of Tulle, had undertaken to compose the History of St. Gerald, had come to Aurillac to inquire into his conduct and life, the Man of God was accustomed to be honoured every year at Aurillac with a festal day, or that some festivity was instituted in his honour by his people of Aurillac, on which day the people of Tulle were accustomed to give the brethren some pigment, or, as Du Cange interprets it in the Glossary, some drink made of honey, wine and various spices, with pepper, which was then reckoned among the precious aromatics on account of its rarity, so that the people of Aurillac might refresh themselves the more sumptuously with it.

[84] obtained, Nor should you say that that festivity was perhaps one of those which, as Mabillon notes in Sæculum VI of the Benedictines, part II, pages 875, 876, are today customarily held in most monasteries of our order by the ancient institute of our fathers, in which the anniversaries of the first abbots and founders are most solemnly celebrated every year. And indeed I am of opinion that the festivity of Blessed Gerald is far different from that one of which Mabillon treats, from the very words of the charter just transcribed, in which it is asserted that some feast day was instituted for Gerald, distinguished with the title of Blessed; moreover, if you do not argue from the words of the charter that a true and Ecclesiastical festivity was instituted, or that public cult was decreed to Gerald by them, tell me, I ask, if not under Odo, under which other of the prelates of the Church of Aurillac St. Gerald was venerated with public cult, since under the rule both of Odo and of the others who came after him to govern the monastery of Aurillac that cult appears already then instituted? But in what year his sacred body was raised from the tomb and exposed to the veneration of the faithful I cannot say; therefore let it suffice to have proved here that he obtained that public cult under Abbot John.

[85] The body of Gerald, after it had been raised from the earth, and today obtains at Aurillac, was most honourably preserved at Aurillac up to the year 1567, in which the heretics burned that sacred pledge, only some part of it excepted, which in the year 1679 Hercule de Mausieri, Procurator of the duke of Moulins, enclosed in a silver case, as Branche writes on page 594 and following. There too St. Gerald enjoyed ecclesiastical cult, which still continues today at Aurillac, and from there it was extended to other places, in some of which churches also are extant built under the name of Gerald, and his sacred Relics are religiously preserved. It will help here to transcribe hither, under the reader's eyes, the Collect, the Hymns, and certain Antiphons excerpted from the Life of St. Gerald by the Pastor of Savenès, with which the people of Aurillac honour the memory of the Saint, the Litanies composed in his honour being passed over in silence.

ANTIPHON.

While Blessed Gerald, Count of Aurillac, was entering the Heavens, the voice of those saying was heard: Blessed is he who could have transgressed, and has not transgressed, could have done evil things and has not done them.

PRAYER.

Almighty and merciful God, by whose singular grace Blessed Count Gerald, Thy confessor, in the highest licence of life did not transgress the precepts of Thy law: grant to us Thy servants so to cleave to Thy commandments, that we may be able both to do no evil things and to fulfil all justice: Through our Lord, etc.

FOR THE DAY OF ST. GERALD.

Hymn at Vespers.

[86] *Joyful now shines upon the faithful people The day: with sacred chants let us strike together as, transcribed hither, in his honour The Heaven; and you, citizens on high, Applaud with us.

Pleasing to the Lord from the cradle, Gerald Flees the cunning arts of the wicked enemy; Nowhere does the breeze of the deceitful world Bewitch the boy.

Born of royal stock, the noble-minded one Courts the blessed lot of the poor. These he feeds rejoicing, and refreshes with a ninth Part of his goods.

His limbs, with feasts withdrawn, to the mistress Mind he subjects; he removes profane Sports from the meals; let him be a tireless Enemy to every vice.

Light here to the blind, and strength to the feet Of the weak he restores, and likewise health To one languishing with fever, with the waters in which He himself washed his palms.

He raises a proud temple to the Lord; And that he may join protection to beauty, He seeks through the whole world the precious Pledges of the Saints.

Praise to the Father most high, and to the begotten Offspring, Who by death repaired the fallen world; To the divine Spirit of both be equal Glory forever. Amen.*

Hymn at Matins.

*That he may of his own accord sing the praises of God In the middle of the nights, Gerald Leaves his chaste bed, and with prayers disturbs The times of sleep.

When many of the nobles demand that delicate Feasts be brought to them, or give themselves To dances by night, it delights him to be fed By the supreme Godhead.

It delights him ever to join his chants To the sacred voices of the Angels. Prayers more potent than fragrant incense He sends to Olympus.

Thence the pious one draws a wondrous dew, With which he desires his breast to be watered: By which he burns, diligent, to be free Of even the slightest stain.

Thus he rules a willing people by a sweet Law: thus he conquers enemies without slaughter. Thus the chaste virgin Gerald strives To be shown to Christ.

Turn now, Prince, from the supernal house Thy favouring face: and stretch out Thy right hand, Succouring Thy wretched servants; and ward off The arts of the Demon.

And make us follow thee with even step: Make us sing to the Lord with our hearts; And offer our prayers, Venerable one, At the lofty altar.

Hymn at Lauds.

He runs swiftly to the Temple; and sees The Victim of our salvation immolated In the morning, Gerald.

Through the days, even when held back by illnesses, He turns over the sacred Letters in meditation, And eloquently sings again all the Canticles Of the royal prophet.

Desirous only of the glory to come, He tramples with strong foot on perishable things; And ever follows Christ who calls him By the straight path.

When death offers itself as near to the sick man, Joyful, he suddenly demands the august Body Of the Lord; and receives It, touched With great love.

And rubbing his forehead with the sign of the Cross, He cries: O Saints, come now to my help! He spoke; and flies at once to the supreme Mansions of heaven.

Saint! now thou drinkest with full mouth the fountain By which the blessed companies of those on high flourish: Ah! pray that we may all together drink of it Through all the age.

[88] the sacred cult with which there That the cult of the Saint begun at Aurillac was afterwards extended to other places of Gaul, in order that it may be evident, [the Saint is honoured, was also extended to other churches, from their Breviaries,] recourse need only be had to the ecclesiastical and ritual books of these. Father Dominic of Jesus, Branche and D. Peyronet in his Catalogue of the Saints very many Breviaries, namely those of Clermont, Le Puy, Cluny, La Chaise-Dieu, Brioude, Pébrac, Narbonne, Rodez, Limoges, Viviers, Mende, Nîmes and Toulouse, in the year

1552, which have the name of our Saint ascribed at the 13th of October and celebrate the feast with varying rite. To these can be added the Breviary of Paris and various ordines for reciting the divine Office according to the use of different churches, namely of Lisieux, of Sarlat, of Béziers and of Saint-Aubin of Angers, in all of which it is prescribed that St. Gerald be honoured today. But since we have shown that St. Gerald, abbot of La Sauve-Majeure, was likewise presented with festal honour on the 13th day of October, and since the various books of other churches in which the Office of St. Gerald is read printed today are not at hand, I cannot hence define whether in those books it is the Count of Aurillac or the abbot of La Sauve-Majeure that is treated. In the Breviary of Mende, or in the codex containing the Offices of the Saints peculiar to this church and published by the authority of the most reverend Lord de Rousseau, bishop, the legend is so fused out of the Acts of St. Gerald of Aurillac and of St. Gerald, abbot of La Sauve-Majeure, that it pertains to both, and it can be discerned only with difficulty which of them is honoured with the greater cult on this day. But among the people of Sarlat and of Le Puy, whose Breviaries are extant with us, the whole feast is held of St. Gerald the count. The people of Nîmes honour his memory, as is evident from his Legend, in which, however, undeservedly, as we have said, they state in express words that he professed the monastic life. The Collect with which they implore the divine mercy through the intercession of our Saint, printed in type, I subjoin here: O God, who leavest no time without testimony of Thy goodness, we pray, Blessed Gerald supplicating, that Thou, who testifiest by signs in our days that he has pleased Thee, wouldst deign to work for our good the honour which we, Thy suppliants, show him in Thy name. Through.

[89] Not only from the ecclesiastical books, but also from the churches, by the name of Gerald, with which they were distinguished, either erected in Gaul in the Saint's honour and distinguished with his name, or holding in the greatest honour his sacred remains communicated to them, it becomes clear that the cult of our Saint was extended to them. One of those churches, built in the city of Limoges and in the year 1087 entirely destroyed, is handed down by Geoffrey, Prior of Vigeois, in the Chronicle printed at page 279 and following of Labbe's Bibliotheca of Manuscripts. The words of this author are these: In these days (about the year 1087) Count William harassed the people of Limoges with many battles, on account of which oppression the church of St. Gerald is narrated to have been entirely destroyed. And in the middle of the twelfth century, when Albert presided over the monastery of Saint-Martial, on the testimony of the same Geoffrey, page 308, the Hospital of St. Gerald was begun at Limoges. There was formerly a church there of the same Confessor; wherefore that place is still so called. And that Geoffrey spoke of the Confessor of Aurillac is proved by the chapter of the same Work already recited above in this Commentary, in which he reveals that he made discourse about that Gerald who frequently visited the tomb of St. Martial. Further, that St. Gerald of Aurillac often visited the sepulchre of St. Martial with eager devotion Odo clearly teaches in his Life, number 64. Moreover, that this church did not pertain to St. Gerald, abbot of La Sauve-Majeure, is clear even from this, that it is written to have been already built before the year 1087, when St. Gerald the abbot had not yet been enrolled among the Saints, nay had not even put off the man, since, on the testimony of Papebroch at the 5th of April and of Mabillon in Sæculum VI of the Benedictines, part 2, page 866 and following, he exchanged mortal life for immortal only in the year 1095; and since these things are so, he could neither give his name to this church of Limoges before the year 1087, nor can the things the Prior of Vigeois relates be understood of him. Besides, there were erected among the people of Limoges two priories, called by the name of St. Gerald, of which one, in the very suburb of the city, pertains to the abbot of L'Esterps, and is asserted to have been built from the year 1227 by Branche in the History of the Saints of Auvergne, page 594; and the other in the archpriestship of Brivasacum, whose collation, as the Codex of Benefices of the diocese of Saint-Flour published at Paris in the year 1648 intimates, pertains to the abbot of Aurillac. There are also, according to the same Branche, two other churches of St. Gerald, distinguished with the name of priory, situated among the people of Toulouse and of Tulle.

[90] and by the very great veneration with which his sacred remains But omitting these and others, I come now to other places to which the Saint's cult was also extended, as is proved chiefly by the very great veneration and religion with which they preserved his sacred remains, communicated to them. The canons of Saint-Étienne of Limoges, as the twelfth century was growing old, as the Prior of Vigeois writes in chapter 20, page 289 of Labbe's Bibliotheca of Manuscripts, boasted that the ring of Saint Gerald was in their possession. Nor were the remains of our Saint in less esteem among the Aquitanians and some other peoples. In order to receive some of these, Mary, lady of Montpellier and queen of Aragon, at the beginning of the thirteenth century, sent two priests to Aurillac, who, having received as a gift one part of the jaw and a bone of the shin, being welcomed with the immense applause of all by the bishop of Gerona and by the queen, brought them into the church dedicated to St. Gerald. Branche asserts that already from the year 1227 the church of the priory of Limoges was enriched with some part of his arm. In the year 1415, as the same author writes, whose words, translated from French into Latin, I subjoin here, the bishop of Sisteron granted indulgences to all the faithful visiting the church of the holy Confessor on the 13th day of October, on which his feast is celebrated, on account of certain relics of this Saint religiously preserved in this church of Castelmaurechium.

[91] have been honoured, is proved by the veneration. To all these let it be permitted to add what Bolland writes in illustrating the Acts of the holy Martyrs Agrippanus, bishop, and Ursicinus at the 1st day of February, page 204. In the year of the Lord, he says, 1522, on the sixth day of April, Antoine de Chabannes, bishop of Le Puy, through his suffragan Stephen de Pressuris, of the Order of Minors, bishop of Troas, had the reliquary opened and the relics of St. Agrippanus visited. He, therefore, having solemnly performed the Sacred rites at his altar, and having delivered to the people an elegant oration on his virtues, brought forth a wooden case from the stone monument which was most fittingly enclosed in the same high altar … in the same stone receptacle another little wooden ark was found, in which were some relics of St. Saturninus, St. Gertrude, St. Tuscus, St. Gerald of Aurillac among the Arverni, St. Martin, St. Magdalene and others… And let these things be said about the sacred relics of Gerald. I had hoped that I would receive more about these, and about the cult and history of St. Gerald, by letters given by me at the beginning of the year 1785 to the Lords the dean and canons of the church of Aurillac, by which the Acts of the holy Confessor, his posthumous Glory, and finally the History of the city of Aurillac could have been illustrated; but since nothing has come to me from their humanity and courtesy, I have had to abide by the words and the good faith of Branche and the other writers whose works are extant printed with us, and in fact I have abided by them in composing this Commentary.

[*] Arverni

LIFE,

By St. Odo, abbot,

From Duchesne's Bibliotheca Cluniacensis.

Gerald, count of Aurillac, confessor, at Aurillac in Auvergne. (S.)

BHL Number: 3411

BY ST. ODO, ABBOT.

DEDICATION.

To the lord Aymo ^a, abbot, to be revered with affection for his merits, Odo, fellow-servant of the brethren ^b, perpetual salvation in Christ. The little book, venerable father, which you so imperiously lately urged me to dictate, in whatever way I can, concerning the conversation and miracles of the blessed man Gerald, I now, though trembling, undertake. For if I do it, I fear presumption, as exceeding my strength; and if I do not do it, I greatly dread contumacy, as disobedient. But trusting in the obedience and goodness of Christ, in undertaking it I ask you to implore the clemency of the same Christ, that for love of His servant Gerald himself He may deign so to temper the account, that it may be not wholly unworthy of the man whom He has disposed to glorify, nor a cause of transgression to me. In order namely to escape this transgression, some things, about which you will perhaps complain, I pass over; I put together only those things which were made known to me, while you too were present in person, from reliable authorities. Farewell.

ANNOTATIONS.

PREFACE.

[The Author, having stated in his preface that he inquired diligently into the life and conduct of the Saint,] Very many are accustomed to doubt whether the things which are related of blessed Gerald are true. Among whom some think him not at all real, but phantasmal. Others also, as if seeking excuses in sins, extol him indiscriminately, saying namely that Gerald was powerful and rich and lived with delights, and is at any rate a saint. Who indeed strive to excuse their own voluptuous life by his example. To these, therefore, it has seemed good to us to answer a little, as far as we can. For we too, some while ago, having heard the report of the miracles, nonetheless doubted about them: for this reason most of all, that in certain places, through whom I know not, rumours are accustomed to make popular gatherings newly, and little by little to cease as a vain thing. But when a cause pressed us to visit the brotherhood of the monastery of Tulle ^a, it pleased us to turn aside to his sepulchre. Then indeed, having summoned four of those whom he himself had brought up, namely Hugh the monk, Hildebert the priest, Witard also and another Hildebert, noble laymen, and many others besides, we inquired thus far about his conduct and the quality of his life: now together, now separately, what each would say, or whether in speaking they agreed with one another, we examined with eagerness, silently weighing whether his Life was such that miracles might perhaps have befitted it. But having found out how religiously he lived, and that God had shown by many signs that this man was in His grace, we could no longer doubt of his sanctity. We wonder rather that in this our age, when charity is growing almost wholly cold, with the time of Antichrist at hand, the miracles of the Saints should be bound to cease.

[3] and that he is believed by him to have been given as an example to the powerful, But surely He is mindful of His promise, since He says through Jeremiah: "I will not cease to do good to My people ^b." And of this His benefaction the Apostle testifies, saying,

that God, in no age leaving Himself without testimony, doing good, fills the hearts of men with gladness. If therefore it pleases His divine benignity that He who did wonders with the fathers should be glorified in our times also, we ought by no means to be incredulous. And that this divine dispensation is carried on both in this time and through a modern man seems surely to be for this reason, that all the deeds or sayings of the Saints of old have now receded from the heart as if dead. And since this Man of the Lord was found, as in the days of Noah, one who lived according to the law, God sets him forth as a testimony to those who look on, so that, seeing that he lived justly and piously, the eye of the heart may awaken to imitation of him, as of one shining from close at hand. Nor let the observance of God's commandments be reckoned heavy or impossible, since indeed it is seen to have been observed by a lay and powerful man. And nothing nourishes sloth of mind worse than this, that the retribution of good or evil work, which remains after this life, is not pondered in the present. Against which Scripture admonishes us, that in all our works we should remember our last things. God therefore exalts His Servant, whom He rewards in the heavens, also on earth before those who despise Him, so that through that which is done outwardly the despisers of God may see inwardly that he is not vain who serves God, but, as He Himself testifies, those who glorify Him He will glorify, and those who despise Him He casts down as ignoble. And since we believe this Man of God to have been given as an example to the powerful, let them see to it how they may imitate him, as one from close at hand and set before them from their own order, lest perhaps, as the queen of the South the Jews, so he may condemn them in the judgment.

[4] And we, taking occasion from his deeds, [he declares that in the lucubration in which he is to embrace Gerald's deeds he will from time to time exhort them to imitate these things.] add something for admonishing those same powerful men, where opportunity shall offer itself, as you have asked. For indeed both the lord Bishop Turpio ^c and the most beloved and venerable Abbot Aymo, with very many others, compelled me with great force of prayers to undertake these things. When indeed I had put forward the true excuse of my want of skill, they said that they preferred that these things should be set forth rather in a rustic style. But I, considering that a pompous account befits a humble man less, gave credence to the sayings of the witnesses. They related not many signs, indeed, which the common people value greatly, but not a few things about his disciplined manner of living and the works of mercy, which please God more. For the King in the judgment will say to many who prophesied, and to many who did worthy things: "I know you not ^d." But those who work justice, in which Gerald grew to the very greatest degree, will hear: "Come, ye blessed of My Father ^e." And in truth, what kind of deeds are those by which Job, David and Tobias and very many others are called blessed, if not those which Gerald is proved to have done? These things therefore being thus considered, I have been persuaded to believe that Gerald is worthy of the fellowship of the Saints, through whom also the heavenly Rewarder deigns to work miracles. But having spoken long in weaving this apologetic Preface, let us now come, in the name of Christ, to the beginning of our discourse.

ANNOTATIONS.

d. Matthew 25, 12.

e. Matthew 25, 32.

BOOK I.

CHAPTER I.

St. Gerald's native land, parents and upbringing: his singular humility, love of God and devotion towards his neighbour.

Gerald, sprung from an illustrious lineage, The Man of the Lord, Gerald, therefore, originated from that part of Gaul which by the ancients is called Celtica ^a, namely from the territory which borders on that of Auvergne and of Cahors ^b and also of Albi ^c, begotten in the town or village ^d of Aurillac, of his father Gerald and his mother Adaltrude, so excellently illustrious by nobility of the flesh that among the families of Gaul his lineage seemed more generous both in possessions and in uprightness of morals ^e. For it is said that his parents held modesty and religion as a kind of hereditary dowry; of which thing two witnesses from the same stock, emerging, exist who are quite fit to establish this, namely Saint Caesarius, bishop of Arles, and the blessed Abbot Aredius ^f. And since the Lord is in the just generation, and the generation of Gerald is of those seeking the Lord, it is consequent that the generation of the upright should be blessed. Truly, how wealthy these same were is testified even by the estates full of bondsmen, which, spread all around, came to the same Gerald by right of succession. But the glory of mind which he had drawn from his parents shone forth in him manifoldly increased. For by a certain grace his parents are the more illustrious, who deserved to beget so happy an Offspring.

[6] and, a vision intervening, conceived by his mother, His father, indeed, in that very marriage strove so greatly to keep himself chaste that, frequently withdrawing from his wife's bed, he lay alone, as if, according to the Apostle, giving himself to prayer for a time. But one night he is reported to have been admonished in sleep that he should know his wife, because he was going to beget a son. For they say that it was told him that he should call him by his own name, Gerald. It was said also that he would be of great merit. And on waking he rejoiced at the vision. Then, having fallen asleep again, it seemed to him that from the big toe of his right foot a certain little rod sprang forth, which gradually grew up into a great tree, and then, with its branches spread out, extended itself in every direction [*]. Then he, as if calling workmen, ordered supports of forks or poles to be placed beneath, and, although it grew exceedingly large, yet he felt no weight on his toe. Indeed, the visions of dreams are not always empty ^g. If credence is to be given to a dream, this vision seems to agree with the effect of things to come. He knew his wife, therefore, who according to the compact of the vision conceived a boy. But perhaps this may be doubted, as being a dream. Another sign of power then evidently followed.

[7] His mother, when she was near to childbirth, namely on the ninth day before he was born, by a triple wailing in her womb he presages something great of himself, it happened that she was lying awake with her husband awake, and while they were conversing with one another about I know not what, the infant uttered a voice which both heard. And when, astounded, they were amazed at what it could be, and could not be ignorant that that voice had sounded in the mother's belly, the father calls the chambermaid and, a light having been brought, orders it to be searched out whence that wailing had sounded. When she, likewise astounded, protested that no infant at all was present who could have uttered that voice, the infant sounded again a second time; and after a short interval it sounded also a third time, namely as a newborn child is wont to wail. Three times therefore it was heard in the mother's womb, which is assuredly as wonderful as it is established to have happened contrary to the manner of nature. And since it was done not by chance, but by the disposition of God the ordainer of things, perhaps that voice already presaged [] that he was to have living acts in the enclosure of this mortality. For just as the offspring, abiding in the mother's belly, lives indeed but has no sense, so the whole human race in this life, after the guilt of the first man, is held shut up as if within the straits of the womb, where, although through faith it lives in the hope of the glory of the sons of God, yet nothing spiritual [], as may be seen, nor efficacy of the senses such as the first man had before sin or the Saints receive after this life, does it exercise in any way except feebly and with difficulty. Gerald therefore sounded well in his mother's womb, since, exercising himself beyond the common vigour of others in the faith of the holy Trinity, he signified by that little voice the happy fame with which he was to fill the world.

[8] And when he was born ^h and weaned, and had arrived at that tender age the boy as yet shows nothing childish, in which the quality of character is wont to be explored in little ones, a certain pleasing disposition glowed in him, through which those inspecting him diligently conjectured [*] that this would be a Man of virtue. For in the first age, as we often see, little ones are wont, through the incitements of corrupt nature, to grow angry, and to envy, and to wish to take vengeance, or to attempt other things of this kind. But in the boy Gerald a certain sweetness of mind, with a modesty which greatly graces youth, adorned his very infantile actions. He, by the providing divine grace, was applied to the study of letters, with only this intention on his parents' part, that after running through the psalter he should soon be instructed in secular exercises, as is the custom for noble boys, namely that he should drive Molossian hounds, become an archer ⁱ, and grow used to sending off capons and hawks with fitting cast. But lest, devoted to a vain pursuit, he should let the time suitable for learning letters pass in emptiness, it was disposed by the divine nod that he should be ill for a long time. With such a languor of infirmity indeed that he was drawn away from secular exercise, but was not hindered from the pursuit of learning. For he was continually so filled with small pustules that, prolonged for a long time, they were now thought unable to be healed.

For which cause his father, with his mother, decided that he should be applied more closely [*] to the studies of letters. So that, namely, if he were less apt for the uses of the world, he might be rendered fit for the ecclesiastical office. By this occasion therefore it came about that he not only learned chant, but also had a foretaste of grammar. Which afterwards profited him much, since the edge of his wit, polished by that exercise, was rendered sharper for everything he wished. And there was in him a lively sagacity of mind, and one quite ready for learning whatever he wished.

[9] [and while afterwards as a youth he is instructed in the exercises of nobles, he does not neglect the sacred Scriptures.] Boyhood having passed, when he was now growing to youth, the strength of his limbs consumed the harmful humour of his body. And he became so swift that he would leap over the backs of horses with an easy bound. And because he grew vigorously agile ^k in strength of body, he sought to become accustomed to armed warfare. But already the sweetness of the scriptures had betrothed the mind of the Youth to itself, for whose study he panted the more affectionately. On this account, although he excelled in military duties, yet, enticed by delight in letters, he was somewhat slow, by voluntary sluggishness, in those, but accustomed to assiduity in this. I believe he was already perceiving that, according to the testimony of Scripture, "Wisdom is better than strength," and nothing is richer than she. And since she is easily seen by those who love her, she forestalled the mind of the same Youth, so as to show herself to him first, so as to be the sweet converse of his thought. Gerald, therefore, could be occupied by no hindrance such that he did not run back to the love of learning. Whence it came about that he learned the series of the Scriptures almost fully, and surpassed many clerics, however knowing, in knowledge of it.

[10] Not puffed up by the power acquired after his parents' death And when his parents died, and all power came under his dominion, Gerald did not swell up, as youths are wont to do who grow proud in early lordship, nor did he change the modesty of heart he had begun. The power of lordship grew greater, but the humble mind by no means grew insolent. But for disposing and protecting the properties which, as we have said, he had claimed for himself by hereditary right, he was compelled to be occupied, and to go out from that sweetness of heart which he had already in some measure foretasted, to the bitternesses of earthly business. He bore it ill to desert this secret place of his heart, but soon, as far as was possible, he ran back to it. But while he seemed as it were to fall from the height of contemplation through earthly occupation, just as it is the habit of the ibex ^l, that falling it catches itself on its horns lest it die, so, running back to the divine love or the meditation of holy Scripture, he escaped the ruin of inward death; inspired already, as I think, by that spirit of David by which he, fervent, gave no sleep to his eyes until, freed from the day's actions, he should find a place for the Lord in himself, in which, secretly exulting under his tongue, he might taste how sweet the Lord is. Perhaps, according to that saying of Job, the rock Christ poured forth for him streams ^m of oil, lest many waters should be able to extinguish the lamp of charity in him. And he gaped fixedly at this refreshment of heart, but was nevertheless pressed by his household and intimates to wear away his leisure and spend himself on the advantages of others.

[11] orphans and widows, He admitted, therefore, unwillingly the biting cares on account of the complaints of those crying out. For his people pleaded with querulous voice, saying, Why should a powerful man suffer violence from the lowest persons, who were plundering his properties; adding that, while they found out that he would not avenge himself, they laid waste the more bitingly whatever was of his right: That it was holier and more honourable that he should recognize the right of armed warfare, draw the sword against enemies, curb the audacity of the violent: That it was better that the reckless should be pressed down by warlike force than that the country people and the unarmed should be unjustly oppressed by them. Gerald, hearing this, exhorted not by assault but by reason, was bent to pity and to succour. And committing himself wholly to the divine disposition and mercy, he considered how he might visit orphans and widows according to the Apostolic precept, so as to keep himself unspotted from this world.

[12] the insolence of the violent so requiring, Therefore he was now exercising himself in repressing the insolence of the violent, observing this in the first place eagerly, that he should promise peace and the easiest reconciliation to his enemies. Which indeed he strove to do, so that either he might overcome evil with good, or if they disagreed, justice might already before the eyes of God have favoured his side more fully. And sometimes indeed he soothed them and brought them back to peace. But when the insatiable malice of certain men mocked the peaceable man, then at last, putting forth the sharpness of his heart, he broke the jaws of the wicked, so that, according to that saying of Job ⁿ, he might take away the prey from their teeth. Not, however, as is the custom of very many, stirred by lust of avenging, or enticed by love of popular praise, but glowing with love of the poor, who could not protect themselves. And he did this lest perhaps, if he had grown torpid in sluggish patience, he should seem to have neglected the precept about the care of the poor. For He commands the poor man to be rescued, and the needy to be delivered from the hand of the sinner. Rightly therefore did he not give a horn to the sinner. And sometimes, when the unavoidable necessity of fighting pressed upon him, he commanded his men with imperious voice to fight with the points of their swords turned back, directing their spears forward. This would have been laughable to the enemies, had not Gerald, strengthened by divine power, soon been unbearable to those same enemies. Which also seemed very foolish to his own men, had they not proved by experience that Gerald, whom piety conquered in the very moment of fighting, was always invincible. When therefore they saw that he triumphed by a new kind of fighting mixed with piety, they turned their mockery into admiration. Secure also of victory, they eagerly observed what he commanded. For it has never been heard that the outcome of victory failed either him or his soldiers who fought under his fealty. But this too is established as certain, that neither did he himself ever wound anyone, nor was he at all wounded by anyone. For Christ was, as it is written ^o, at his side, who, looking into the eye of his heart, saw through that for love of Him he was so beneficent that he did not wish to attack the enemies themselves, but only to bring their audacity to its senses [p]. Let no one indeed be disturbed that a just man sometimes had the practice of fighting, which seems incongruous with religion. Whoever he is, if he discerns the case with a just balance, he will prove that the glory of Gerald is not to be obscured even in this part. For some of the fathers, although they were both most holy and most patient, yet when the cause of justice required it, took up arms manfully against adversaries: as Abraham, who to rescue his nephew [q] routed a huge multitude of enemies. And King David, who directed legions even against his son [r].

[13] and protects the common good. Gerald fought not by invading others' rights, but by protecting his own, or rather those of his people. Not ignorant that the Rhinoceros, that is, any powerful man, is bound with a thong, that he may break up the clods of the valleys, that is, the oppressors of the humble. Nor, as the Apostle says, "does the Judge bear the sword without cause; for he is the avenger of God:" [s] It was lawful therefore for a layman placed in the order of fighters to bear the sword, that he might defend the unarmed common folk, like harmless cattle, from the evening wolves, as it is written. And those whom Ecclesiastical censure cannot subdue, he might restrain either by the right of war or by judicial force. It does not therefore obscure his glory that he fought for the cause of God, for whom the whole world fights against the senseless; but rather it advances his praise, that he always conquered openly, without fraud or the intervention of ambushes, and yet was so protected by God that, as we said above, he never stained his sword with human blood. Further, whoever takes up arms against his enemies by his example, let him also by his example seek not his own advantage but the common one. For you may see some who for love of praise or gain boldly expose themselves to dangers, gladly endure the evils of the world for the world: and while its bitternesses come upon them, they lose, so to speak, the joys they were seeking. But the case of these is another thing. The work of Gerald, however, is bright, since it is measured from simplicity of heart.

ANNOTATIONS.

k. Or grew in agility.

p. To repress.

q. Lot, son of his brother Aran.

r. Absalom.

s. For he beareth not the sword without cause. For he is God's minister: an avenger to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil. To the Romans 13, verse 4.

[] perhaps quaquaversum*?

[] præsagiebat*

[] sensuale*

[] conjiciebant*

[] perhaps arctius*?

CHAPTER II.

The Saint's chastity assailed; his prayer, sobriety, modesty, kindness towards the poor and afflicted.

The Saint, wavering in chastity, The ancient deceiver had explored the character of the youth, and, having pondered something divine in him, he burned with envy, and on that account strove to overwhelm him with as many frauds of temptations as he could. But he had already learned to take refuge by praying in the bosom of the divine goodness, and to refute his devices through the grace of Christ. But the enemy, insatiably envious, when he had proved by experience that he could not reign in him through delight of the flesh, stirred up against him, as we said above, whirlwinds of wars through wicked men, so that through them he might assail the citadel of piety in his heart, into which by himself he

was by no means able to break in. But against the chastity which the same little youth ^a loved eagerly, to return to his younger years, the most crafty enemy was most fiercely inflamed. For it was new and unwonted to him that any young man should have escaped the shipwreck of modesty in safety. Lust, therefore, which for deceiving the race of men is either the greatest or the first of his powers, he urgently suggested to him. And when he utterly rejected it, the enemy was tormented, because he could not introduce it even at the doors of his heart. On this account he resorts to an inveterate fraud, and runs back to the instrument of deception by which either Adam or his posterity are most wont to be deceived, I mean to woman. For he thrust a certain young girl, as it is said, before his eyes. And he, while incautiously attending to the colour of her fine skin, soon began to soften in delight of her. O if he had at once beheld with the understanding what lay hid beneath the skin! For assuredly nothing of the flesh is beautiful except the paint of the hide. He turned away his eyes, but the image impressed through them on the heart remained. And so he was distressed, enticed, and burned with a hidden fire. At length, overcome, he sends to the girl's mother one who announces that he will come by night. Following the messenger, he was hastening violently to the destruction of his soul. Meanwhile, however, as captives in chains are wont to remember with groaning their former freedom, Gerald sighs, and called back to mind the accustomed sweetness of the divine love. And, though with sick affection, he asked God that that temptation might not swallow him up altogether. He comes to the appointment, the girl enters the lodging; because it was cold, she stood facing him beside the hearth: but divine grace had already looked upon Gerald. To whom the same girl soon seemed so deformed that he did not believe her to be the one he had seen, until her father asserted that it was she. But he, understanding that it did not happen without the divine nod that the same young girl did not have the same loveliness in his eyes, soon gathered himself back to the mercy of Christ; and sighing deeply, he hastily mounted his horse, and without any delay, giving thanks to God, hastened to depart in haste.

[15] although soon coming to his senses, A very great bitterness of cold had then by chance come on, to which he allowed himself to be parched the whole night, namely so that the icy harshness might punish the warmth of a small delight. And he forthwith orders the father to give her in marriage. And he both presented her with freedom and granted her a certain small estate by testamentary right. Perhaps, suspicious of his own frailty, he caused her nuptials to be hastened. Wherefore, for the sake of alms, he also presented her with the dowry of freedom, lest her marriage should be delayed. But thou, destined to be a Cedar of Paradise, how couldst thou be so shaken? Certainly that thou mightest learn what thou wast of thyself. For that patron of thine too, namely the Prince of the Apostles, to whom afterwards thou didst commit both thyself and all thine, would not have known himself enough had not the moment of temptation crept upon him. But now thou, having experienced what man is by himself and what by the grace of God, disdain not to have compassion on the frailty of thy suppliants. And let us know that it is not unwonted for the Saints to be tempted. For they are born with the vices of corrupt nature implanted, namely so that wherever they strive, striving they may conquer, conquering they may be crowned. But it matters who, receiving the delight of vice, succumbs, or who, resisting it, conquers, and, occupying his mind rather with the delight of the virtues, drives from himself, with the antidote of pious supplication, the poison of the depraved delight which he may perhaps have taken in for an hour. But this youth, more discreet from the experience of danger, like someone on a slippery place after his foot has struck, walked more cautiously, taking good care that his eyes should announce nothing to his heart whence death might steal in through their windows to his soul.

[16] But the Lord, sweet and upright, who preserved His servant Gerald from fornication he is punished for some while with blindness: by the sweetness of His goodness, did not omit by the censure of His uprightness to punish him for concupiscence. For after a time of not many days had elapsed, for one year and more He crushed His culprit with the blindness of glaucoma ^b, so that the eyes which had seen unlawful things could not for a time see even lawful things. Though indeed no defect [*] whatever appeared either in his eyelids or in his pupils. His intimates knew of the blindness, and the clear-seeming pupils concealed it from strangers with the utmost care. And he, humbling himself under the hand of the striking Lord, was silent, as if ready for His scourges. Bodily medicine indeed he neither refused nor sought urgently, waiting patiently for when or how his Lord, His will to strike being fulfilled, would wish to remove the blows. For he knew that every son is scourged. And the inward arbiter purges now even the smallest stains in His elect, lest there be in them anything which might afterwards offend His eyes. And on that account He brought this scourge upon him, by which the youthful mind might be both purged of the past and preserved more refined for the future. When therefore God had fulfilled His will in him, He removed the scourge and restored light to his eyes.

[17] he recites the psalter daily: And now, his senses being as it were thoroughly refined through affliction, he led a life honourable enough, and kept the middle ^c path of discretion, leaning more to neither side. Namely, so that he might not defraud his duties by secular business, nor entangle himself away from the worship of religion by earthly occupation, he joined to himself more intimately the more honourable men, and clerics of better repute, with whom at home or abroad he performed the divine office either together or individually. The Lord's day had come, and he had need to come to a certain court-assembly ^d by agreement ^e, where namely certain noble men were to convene. Lest by coming too late he should seem to delay them, he was careful to rise early ^f, and to set out before it grew light. For he was on guard in this against swollen pride, lest he should show himself late or difficult to anyone; as is now the custom with some, who, as if coming forth from the bridal chamber, give themselves up to drunkenness before they attend to their friends, contrary to that word of Scripture which says: "Woe to the land whose princes eat in the morning." ^g But Gerald not so. For he thought it very unworthy that he who was set over many and was lord should become a slave to the dominion of vices. He went fasting to the court-assembly ^h, lest, sobriety being drowned, he should lack the judgment of reason. And he inquired what was of Christ, what of peace, what might put forward the common good. After the nocturnal Lauds, if he had to set out anywhere, the solemnity of Masses followed: thus committing himself and his people to the divine clemency he departed. On the aforesaid Sunday, indeed, since it had been necessary to set out [*] before dawn, he had passed over the Mass, which, namely, when he hoped to hear it after the assembly was finished, it was nowhere possible. Very sorrowful, therefore, he ran about, seeking where there might be any hope of finding one. But when it was in vain, he calls the clerics who chanced then to be present, and with them all the psalm-singing ⁱ soldiers, saying: It is properly my fault that this holy day will pass for us in vain; but there is something we may do to the praise of God, lest we seem to have spent the holy day emptily. He had said these things, and, sounding nothing mortal, he ran through the psalter from the beginning with the same men. From this he now established for himself the custom that he should recite the psalter almost daily. Which, namely, when it was run through, he seemed to rejoice, as having feasted spiritually, as one is wont to be glad when his ambition is satisfied.

[18] the endowments of his body, It seems worth the trouble if we set forth some things about the condition of his body. For although the flesh profits nothing, although beauty is a deceitful grace, yet because it is wont to be the tinder of lust and pride for some, it is to be praised in this Man that he was both comely and did not defile himself with the mire of lust. And he was wholly, as they say, euphormis, that is, well formed. And although its own beauty adorned each limb, yet he had a neck so white and, as it were, so shapely to the rule of sight that you would think you had scarcely seen anything else so graceful. The comeliness of his mind indeed adorned the elegance of his body. Whence on his countenance the disposition of his heart glowed. This Scripture too testifies, saying that the laughter of the teeth and the encounter of the face show the quality of the inward man. He had already tasted that the Lord is sweet, and that the embrace of the heavenly Spouse is delightful: and therefore he did not suffer the beautiful form of the soul to be enticed in the eyes of the same Spouse by delight of the flesh. His people were wont joyfully to kiss his neck, yet he was not indignant with them, since pride, which is always untractable, could not claim a seat for itself. He was moreover very swift in nimbleness of body, and strong in robustness of strength. Which is therefore to be recalled, that it may appear that he is praiseworthy who, having matter for pride, has pressed himself down in humility. On the contrary, that they are blameworthy who, having little or none of these things, swell up. But after he applied himself more fully to studies of the mind, that agility of body wholly withered. Then besides, he was most agreeable in common converse, and profound in sharpness of counsel in handling and arranging affairs. And although he avoided words of buffoonery, yet he so set forth serious things that he pleased his people even in this. Nor was he too ready of tongue in uttering threats, nor tenacious in reserving injuries. But neither was he easy in giving any benefits whatever, nor changeable in taking away those [*] which he had given. And what he said affirmatively, that he fulfilled without doubt, unless perhaps he discerned it to be a sin.

[19] sobriety, He so applied himself to sobriety that he guarded not only himself but also his people from drunkenness. For his guests were neither voracious nor bibulous. For he never forced even guests to drink, nor did he draw drink more often than all the other guests. And so he tempered the banquet that they rose from it neither drunken nor somewhat sad. And although he sometimes had guests, to whose entertainment he devoted himself wholly, take refreshment in the morning, yet he himself did not take refreshment before the third hour of the day, or, in a fast, before the ninth. The blessed Prince observed that precept of Scripture, who eats in his time for refreshment, and not for luxury. For what could he more fittingly watch against than drunkenness; which, besides the fact that it is the death of the soul, and, on the testimony of the Apostle, excludes from the kingdom of God as homicide does, is also proved to be very harmful to the body. For from it comes weakness of strength, from it trembling of the limbs, from it enervation of the senses, from it untimely old age is complained of. Sight, speech, countenance are disfigured, and all the comeliness of religion is depraved. For no one can be filled at once with wine and with the Holy Spirit. And by no means can Jerusalem be protected from the fire of fornication if it will not keep Nabuzardan ^k, the prince of the cooks, from its siege.

[20] munificence towards the poor, Seats were always prepared for the poor before him, and sometimes tables were set before them, so that he might see for himself what or how much was given them for refreshment. Nor was a fixed number of those received kept, but when perhaps more were present, whose persons seemed indeed apt for receiving, more were brought in to him. And no one was ever shut out from the door without the giving of alms. The servants took care that he should always have at hand dishes which he himself might give them. Drink also was brought, which, inspected

and tasted beforehand, he passed on, so that they might drink first; to whom he also gave the half of his own bread. Believing indeed that in these he received Christ, and reverently honouring Him in them, he admitted Him to himself through them, whose refreshment it is, according to the prophet, to refresh the weary. Which reception of reward those men ill diminish for themselves who, although they send out alms abroad, yet do not bring the poor in to themselves. For they seem thus to shut out from their houses Christ, who says: "I was a stranger, and ye took Me in." ^l And so that, according to the Lord's precept, he might surpass the justice of the Pharisees, he had a ninth part of the revenues of his fields set aside separately. From this the poor were fed in certain of his houses: from this garments or shoes were furnished to them. To those who met him he now continually ministered the coins which he himself carried for this purpose, either by himself or through a trusted servant. Sometimes, when coins were being paid out for someone, he himself received with the needy, rejoicing and longing to be made like the poor. Which, however, he gave away at once, recompensing the little gift received with much performance of the divine office.

[21] At the time of refreshment great reverence was kept towards him. his pious manner of banqueting, Talkativeness or buffoonery did not prevail there, but either necessary or honourable discourses, or certainly those of the divine word, were spoken. For at all times he dined once in the day, except perhaps in the summer days, when he would sup further ^m on something raw. At his table there was reading first for a good while; but in order to condescend to the seculars, sometimes suspending the reading, he would ask the clerics what was said in it: but from those whom he knew to be able to answer. For indeed he brought up noble clerics, to whom both uprightness of morals and the cultivation of the understanding were eagerly applied. For to those reaching puberty he showed himself more austere, saying that the time of that age is very dangerous, when any youth, laying aside the likeness of his mother's voice or face, begins to assume his father's voice or countenance; and that whoever then strove to keep himself would thereafter easily overcome the incentives of the flesh. When therefore those whom he questioned about the reading asked him rather to speak himself, he was wont at length to bring forth what not pompous dissertation but learned simplicity supplied him. Meanwhile, when there were not wanting forthwith those who would stir up certain witticisms, as is usual, or jokes, he restrained them not with biting indignation, but as if likewise jesting. Yet he never allowed vanity to be prolonged in his presence. For he knew that it is commanded to all Christians in common that each should eat his bread with silence. And at the end of the refreshment the reader always repeated the reading. Thus Gerald spent the greatest part of the time of refreshment either speaking of God, or with God speaking to him through the reading. Let those see to this example of his who, against the reproof of the Prophet, have the harp and the lyre in play at their banquets. They delight in sports and exult at the sound of the organ. They regard not the work of the Lord, since amid the voices of the noisy they do not even hear the cry of the poor. For what? It is true what Christ the Truth said, namely that "out of the abundance of the heart the mouth speaketh ⁿ." These, who speak always of secular things and either little or seldom of God, it is plain what they love more, or what abounds in their hearts.

[22] fasts, Would that these, like Gerald, would provide for their last things, and, whether they ate or drank, do all things to the praise of God according to the Apostle's precept. On three weekdays in the week and in all the time that is dedicated to abstinence he abstained from meats. If, however, an annual festivity fell on those same weekdays, he so broke the abstinence that on some free weekday, in place of the one he had broken, he likewise abstained; while he also refreshed one poor man beyond the usual ones on account of that festivity. But if a fast fell on the Lord's day, he by no means broke it ^o, nor passed it over on this occasion, but discharged the solemnity of the fast on the preceding Saturday. But if such eating should seem unbecoming to a holy Man, let him whom this perhaps disturbs know that all things are clean to the clean, that is, to those eating without the vice of concupiscence. And that the inward judge attends not to the quality of the food, but to the necessity or the appetite with which it is taken. Which the prophet Elias and Esau prove by their example. It was lawful therefore for a layman, especially one so just, to use lawful things: which is not lawful for those whose profession forbids it. For that tree of paradise brought death not because it was evil, but because it was presumed upon against the prohibition. modesty of dress,

[23] Further, he always used garments of wool or linen, not in that way which has now been presumed and devised by the sons of Belial, who are assuredly without yoke, but in the ancient manner, woven only so that they neither smelled of affected pomp nor were marked with plebeian rusticity. Silken or precious garments, however, not even on the pretext of any festivity, nor at the presence of any marquis, did he strive to adorn himself with more than usual. That strap [p] by which the sword is wont to be bound to the loins he took care for twenty years, if it could last so long, not to change or renew. What shall I say of the baldric or ambitious girdles or the brooch, of the trappings of horses, since he would not suffer not only to wear gold, but not even to have it? For he did not reckon gold his strength, nor did he glory in the multitude of riches, but in God. As even professors of religion are wont to do, who are solicitous with shameless and untiring zeal to cultivate the adornment of the body: aiming at this with all effort, that the reverence which they take from themselves by their morals they may at least beg from those looking on by the pretext of a precious garment. To whom it would assuredly be expedient rather to give themselves to the adornment of the soul, which could grow continually more beautiful.

[24] And to the poor and to those who had suffered injury there was always free access to him, kindness towards the oppressed, nor did they need to bring any little gift to commend their cause to him. For each one alleged his necessity the more fully to his eyes the more closely he had seen him in need. And now his kindness resounded not only in the neighbouring but also in distant regions. And because all knew how beneficent he was towards all, many dispatched their necessities through him. Nor did he disdain [*], either by himself or through his people, to take part in the business of the poor and, as far as he could, to offer support. For often, when he learned that harsh wars were raging among those at discord, on the day on which the cause was to be debated he caused Masses to be celebrated for them. And to those whom it did not occur to him to help humanly, he invoked the divine help upon them. Nor did he suffer that any lord should be able to take away benefices from his vassal [q] for any commotion of mind whatever: but, the cause having been brought into the open, partly by prayer, partly by command, he repressed the commotion of the exasperated mind. You would have thought the vigour of his uprightness inclined in this one thing only. Whenever a poor man happened to be held liable before a more powerful one, so that he might break the stronger without injury. But truly hungering for justice, he did not suffer it to be injured, not only in his own people but also in strangers.

[25] The thirst for justice, like the hunger, burned in him in due order. love of justice, For neither did simplicity or kindness desert the sharpness of zeal, nor the sharpness of zeal the kindness of simplicity. Surely, as is said of Job, that he was simple and upright, so this man too, although he took much thought for the poor, yet in punishing the guilty did not altogether slumber: namely not ignorant that it is divinely given to some that they should atone by temporal punishment for a crime which cannot remain unpunished. Whence King David too, dying, orders Joab and Semei to be punished. Robbers had occupied a certain forest, who inflicted robberies and slaughters on passers-by and neighbours. Gerald, hearing this, at once sent men to capture them. And it chanced that a certain countryman had then come to them, compelled by fear. But the soldiers who seized them, fearing lest perhaps the lord Gerald should either let them go, or blame them for showing them to him unpunished, at once tore out the eyes of all. On which occasion it came about that that countryman was blinded along with them. He then withdrew into the district of Toulouse [r]. Long afterwards, when the lord Gerald had heard of him, that he had not been an associate of the robbers, he was greatly saddened, inquiring whether he lived or where he had gone. And having found out that he had departed to the province of Toulouse, he sent him a hundred solidi, as they say, ordering the bearer to ask pardon from him in his stead.

[26] towards the afflicted, Likewise, how mercifully he consoled the afflicted, or how much he often pitied those liable to punishment, let this example make clear. His neighbours, as a quarrel grew, had so crushed a certain priest that they tore out his eyes. The lord consoled him much with words, persuading him to patience. But lest the consolation of words should seem meagre, he handed over to him a certain church of his own right, a testament being solemnly made. Some little time had flowed by, and one of those who had done violence to the priest was seized by the officials and shut up in prison. Which was at once announced to the lord, as one who would rejoice at it. He at once, as if hastening with desire of punishing, made his way to the place of the prison. But other causes had come up which had to be dispatched on the morrow. On this occasion, therefore, he orders the culprit to be held until then. But in the evening, when the officials [s] had gone off to their homes, he secretly commanded the jailer to refresh him with food and drink. And because he was barefoot, giving him shoes, he was to allow him to flee. And on the morrow, when the suitors of the court [t] were flocking from all sides to the lord, he orders the culprit to be brought. But certain men whom the keeper of the prison had prepared to speak for himself indicate, trembling, that the culprit had fled. And he, wishing to conceal the deed, as it were threatened the keeper. But soon likewise, It has turned out well, he said, since the priest had already forgiven them the injury.

[27] Likewise two men in chains, whom a great guilt had made liable before him, and towards the guilty with mercy. had been presented to him. And the accusers pressed that he should order them to perish at once by hanging. But he dissembled, since he did not wish to free them openly. For in any work of piety he so moderated himself that his very piety could not seem excessive. Looking therefore at the accusers, If, he said, as you say, they must die, first, according to the popular saying, let us refresh them. Then he ordered food and drink to be brought to them, and them to be unbound for eating. And when they had been refreshed, he gave them his little knife, saying: Go, and bring yourselves the withy with which you are to be hanged. Now not far off was a forest, which had grown up dense with stems. Entering it and as if seeking a withy, gradually penetrating into the more remote parts, they suddenly disappeared and thus escaped the moment of death. And those who were present, understanding his assent, did not dare to search for them among the thickets. And as far as can be conjectured from the equality of persons, those persons of the guilty who had set themselves upon evil he either restrained with fines or branded with the mark of burning. But those persons who, not through accustomed malice, but

through some chance whatever, had perpetrated some evil, he let go unharmed. Yet it was never heard that in his presence anyone was either punished with death or mutilated in his limbs.

ANNOTATIONS.

g. Ecclesiastes 10, 16.

l. Matthew 25, 35.

n. Matthew 12, 24.

p. Or the belt by which the sword is girded at the loins.

q. One who had received some estates or other things of this kind from his lord, as St. Odo speaks.

r. Whose chief place is the city of Toulouse, an archiepiscopal see.

s. Servants or ministers of the judge, who obeyed him at his nod.

t. Those who had come to the mallum, and so called from mallum. The mallum, or greater placitum, where the greater causes were wont to be determined by counts and lords. The Edict of Quierzy of Charles the Bald, year 864: And let him so hold his mallum that his barigildi and advocates, who have accounts in other counties, may be able to come to his mallum. Thence admallare, to come before the judge for the sake of litigating. Marculf, book 1 of the Formulae, chapter 21: Because on account of his simplicity he can by no means prosecute or bring to the mallum his causes. And mallenses are those called into judgment for prosecuting and disputing business. Thus Duchesne in the Notes, col. 30.

[] macula*

[] proficisci*

[] nec ab his*

[] dedignabatur*

CHAPTER III.

Other acts likewise of St. Gerald, by which his great zeal towards his neighbour is demonstrated.

He supplies money to a country woman for paying for labour, Truly, of his many deeds I recall a few, one by one, which can suffice to show certain acts of piety, namely those found out by us. On this account also we insert even the least things, through which his great zeal can be demonstrated, as is namely this. While he was once proceeding along the public causeway, in a small field adjoining the road a certain country woman was driving a plough. He asks her why, being a woman, she had presumed to do a man's work. She answered that her husband had now been languishing a long time, that the time of sowing was passing, that she was alone and had no one who might help her. He indeed, pitying her calamity, orders as many coins to be given her as there seemed to remain days of sowing, so that for each day she might hire a farmer for herself, and she herself might thenceforth cease from man's work. Everything counterfeit, as Ambrose says, nature shuns, and God its author abhors what is against her. This thing, therefore, is indeed slight in itself, but the affection of an upright man in agreement with the laws of nature makes it grow great.

[29] he is anxious to make good damages When likewise on another occasion he was taking his way, not far off a certain countryman was reaping chickpeas. When the young men who went before the lord, taking some from there, were munching them, he, having seen this, spurred on his horse and came in haste to the man, asking whether the boys had taken away the chickpeas. And he said, I, Lord, gave them freely. And the lord said, May God do well to you.

[30] inflicted by his people on others' property, Of such kind is this, that on another occasion, when his servants were preparing a banquet under the shade of cherry trees, the little branches hanging down with berries already ripe, which, before he came, the same servants had broken off, he bought with a price of silver from the countryman who protested. Perhaps someone will say that these things are unworthy of relating. But we show through these slight things the mind of a God-fearing man, so that it may be understood indirectly that he who did not despise small things could not by degrees fall into greater ones. Was not the affection of the widow approved by the Lord through two mites?

[31] he shows himself easy towards his people, But towards those who were of his right he was so beneficent and so peaceable that it was a wonder to those considering it. For they frequently reproached him both that he was soft and timid, who allowed himself to be injured by the lowest persons as if powerless. Yet he did not easily, as lords are wont to grow angry, become even slightly indignant against those reproaching him. For once he met not a few of the country folk who, having abandoned their holdings ^a, were migrating into another province. When he had recognized them, and had asked where they were going with their household goods, they answered that they had been wronged by him, though he himself had bestowed benefices on them. But the soldiers who were walking about urged the Prince that he should order them to be beaten and compel them to return to the cottages from which they had departed. But he would not. Inasmuch as he knew that his Lord and theirs was one in the heavens, and as one who was accustomed rather, according to the Apostle, to remit threatenings, who was wont not to lift the hand of his power over the orphan. He therefore allowed them to go away where they thought it more convenient for them, and gave them licence to dwell there. But this, which not without my shame I lately heard a certain man chattering, namely that he was not at all wont to remit to a debtor the debt of a pledge ^b, is altogether false, as those testify who often saw that he remitted not only the increase of the pledge, but also the capital ^c debt.

[32] he converts gifts offered to him to pious uses, For indeed his country folk ^d or clerics, who loved him affectionately as a father, frequently brought him little twisted tapers of wax, which he received as great gifts, returning many thanks. Yet he allowed nothing of that same wax to be burned for his own use, but ordered it all to be lit in lights before the altar or the holy pledges, which he caused to be carried with him accordingly. But the chamberlains, when perhaps wax prepared from elsewhere for his service was lacking, prepared before him and in his services torches of birch ^e bark or of fir. But since he took such great care that gifts freely given to him should not be used privately, how would it be consistent that he had exacted the exactions of pledges without indulgence? Nay rather, the things that were due to him by right he frequently remitted to debtors of his own accord. He remitted threatenings also to servants according to the Apostle's precept. For he sometimes also suffered fraud, and, as the same Apostle says, accepted the plundering of his goods.

[33] he presents a thief caught in the act with the stolen thing, But that this may be proved by an example, a thief once entered his tent by night. A taper was burning, as was the custom, before his bed, and the lord happened then to be awake. For he was wont on his couch to feed on the love and sweetness of Christ through the exercise of prayer. And that thief, running through everything with curious gaze, was exploring whether he might perhaps see something which he could carry off. He happens to look at a cushion, which had a silken cover. He stretched out his hand and was drawing it to himself. Then the lord said, Who are you? The robber was terrified and hesitated, stupefied. Then he said: Do what you are doing, and go away carefully, lest perhaps someone perceive it. Thus he persuaded the robber to go away freely with his theft. Who other than Gerald would do this so? Certainly it seems to me that this is more worthy of admiration than if he had made the thief stiffen into the hardness of stone.

[34] he of his own accord increases the price of a cloak, though justly bought, And how greatly he strove to guard against that which the Apostle commands, "That thou circumvent not thy brother in business," ^f will likewise be evident from the present example. When once, returning from the city of Rome, he was passing Pavia ^g, he encamped not far off. Which the Venetians and very many others at once learning, they forthwith went out to him. For already along all that route he was most noble enough, and famous among all on account of religion and liberality. When therefore the merchants, as is their custom, were running about among the pavilions ^h, and had inquired whether anyone wished to buy something, certain of the more honourable came to the lord's tent, and asked the servants whether perhaps the lord Count (for so all called him) would order either cloaks or kinds of spices to be bought. Then he himself, calling them to him, said, What pleased me I bargained for at Rome; but I should plainly like you to tell me whether I bargained well

or not. Then he orders the cloaks he had bought to be brought before them. One of them was most precious. Which the Venetian, looking at it, asks what was given for it. And when he had learned the sum of the price, Truly, he said, if it were at Constantinople ⁱ, it would be worth even more there. On hearing this, the lord was alarmed, as if shuddering at a great crime. And when afterwards he had found some Rome-pilgrims known to him on their way, he entrusted to them as many solidi as the Venetian had said the cloak was worth beyond the price given, giving them information where they might find the seller of the cloak ^k. But whereas in other kinds of sin men are wont to be pricked with compunction and to meditate on amendment, either rarely, or certainly not even rarely, would you see anyone besides Gerald who grieves to have offended in this kind of sinning. But surely he knew that God is offended by every sin, and he did not wish to offend even in the least things Him whom he loved with his whole heart.

[35] he assigns a ninth of his crops to the poor, But indeed, not unmindful that the justice of Christians ought to surpass the justice of the Pharisees, since all his crops were most rightly tithed, he ordered the ninths also to be laid up separately, which were to be dispensed in the various necessities of the poor. Thence, when necessity required, garments were bought for the poor arriving at various times. Besides, he carried coins with him unceasingly, which he gave secretly, as far as he could, to the needy who met him, either by himself or through anyone privy to this matter. And although his revenues of fields and vineyards were abundant enough, yet it was never heard that his stewards had lent anything; nor did he himself ever buy an estate, except one small field which happened to be set within a certain possession of his: whereas the rich too are wont to burn vehemently in this, forgetful of the terrible threat of the Prophet, in which he says: "Woe to you that join house to house, and lay field to field." [l] For Gerald, according to the precept of the Gospel, was content with his wages. And just as he struck at no one, nor did calumny, so also the Lord, the disposer of things, kept those things which were of his right safe from the impious and the invaders. For he held under his dominion such great places of estates through various provinces that by those very places of which he was full he was truly called wealthy. Yet the multitude of places did not exalt him, since, as the Psalmist says, he wished for nothing upon earth besides the Lord. Who surely added all these things to him, because he himself sought from Him the kingdom of God, which is first. So much indeed, by God's bestowing, had it grown, and so protected and so immune had it remained, that that saying seems to befit him: "Thou hast fenced him round, and his possession hath increased in the land." [m]

[36] Truly, that it may be evident how he was accustomed to overcome evil with good, he settles quarrels with gentleness, according to the Apostolic precept, let this deed of his be recalled as an example. When afterwards he had come to the port of Piacenza ⁿ, a certain cleric who was in charge of the port arrived. For, as is the custom there, he expected a very profitable fare from the Rome-pilgrims ^o. He, moved by bile for I know not what cause, was rolling out words of indignation, so that he provoked with injurious reproaches the bishop of the province of Rodez [p] and other noble men as well: the Man of the Lord, by chance standing opposite, fearing lest a sedition be stirred up, restrained his fellow-travellers [q], lest they should answer anything harshly. But the cleric he broke with soothing speech, and gave him certain little gifts. And he, seeing with what easy speech he had restrained both the bishop and the rest from answering the injuries, and how gently he had brought himself back to his senses, asked him who he was. When he answered that he was an Aquitanian and a person of middling rank, the cleric, considering him both in countenance and in speech, bent himself wholly to his favour, and remitted to all of his company whatever was owed of the fare, and filled with wine both his and the others' flasks [r] and wineskins. For the same lord had this gift divinely, that both he himself and his speech were gracious. And not only to any other persons, but even to the magnates themselves. Nay, he was always dear and revered even by kings.

[37] he treats a runaway slave honourably, Deservedly indeed was he loved by all, since he himself loved all. Let us relate plainly what he did about a certain runaway as about a friend. For on the same journey he found that same runaway, who some years before had departed from his service as a bondsman [s]. Who, among those persons with whom he dwelt, was held to be even great and wealthy. This man, therefore, the servants of the lord Gerald finding, brought to him trembling and fearful. But he inquired of him apart how he was getting on. And when he had learned from him that he was held in no small honour in that same place, Neither will I, he said, dishonour you. Then he commanded his people that no one should betray what he had been in his own region. Then indeed, in the sight of his neighbours, he bestowed on him certain little gifts, and honoured him quite eminently in speech and at table, and let him go in peace. Who besides Gerald would do this? But he did this who was not the slave of avarice, but had dedicated himself wholly to mercy.

[38] he sustains a traveller and furnishes him with provision for the way, Likewise on the same journey a certain man from the region of Bourges [t] had broken his hip not far from Rome. Who, left by his people, remained alone with his wife. Him a certain Boniface, one of the soldiers of the lord Gerald, found by chance, and hearing of his necessity, bringing him to the same lord Gerald, said, Behold, my Lord, according to your desire I have found something that will please you, which I present. See, a man in need of comfort. Whom thereupon the Man of the Lord joyfully took under his protection and brought him, sufficiently sustained, as far as the village of Brioude [u]. Then besides he gave him ten solidi, with which he might have support as far as his own people. These deeds and the like testify to the affection of mercy which divine inspiration largely breathed into him.

[39] he refuses to depart from the king's service, But let us know that it is necessary that the wheat harvest grow with the darnel, and that the chaff on top meanwhile press down the grain of wheat, and on this account it was fitting that malicious Cain should exercise just Abel to patience. Gerald also, that he might be shown, like Job, to have been a brother of dragons and a companion of ostriches, was frequently provoked by certain men of the provinces. For, the state of the commonwealth being by now too much disturbed [x], the royal vassals [y] the insolence of the marquises [z] had subjugated to itself. By now, therefore, it had been proved by the experience of many cases that, as it is written, the Almighty was against the enemies of Gerald. To whom he seemed so insuperable that the evil which they strove to contrive against him rather recoiled upon themselves, as it is written: "He that diggeth a pit for his neighbour [aa], shall himself first fall into it." William [bb], indeed, duke of the Aquitanians, a good man and praiseworthy in many things, when at length he had grown exceedingly powerful, urged, not indeed with threats but with prayers, that Gerald, departing from the royal service, should commend himself to him; but he, the count's [cc] favour having been lately usurped, by no means consented. Yet he commended his nephew, Rainald [dd] by name, to him, with a great number of soldiers. But the same William was by no means indignant with him, inasmuch as he was not unmindful that his father Bernard had commended him, while still a youth, to the same lord Gerald out of love. And therefore he always honoured him with very sweet companionship and great veneration. And when some cause pressed, he would come to converse with him. And sometimes William, delighted by the sweetness of the gracious man, would demand by force of prayers that he stay longer with him. And frequently, when he had set out on his business, he would make him go further with him.

[40] he abstains from plunder in war, It came about one day, when the matter so required, that he spent a long time with him in a certain region into which he had gone in hostile manner. Meanwhile all the provisions which had been brought on Gerald's pack-horses [ee] gradually ran out. Further, the army, turned to plunder, pursuing them as enemies of William, was laying waste that whole region. For which cause the inhabitants, fearing for themselves, were fleeing, having abandoned their goods, nor could anyone be found who would sell provisions to his servants. When therefore they had found nothing to buy, nor was it permitted them to touch anything of the plunder, he endured no small want on that expedition. Nor would he allow anything to be accepted from those who were plundering, lest perhaps by partaking with them he should become an associate of the sin. Yet he endured also the company of his friend, nor did he desert him though afflicted. Some laughed at this, that while others were revelling in plunder he himself with his men was in want. Many indeed, who had a sounder understanding, called him blessed, groaning more deeply that they were not fit to imitate him. Finally from this, and thereafter, he earned this surname, that he was called by all in common that good Gerald.

[41] he rejects a sumptuous marriage, a lover of chastity both inward and inward, And he was held in such esteem with the same William that he wished to give him his sister in marriage [ff], his mother Ermengard desiring it as soon as possible, who loved this man with a pious affection. But Christ, Son of the Virgin, had long since made sweet to him the love of chastity, which he so embraced from his earliest age that not even in view of so excellent a union would he suffer himself to be torn away from it. For how greatly he shuddered at the obscenity of the flesh can be noticed through this, that he by no means incurred a nocturnal illusion without grief. For as often as that misfortune of humanity happened to him while sleeping, the chamberlain who shared his secrets brought him apart, namely in a fitting place, a change of garments always ready for this, and a towel and a vessel of water. And when he went in there, for he would not suffer himself to be seen naked, that servant at once withdrew, closing the door. Thus the cultivator of inward purity fled the defilement of the body, so that he washed away that alone which had befallen him while sleeping not only with baths, but even with tears. This deed of his perhaps seemed foolish, but plainly to those whose muddy mind exhales the filth of vices. Who, when they defile themselves either naturally or voluntarily, yet disdain to wash away their uncleannesses by themselves. But Gerald knew it was written: "Keep thy heart with all diligence." [gg] And again: "He that despiseth small things shall fall by little and little." [hh] I would wish truly that you weigh how much it is to be esteemed that, placed among worldly riches and in earthly eminence, he kept chastity. What more magnificent could he do? Seek nothing greater or more excellent. For as blessed Martin declares, nothing is to be compared to virginity.

[42] the singular patronage of God Whence also Count Ademar [ii] pressed vehemently that he should subject him to his dominion. Which he could by no means extort. For not only to that Ademar, but not even to Duke William, who then possessed greater affluence of means, did he consent to commend himself. I believe this man was meditating on Mordecai, who scorned to submit himself to proud Aman, and to offer him the honour conferred on kings by God. But when, bound in the friendship of William, he seemed to have peace,

so that persecution might not be lacking to a man living in Christ, Satan instigated the aforesaid Count Ademar against him. Whom, though assailed with many and various temptations, he could assuredly not subjugate to himself. For once it happened that he was staying for the night in a meadow with a few soldiers: when indeed Ademar, having sent a scout, learned for certain both where he was and with how many. Rejoicing greatly that he had found an opportune occasion for seizing him, he gathered a wedge of armed men and directed his battle-line to the place. Now Gerald, lying down in a part of that meadow, as it is said, was sleeping with all his men. But He who keeps Israel by no means slumbered for the innocent Man. For indeed, as is written of the prophet Jeremiah, "Because the Lord hid him," so He hid this man too divinely, so that, although they had run through the whole meadow round about and had turned back through the middle, they could by no means find him. Then indeed Ademar, his effort frustrated, grieving that his impiety had been mocked, withdrew. But the just man, as it is written, with clean hands added the strength of praise in the Lord.

[43] against the hostile of Ademar, Since likewise the henchmen of Count Ademar occupied his castle. Gerald, having heard of this, took with him the few soldiers who then happened to be present there, and hastened to the town. And Ademar with a strong band of his army was preparing to follow the invaders of the town. But when they were not far off, because Gerald had run ahead to besiege the castle, he held back the flying army, saying: We must find out with what multitude of fighters Gerald is fortified, who has dared to forestall us in besieging the town. For he would not have thrown himself headlong into this danger unless he had been girt about with the help of some countrymen or other. He had said these things, and sent swift horsemen to find this out. Night indeed had then come on. And the scouts hasten without delay, and anxiously search out what may be the camp of Gerald. And, as is wont to happen in the night, having seen from afar, with uncertain sight, stones gleaming white, they thought them the tents of the besiegers. Who forthwith run back to Ademar bloodless and terrified, and declare that they have seen a huge multitude of camps. For they had returned by way of a certain matron, to whom they related this very thing, through whom also this very thing which had been seen by those scouts afterwards became known to the Man of God. Ademar, therefore, shaken by the divine nod, returned with his army to his own. And on the morrow the invaders of the castle, having learned that Ademar was by no means at hand to them, seek peace from Gerald, asking that he would permit them to withdraw without ignominy. And this indeed Gerald, the Man of God, at once granted. But the soldiers, excited in mind, bore it ill if they were not at least stripped of their arms. Yet the piety of Gerald prevailed, and compelled them to stand still, and he permitted passage to the enemy fleeing through a narrow lane. Nay, he even appointed two of his men in arms, who, standing on either side, should see to it that no one should presume to snatch anything of the goods of those going out. Thus Gerald, the enemies having been driven out without blood, triumphed. Thus Christ, after His manner, ennobled His glorious Soldier by adversity itself.

[44] of Godefred, That Godefred, count of Turenne [kk], once, having gathered a band of soldiers, was hastening to provoke this Man of God with war, or to lay waste the things which were of his right. But it happened that he was so wounded by the very sword with which he had armed himself that he could by no means complete the journey he had undertaken. Who at length, understanding that he had been wounded on account of the injury to the Man of God, ceased from his malice. Deservedly perceiving that that saying of Moses befitted him: "Let us flee from Israel, for the Lord fighteth for them against us."

[45] and the incursions of Adalelm The brother of the aforesaid Ademar nonetheless crept stealthily into the town which overhangs the Monastery. But because he had already learned from the experiences of others that Gerald, with God fighting for him, always prevailed over his enemies, he did not dare to remain there. Yet, having taken away everything that could be carried off, he fled in haste. And not long after, when certain honourable men rebuked him on account of that crime, he restored everything, and coming to the Man of God asked pardon for his temerity. For he now obtained such reverence among all who knew him that whoever had injured him was certain, as if he had committed sacrilege, that it would not turn out prosperously for him. Truly, although the sons of darkness disquieted the son of light both through these things which we have recounted and through many others, yet he did not omit to protect the poor wherever he could. For he so easily forgave those who injured him that you would think he wished more to forgive than they wished to be reconciled. The cause of the poor was always harder for him, since his soul suffered with them; and he could more easily neglect his own cause than theirs. For as some most skilled physician, who perhaps lies wounded, strives to heal the wounds of others, so he, while he was being injured, yet did not omit to protect the powerless.

[46] Indeed, he was so insuperable to his enemies experiences, that the evil which they strove to contrive against him rather recoiled upon them. Which is proved from certain things related above and from the present example. Adalelm, brother of Count Ademar, besides that injury which he had done to the same lord Gerald when he invaded the castle of Aurillac, which injury namely he had willingly forgiven him, nevertheless still raged with his malice, and was obstinately incited to the injury of the holy Man. Having gathered, therefore, a wedge of henchmen, he tried to burst into the castle, because then the lord Gerald happened to be present at the solemnities of Masses. But those who were outside, having seen him from afar advancing headlong, suddenly shut the gate. And when an uproar of men shouting arose in the castle, the soldiers who were at Mass with the lord wished to leap out. He broke them with his words, and by no means allowed them to go out until the work of God was completed. Meanwhile the henchmen of Adalelm, roving round the circuit of the castle, found only seven horses, which they also drove off. And at once, seeing that they had burst in to no purpose, driven by shame, they began to return. And it is said that the Man of the Lord, having held back his soldiers, taking his psalter, went up hastily above the gate and chanted I know not what from the psalms to the Lord. But the tyrant, who had made the heart of the just man to mourn, was by no means permitted to return rejoicing. I am about to say wonderful things and almost incredible, were they not declared by a quite suitable witness. For of their horses almost sixty perished within a short space of time. And Adelelm after the fourteenth day died so terribly that a violent whirlwind uncovered everything where he lay. This is testified by Adalbert [*], who was present, namely that monk who is accustomed to preach the word of God to the people at Limoges. For he was guarding the treasure of Saint Martial at Turenne: which had formerly been carried there for fear of the pagan nation. And those plunderers, seeing what had happened, sent back his horses to the Man of God.

[47] merciful in victory, Sometimes he was compelled against his will to put forth the strength of his power and to bend the neck of the wicked by warlike force, as namely was done in the case of a certain very bad man, who was called Arlald. For he held a certain little town, which is called At-Saint-Céré [ll], from which namely, going out like an evening wolf, he made incursions upon the household of the lord Gerald. He indeed, as a peaceable man, spoke to him who hated peace, nay, he even bestowed on him certain little gifts, and arms fit for soldiers, so that he might soften his savage character by benefits. But the foolish and brutish man, imputing this not to piety but to cowardice, raged the more boldly against the aforesaid household. At length, therefore, Gerald, considering that the madness of the foolish man could not be bridled without the scourge, having gathered a band of soldiers, made for the castle. And by an incredible success of victory he dragged out that beast from his chamber without the killing of anyone. And when he stood before him full of confusion, he addresses him, not insultingly, but reasoning as far as was needful. When he, trembling, had answered with most humble and deprecatory words, the Man of the Lord said to him: Behold, you have experienced that you cannot stand against me by your own strength. Beware therefore of raging, beware of practising malice further, lest it recoil more heavily upon your own head; and yourself, he said, I will let go in such a way that I shall not care to take from you either a hostage or any oath. But neither will I permit anything to be taken of your goods, even in compensation for the plundering which you were accustomed to practise. Thus he let the man go, restrained, and he thenceforth took good care not to presume to injure Gerald's household.

[48] patient and humble in adversities, Now, as we had said above, his adversaries were ceasing, struck with divine fear. For although, after the example of Job, he was a brother of dragons and a companion of ostriches, yet the beasts of the field were peaceable towards him. For although his allod [mm] was postomia [nn], and further his broad estates so succeeded one another that as far as the great mountain Greo [oo] he could, going and returning, always stay in his own chapels, yet he had no need to commend any village to any powerful man for safekeeping, except one single small estate which is called Taladiciacus. For it was set apart among very bad neighbours, far separated from the rest. Concerning this the officials prevailed upon him, unwilling and refusing, to commend it to a certain Bernard for safekeeping. Which he indeed bore patiently with a certain cheerfulness, saying: It has happened well to me, that I may learn that it is good to trust in the Lord rather than in man. Which namely it has pleased me to recall for this reason, that it may be evident from this that as often as God permitted something to be done for his proving, he referred it not to sadness but to humility. Through which also it is shown that this Man lived by faith, who recognized that all things lie subject to the divine disposition, and was not ignorant that, as it is written, nothing is done on earth without cause.

[49] Behold, we have set out certain things concerning his outward deeds and common conversation, through which namely it is most easily evident that this Man was a cultivator of justice, and, according to the Apostolic precept, lived soberly, and piously, and justly. Since therefore he exercised himself in the justifications of the Lord without blame, it ought not to seem incredible if the Lord Himself magnifies His mercy with him. Wherefore we urge those to whom everything which report now spreads abroad about the same holy Man seems incredible, that they reconsider his cause more cautiously and diligently. For if this seems to stand in the way, it must be considered that it is a greater and more praiseworthy virtue to have had matter for pride, and yet humbly to have pressed down the summit of power. For there is no power but from God. Who, according to scripture, does not cast away the powerful, since He Himself is powerful. Although therefore he was raised to the summit of secular glory, it ought not to seem incredible if God glorifies him who glorified Him in the observance of His commandments. Were not King David, Ezechias and Josias powerful and warlike? In modern times also it has been heard of some, as of Oswald [pp], King of the English, whom God glorifies through signs, who namely in the observance of the commandments

of His commandments strove to glorify Him. Finally, in the several ages of this life the divine condescension does many things which may profit as an incitement to religion trampled upon and forgotten. Whence the Apostle says that God leaves no time without testimony of Himself. Which is sometimes done even through the ungrateful, as indeed under Moses many signs were performed with those of whom it is written, "that with the most of them God was not well pleased." [qq] And truthful and suitable witnesses assert some things scarcely credible, as blessed Jerome of a certain man, once violent and a robber, who afterwards, converted to Christ, made the sun stand still a long time to complete his journey; and then, the door being shut, entered bodily to the disciples. If therefore God, who did wonders with the Fathers, deigns also in our times to work signs, for reviving the affection of religion trampled upon, through a man who, as in the days of Noah, was found just, it ought not to seem incredible. But rather He is to be glorified who, leaving no time without testimony of His goodness, mindful of His promise, does not cease to do good to His people. And reserving for the following little book what is to be said concerning the deeds of the same Man which he did after he cleaved wholly to the worship of the divine service, let us here end this one in the name of God.

ANNOTATIONS.

l. Isaiah 5, 8.

m. Job 10.

p. Commonly Rhodés, an Episcopal city under the Metropolis of Albi.

q. Conviatores, companions on the road.

r. Flascones, a vessel in which wine or other liquor is kept, in French Flacons.

s. See letter a above.

t. Whose chief place is Bourges, an Archiepiscopal City in the parts of Aquitaine.

u. In Auvergne, which is celebrated for the relics of Saint Julian the Martyr, called Brivas by Sidonius in the Propempticon to his Little Book, by Gregory, book 10 of the History, chapter 29, and by the old writer of the life of Saint Odilo, commonly Brioude. The same Gregory also mentions another Briva in the Limousin, which, for distinction from that of Auvergne, he calls Briva Curretia, book 5, chapter 10.

x. We have discoursed on this more fully in § III of the preliminary commentary.

y. That is, servants, faithful men, who owe service and fealty and are bound to render it to the king. Aimoin, book 5, chapter 36: Abbots also and the chief men of the kingdom and the royal vassals commended themselves to him, and promised fealty by Oath according to custom. An old Gallic name, and one which the French still retain in the word Vassaux. Whence also vassaticum in Gregory, Theodulf and others, Vasselage. And every senior, Count, Duke, King, had his vassi or vassals. Thus Duchesne, who adduces many authorities of writers by which he may fortify his interpretation.

z. A word quite common in this century, by which were designated the chief nobles of the provinces, who were stationed to guard the borders of the regions.

aa. Ecclesiastes 10, verse 8.

bb. Surnamed the Pious, Count of Auvergne, who built the Monastery of Cluny, enriched with ample estates.

cc. These words seem to intimate that the Saint had come into William's friendship only a short time before.

dd. A nephew through his sister, of whom Odo again at number 108.

ee. Du Cange thinks that this word is the same as Sagma, and contends that in this place he does not have a sense different from Duchesne; and he adds: I would not, however, warrant that in this place horses, Sagmarii, are not to be understood. Whence Sagmarius equus, that is, a pack-animal, a baggage beast. That the Saint's Biographer understood by Sagmarii horses at number 68 the words he used demonstrate.

ff. Nor are the things which Ademar hands down in his Chronicle to be passed over in silence: for speaking of William, this Chronologer writes these words: Who, when he desired to join his sister in marriage to Saint Gerald, could by no means do it, because, always leading a celibate life, when he was always being urged to union for the love of children, Saint Gerald answered: It is useful, he said, to die without children, rather than to leave bad heirs.

gg. Proverbs 4, 23.

hh. Ecclesiasticus 19, 1.

ii. Concerning these dissensions which St. Gerald had with Ademar we have said not a little in § III of our preliminary commentary.

kk. Torenna, or Turenna, a town of the Limousin territory, of which Odo below at number 46. Today Turenne enjoys only the honour of a Viscounty, and is commonly called La Vicomté de Turenne. Thus Duchesne: the History of Tulle has some things about that Godefred at page 12 and pages 96, 319, 320, etc., but since these in no way pertain to our matter, we have judged they should here be passed over in silence.

ll. The Pastor of Savenès, in the Life of St. Gerald published in French, page 83, calls that little town Saint Sere, which Blaeu in the Topography of Auvergne calls St. Seruin, situated not far from the places Tournenure, Alyre and Bontac.

mm. Possession, estate.

nn. St. Odilo makes repeated mention of this estate of St. Gerald below at number 62.

oo. Almost the loftiest, as it appears, of all Auvergne, since from one part of it the waters flow down into the Dordogne through the Cère, and from the other into the Flaverem through the lower districts of Auvergne. Today at the foot of that mountain there exists the Well of Greo, in French Puit de Greon.

pp. Whom Penda, the pagan King of the Mercians, both slew in a heavy battle and, when slain, dismembered with the utmost savagery. Bede calls him most Christian and beloved of God, and writes many things about him in book 2 of the Ecclesiastical History of the English, book 2, last chapter, etc. Thus Duchesne. He has been treated in this Work at the 5th day of August. And he died in the year of Christ 642, and of his age 38.

qq. 1 Corinthians 10, 5.

[] Madalbertus*.

PREFACE

TO CHAPTER IV.

Those who rashly dispute about the merits of the lord Gerald can be satisfied by the quality of his life, considered and inspected. For, as if sitting on some tribunal, they decree whether he ought to be a saint or not; whereas this lies subject to the divine judgment, by which signs are often done even through the reprobate for the benefit of the good. Let these, therefore, be satisfied by the attestation of the miracles which Christ deigns to work through him, whether while he lived or after his death. Further, those who glory, saying that Gerald was powerful and is a saint, we urge not to applaud themselves for this, since unless they are poor in spirit, and, like him, have seasoned their power with religion, their case cannot be a small one. Nay, by comparison with him they will be convicted, that they could indeed have lived justly in like manner, but would not: but the gluttons ^a and topers, to speak of certain professed religious of the region, who, feigning for themselves excuses in sins, are wont among other trifles to declare that Gerald ate meat and is a saint, are manifestly convicted by their own profession. For many things are lawful to a layman which are not lawful to a monk. Adam was condemned, not because the tree in paradise was evil, but because he presumed upon what was forbidden. Gerald indeed used lawfully the things granted to his order, since he both abstained from unlawful things and ate with the poor. For he knew that wine was created for sobriety. For Elias too was fed with flesh, and was worthy to be translated into Paradise. Yet through concupiscence, which instigates some, Esau lost his birthright for a dish of lentils. Therefore the case of Gerald is one thing, that of these men another. But those who rave that he can be called neither Martyr nor Confessor, let them know that he can be called both: not only he, but also everyone who either carries the cross by resisting vices, or glorifies God by doing good things. God indeed is confessed by deeds, as John testifies, "Hereby we know that we know Him ^b, if we keep His commandments"; He is also denied by deeds, as the Apostle says of some, "They profess that they know God, but in works they deny Him." ^c Since therefore a Confessor is so called from confessing, and God is either denied or confessed by deeds, Gerald can be called Confessor the more rightly the more just were the deeds by which he confessed God. But those who, Judaizing, seek signs, what do they make of John the Baptist, who after his birth is read to have performed no sign? For although miracles are not altogether lacking in this man's case, we answer this one thing, that while he did not hope

in money and treasures, he did, as it is written, wonderful things in his life.

ANNOTATIONS.

b. 1 John 2, 3.

c. To Titus 1, 16.

CHAPTER IV.

A certain Bishop dissuades the Saint from embracing the monastic life; he founds at Aurillac a Monastery offered to St. Peter. Miracles performed by his merits: he applies himself to the reading of Sacred Scripture: in the secular habit he leads a life worthy of monks.

A Bishop, him desirous of the monastic life, The Athlete of the heavenly warfare, long contending in the wrestling-ground of worldly conversation, manfully vanquished the wedges of the vices. Then indeed, holding the word of life in the midst of a crooked nation, he shone like a lamp. And since it was fitting that he should be proved in the hiding-place of the tempest, the malignant enemy tried to smother this lamp with as many frauds as he could, both by himself and through his henchmen. But assuredly, as a flame shaken by blasts is wont to be kindled more strongly, so the little fire of divine love which had grown warm in Gerald's breast from boyhood could be extinguished by no shower of temptation. Nay rather, as his age was now maturing, every vice gradually pressed down, he grew daily stronger than himself in virtues. Now he was disposing certain ascents in his heart, now he stood out above the heights of the earth, according to that saying of the Prophet. You would see the dawn of his sanctity grow bright into a festal day, you would see the lily grown up among thorns, and the nearer it came to maturity, the more widely it spread out the opened flowers of virtues. Therefore, as one set on the summit of things, he had fixed the affection of his mind on that supernal beatitude. And since through heavenly desire an inmost light irradiated him, he was able to judge the darkness of worldly concupiscence. Should I not call earthly concupiscence darkness, by which the lovers of the world are blinded so as to love vanity? But Gerald had learned to separate the precious from the vile, and he thought it very unworthy to lick the earth, he who knew that he was called to the supper of the heavenly lamb. He grieved more over those who, through the friendship of the world, are made enemies of God. And after he had tasted how sweet the Lord is, he disdained to lap the stolen waters, which are sweeter. He lamented rather those who, according to blessed Job, run with clamour to gnaw the root of the juniper, that is, cupidity full of prickings. The worldly ^a power, therefore, which was abundantly at his disposal, he had trampled underfoot with contempt of mind. But yet, as it is the part of the astute to refer all things to their own advantage, he considered how he might so dispose the things which he possessed temporally that they might profit him perpetually.

[53] removes Gerald from his purpose, Therefore he summoned Gausbert, a venerable bishop and plainly worthy of praise ^b, with certain other honourable men, and familiarly indicated by what thought of mind he was stirred. For this lord Gausbert was very dear to the man of God, and on account of their common sanctity they afforded each other mutual companionship. He explains, therefore, that weariness of the present life was in him, and that he desired the habit of religion; that he wished to set out for Rome, and to delegate his estates to blessed Peter, prince of the Apostles, by testamentary right. And when this had been long discussed, the man of the Lord Gausbert, looking into the matter with higher counsel, at length persuaded him to keep himself in the secular habit in outward appearance, for the common salvation of the people of the province: but to dedicate his properties to blessed Peter, as he wished. And he, lest by clinging too obstinately to his own determination he should seem to have acted disobediently, assented. Mindful, however, of the Apostle saying that the Jew, which is interpreted confessing, becomes greater and better in secret than in the open, he was so tonsured that this was hidden from men, but manifest to the supernal Beholder. He cut off his beard indeed with a razor, which, drawing it round his head in the manner of a crown, he also cut away part of his hair. And so that this might be wholly concealed, he bound by oath certain of the chamberlains who knew of it that, as long as he lived, they should by no means betray it. Finally, by this deed of his he seems to have acquired for himself a twofold reward. For on the one hand, burning with love of the Lord, he presented to God the work of conversion; on the other, full of love of his neighbours, he compelled himself, unwilling, to remain for their advantage in a habit which he did not want. For what kind of conversation could he present to God more pleasingly than this, in which he neither neglected the common comfort, nor diminished anything for himself of the perfection of conversion? Which conversation surely was the more precious the more it was both useful to many and known to God alone. Who, as it is written, directed his counsel, so that, although He made him undergo marriage with Lia, He did not deprive him of the desired embraces of Rachel.

[54] who devotes himself to God under a peculiar habit: To conceal his tonsure, indeed, he easily found a device. For he cut off his beard as burdensome, and since the hair had fallen from the back of his head, he hid the crown on the top of the head, which he also covered, continually wearing a cap. And he used garments of fur ^c over linen clothes, because clerics and laymen alike are accustomed to have this kind of garment in use. Two fur garments, however, he never had at the same time. But when it was necessary for a new one to be brought, he ordered the old one at once to be given away. The sword indeed, when he rode, was wont to be carried before him by someone, which, however, he himself never touched with his own hand. For indeed from the baldric or the apparatus of the belt he had long since ordered a golden cross to be fashioned. And he was never wont to sit upon a horse with trappings. In these and similar things it was quite evident how much, studying moderation, he had despised the height of his power.

[55] he goes to Rome, to Blessed Peter After he had therefore devoted himself in all things to the divine worship, in order that he might also consecrate his possessions to the Lord, he set out for Rome, and the notable estate of Aurillac ^d he delegated to blessed Peter, Prince of the Apostles, having solemnly made a testament ^e, namely with such great appurtenances as could suffice for every stipend of the Monks whom he had arranged to gather there. For his mind burned to establish there a cenobitic dwelling, where Cenobites might lead a common life with an Abbot of their own order. He also delegated a payment which should be rendered annually at the urn of blessed Peter ^f. And so, as he had conceived with fervent mind, he set out according to the arrangement, and accomplished, God prospering it, what he had decreed. And having returned, he ordered stonecutters and masons ^g to be gathered from everywhere, and commanded a foundation to be opened for building a Church in honour of Blessed Peter. But Satan, envious of all good things, by I know not what art deceived the foresight of the master-builders. For they laid the foundation weakly. And when a great sum of money had already been spent in expense, and the walls nonetheless raised on high, the joints of the squared stones suddenly came apart and collapsed. Yet this man was not too much saddened on that account. "For," as it is written, "whatever happens to the just man does not sadden him." ^h Truly confident that, although that work was delayed on this occasion, yet the reward of the lost work would by no means perish. Seeing that it was permitted by the judgment of God that this loss should occur; yet this is always customary in almost every action, that whatever is offered more pleasingly to God is accomplished with more difficulty. And certainly in the nature of things what takes growth more quickly turns more quickly to decline: but what with difficulty, persists longer.

[56] The Lenten time had come, when the air was now smiling more mildly for the construction of buildings. about to offer the monastery Gerald, one morning, his accustomed prayers being completed, went out from the town which overhangs that same place. Having now gone forward a little, he began, casting his gaze hither and thither, to consider where the fabric of the Church could more fittingly be founded. At length he chose a place already foreknown by the divine disposition. He orders, therefore, the craftsmen to be present again, their zeal to grow warm again, the interrupted work to be opened up, the work begun to be pressed on skilfully, the Church to be built of fitting greatness and of arched design, which his father had formerly constructed in honour of Saint Clement ⁱ. For, as we had said before, this same father of his was religious, inasmuch as he descended from the lineage of the religious.

[57] which to true monks And while he continued the fabric of the house, he was always turning over in his mind how he could find Monks who would be of good morals and could inhabit the place under the regular purpose. But since the rarity of finding them brought difficulty, he was anxious, and did not know what to do. Then indeed he sent certain noble boys to the Monastery of Vabres ^k. For at that time the fervour of regular observance was growing warm there, namely so that the same boys might be imbued under the regular norm among that brotherhood. Of whom one survives up to now, who narrates the things we describe as seen by the same blessed Gerald, and writes them with his hand. Further, when the same boys were ordered to return, because masters were lacking, soon, relaxed by girlish softness, they neglected the rigour of discipline. And so it happened that the matter did not come to effect: yet, led by necessity, he set one of them over the rest. But when he lived dissolutely, the man of the Lord was vehemently affected, because he could neither correct him nor have another whom he could substitute in his place. When therefore he saw either him or his accomplices walking the path of a corrupt life, he said, sighing deeply, that saying of David: O Lord, scatter the counsel of Achitophel [l].

[58] to hand over And sometimes, breaking out into a voice of lamentation over men whom he saw prone to evil, he groaned, weary of them, as if making complaint that the same men were perishing for love of the world, that piety was failing, that iniquity was overflowing, that almost all were now losing innocence from the heart, truth from the mouth. But he would not mix himself in their quarrels, but prayed that God almighty would pacify all, commanding the solemnities of Masses to be celebrated, very frequently repeating that saying of Ezechias: "O Lord, let there be only peace and truth in my days." [m] And that one: "O how the Holy one faileth! O how truths are diminished from among the children of men." ⁿ

[59] The desire indeed with which, burning for heavenly things, he had despised earthly ones, he strives he hoped he could thus be consoled, if he should find companions of that same desire of his. Accordingly day and night his mind was in a ferment; he could not forget his affection for gathering Monks; very often conversing about it with his household and intimates. For he was moved with such affection towards this that sometimes he would exclaim, O if someone would grant me to find religious Monks on such a compact that I should give them everything I possess, and thereafter spend this life in begging! For I would make no delay at all in entering into this compact. When likewise his intimates had once answered him, saying, Are not many Monks found in these regions, from among whom you can gather as you wish? He, uttering a very strong sentence, said: If Monks are perfect, they are likened to the blessed Angels: but if they turn back to secular desire, they are rightly compared, through their apostasy, to the apostate Angels, who kept not their habitation. For I confess to you that a good layman is incomparably better than a Monk who transgresses his purpose. And when they had added to him, Why then have you been accustomed to bestow such great benefits not only on neighbouring but also on distant Cenobites? He, despising his own deeds with his accustomed humility, said, I do nothing. If, however, as you say, I did anything, I am certain that true is

the promiser who promised to reward a cup of cold water given in His name. Let them see for themselves what they are in the eyes of God. Certainly it is true that he who receives a just man in the name of a just man shall receive the reward of a just man. Further, in these and similar words of his it appears that he loathed the delight of the present life; that he burned with heavenly desire, that he wished to leave all his possessions, if there had not been lacking those to whom he might reasonably have handed them over. True is that common proverb, that the will is reckoned for the deed. Whence also he who hates his brother is declared to be a murderer. And John the Evangelist drank the cup of the passion, although he rested in peace. If therefore the will is reckoned for the deed, Gerald is by no means deprived of the reward of those who renounce.

[60] to divine things Unwillingly, therefore, was he held in the world. And although companions were lacking with whom he might renounce that same world, yet in a wonderful manner he occupied himself wholly in the work of God. For he was so intent on hearing readings, and in turn on prayers, now with others, now apart, that it is a wonder how he could either have so much zeal in these things, or wish always to complete so great a sum of Psalms. Especially since he sometimes dispatched other occupations. For he was not obstinate, so as to absent himself too much from necessary affairs: but, intent on these a little according to opportunity, he soon gathered himself hastily back to the sweetness of Psalmody which he had tasted. How reverently indeed he stood in Church cannot be sufficiently related, but you would think he was contemplating something divine, and imitating with astonished countenance that saying of the Prophet ^o: "The Lord liveth, in whose sight I stand." For that this may be evident by an example, the festal day of the Lord's Ascension had come, when he hastened to the Monastery of Solignac [p], which is of solemn right, to celebrate it. For he would not suffer the office of so great a festivity to be gone through except festively [*], nor, as is the custom of very many, the course to be cut short in celebrating. When therefore he had come there, the Monks, as befitted so great and such a person, prepared for him a seat and a reclining-stall spread with ornaments. To which, when he had turned after going round the oratories, the brethren began to solemnize the office, prolonging it at length, as is the custom. But the lord, until it was completed, stood so suspended in contemplation that he neither sat nor leaned even a little on the rail, showing by the very immobility of his body the devotion and constancy of his mind. But we not so, who, as if praying to the face of God in secret, offer the divine praises with pompous voice rather than with simple heart. And whereas the understanding of the mind ought to accord with the voice, we make the voice run after the levity of the mind. But Gerald, pondering that saying of the Apostle [q], "But we are made manifest to God," so conducted himself as in the sight of a judge who discerns all things.

[61] [God willed to glorify: for the water with which he had washed his hands, sight to a blind man,] And that the divine condescension might glorify before men him who glorified God before the undisciplined in executing His commandments, although, the time of Antichrist being now at hand, the miracles of the Saints should be bound to cease, yet, mindful of His promise, in which it is said, "Those who glorify Me, I will glorify," [r] He deigned to glorify this His servant through a certain grace of healing. Which kind of healing was such that, although through humility he shrank from laying his hand on the sick, yet he frequently helped them both absent and unwilling. For the sick were wont to steal the water with which he was accustomed to wash his hands, and very many were healed. Which, in order that it may seem the more credible, it pleases me that certain persons be recalled. For a certain countryman near the Monastery of Solignac had a blind son: who, having long groaned that blindness and poverty alike oppressed him, was admonished through a vision that he should go to the lord Gerald and pour over his son's eyes water with which his hands had been washed. The man believed the vision, and coming, indicated what he had dreamed. On hearing this the lord trembled, dismayed in mind, and, shrinking from presuming this, said that it had been an illusion, which had both deceived him and wished to deceive himself into attempting things not granted. That the man erred, asking such things with vain hope. The father groaned, whom his son's blindness was distressing, and, understanding that the Man of the Lord through humility would by no means acquiesce, pretending to go away, obtained water from one of the servants. Who, returning home, invoking the name of Christ, washed the extinguished eyes of his son, and he received light. Which deed was followed by a certain other work.

[62] to a lame boy his gait, A certain little boy was staying at Aurillac, lame, who was commended to a certain smith, that he might learn a craft by which he could make his living. Meanwhile he was admonished in sleep that he should likewise seek the water. But the smith, who was to obtain it, knowing that the Man of the Lord was too austere in this matter, did not dare to seek the water openly, but obtained it secretly through the servants. Who, assuredly, as soon as he sprinkled the useless limbs with that same water, the divine power at once restored them to their proper function. Which deed, namely, when report gradually spread it, came at last to the knowledge of the lord. And he, struck by the novelty of the thing, said that not by his own merit but by the faith of those who had given that water to the smith, which was eagerly concealed from him; and when he could not find the giver, he was moved to vehement threatening, that no one should ever thereafter presume such a thing, asserting that if a servant did it he would be mutilated in his limbs: but if a free man, he should thereafter not be his. For he feared nothing more than praises. And though he was beneficent to his enemies, yet he seemed austere to those who praised him.

[63] At Postomium, a notable allod of his own right, to two women [s] a certain blind woman received light from the water of his hands. Which was indeed spread abroad among all, but was concealed from him with the utmost care, chiefly on account of a certain one of the servants who had given the water to the woman. For his people could not make light of the destruction which he had formerly threatened for this thing, knowing that it would not go unpunished if he had caught the giver.

[64] Likewise he was staying in the Chapel which is near the village which is called Crucicula, he restores the use of their eyes to the blind: [t] when indeed another woman, who was one of his maidservants, was nonetheless enlightened by the water of his hands. Which namely when he learned, he urgently searched out the one who had given the water, Rabbald by name, and found him, and at once cast him from himself. But after some time a certain noble man, Ebbo by name, approached the lord reasoning with him, saying that perhaps he was acting against the will of God, while, under the pretext of an indiscreet humility, he neglected a grace granted from heaven, and left in distress those whom he could benefit: that it was better to spend the grace, which perhaps had been given him on their account, by furnishing them as supplicants with what necessity required: that elation was not to be feared, since he was not desirous of praise: nor presumption either, since those who asked for help had recounted that they had been divinely admonished: especially since it had now been proved by experience that the benefit of health which had been sought from him had already more than once come to effect, though he himself did not know it. And he indeed pursued this reasonably. But Gerald, sighing, wept, and said that he feared it was rather a diabolical fraud, which wished on this occasion to deceive him; and that if he had ever done any good, it had contrived to deprive him of the reward of that good. At length, therefore, overcome either by prayers or by reason, he took back the one cast off, and ordered twelve coins to be given to the woman.

[65] Knowing, moreover, that the state of the mind is better guarded by this alternation, devoted to divine reading if each one sometimes attends to reading after prayer, he had the divine words recited before him, as we said above. Whence also he took up the practice that reading should be done at his dinner, nor should the reader omit this even if guests were present. But for condescension he sometimes ordered the reader to pause; and inquired from those who perhaps knew the sense of the reading. When indeed those whom he questioned were wont to beg that he himself should rather speak, at length he answered eloquently and knowingly, as a learned man: yet in such a way that he did not bring shame upon the Clerics. And when each had departed to his own after the refreshment, there were likewise read before him chiefly those words which had remained over from the readings recited in Church. And while he was intent on reading, no one easily presumed to interrupt him for any cause. For, according to that saying of Job, he was dreadful to his subjects, and the light of his countenance did not fall to the ground. About his discourses and converse the account is wonderful. For in the things which he spoke with a glad mind he was very agreeable. But the things which he uttered by way of rebuke seemed like goads, so that they were feared almost more than words. In giving anything, however, he was very slow. But after he had once given, he did not take back. If he heard of a priest of bad reputation, he yet did not despise the office of the Mass from him, because he knew that that sacred mystery cannot be made worse through a sinful man. And although in judging the deeds of others he was either sharp according to the merit of the causes, or sweet, yet he held his own works cheap. Which surely he commended the more preciously to the supernal Beholder, the more cheaply he esteemed them with himself.

[66] Since he took in heavenly desire more floodingly, so to speak, he always has the law of the Lord in his mouth his mouth was so filled out of the abundance of the heart that the law of the Lord almost always resounded in that same mouth. For he had noted for himself certain sacred words which seemed to suit bodily functions. As is this one: In the morning, before he began to speak, he would say, "Set a watch, O Lord, before my mouth, and a door round about my lips" [u], and other things of this kind, which he fitted to the several occasions, namely when he awoke, when he rose from bed, when he put on his boots, when he took up his garment or belt; or certainly when he began a journey or anything else, so that, according to the saying of the Apostle, he seemed to do all things in the name of the Lord. Sometimes indeed, when it happened that he sat with a few, or alone, he would meditate long in silence on I know not what, and, suffused with tears, he drew a sigh from the bottom of his breast, shaking his whole self, so that anyone could easily notice that his mind hung elsewhere and had no consolation in the present. Such was his converse, such his silence, that his mouth announced the praise of the Lord, and the meditation of his heart was in His sight.

[67] and under the secular habit he leads the life of a monk. Now his people knew that he desired the habit of Religion with all his effort. But, since he was provident, considering that the professors of a sublime purpose, when they are corrupted by love of the world, fall more heavily from on high, he judged it better to stand thus than to attempt so arduous a thing without proven cooperators. If therefore you look at his vow, he kept faith with Christ in the monastic profession through devotion. And it is a very eminent praise to serve the purpose of religion in the secular habit: just as, on the contrary, it is too ignominious to have sought the world under the garment of that same religion.

Since therefore this Man did not have brethren, as we have said before, with whom he might dwell well and pleasantly together, he bore the sojourning of this life with weariness. And as once Noah's dove, when it had not found outside where it might rest, returned to the ark and to Noah himself: so this Man, amid the waves of this world, running back to the secret place of the heart, rested in the delight of Christ. For he had not, like that raven, clung to the carrion of bodily delight: because his soul refused to be consoled by the glory of the present life; but remembering his God he was delighted: and running back to the secret place of the heart, as to the ark, he exulted under his tongue. For he did not suffer himself to regard iniquity long in his heart, fearing lest perhaps the Lord should be unwilling to hear him. Nay rather, the sins without which the human condition cannot be, which seem lighter to us but seemed heavy to him, he strove always so to acknowledge before his eyes that he did not doubt he would mercifully receive from God the remission of the impiety of his heart. On account of which his King and Lord mercifully directed his way in His sight, and kindly attended to the prayer of his voice. And he took care with such zeal that he always lodged near a Church, that through the course of many years he spent no night away from an oratory, except one, which happened on the feast of the Innocents by reason of a journey. A number of Clerics always accompanied him, with whom he continually toiled in the divine work. And all the Ecclesiastical apparatus necessary for the ministry was carried with him accordingly, with which the work of the divine service was carried out with great care and reverence, especially on feast days. In the night time he was wont to come before all others in the oratory by a good while: and when that was finished, he was wont to remain alone. And at that time he tasted the savour of the inward sweetness the more sweetly the more secretly. And at length, glad and cheerful, he would go out either to his couch for a time, or to his people. Such indeed a manner of living had he fixed for himself in his conversation, that anyone of sound wisdom would marvel that such great heavenly grace had flowed together in him. He kept this manner of conduct also in his outward conversation, so that his servants knew how he would conduct himself in the several seasons of the year.

ANNOTATIONS.

a. Worldly.

h. Proverbs 12, 21.

l. 2 Kings 15, 34.

m. 4 Kings 20, 19.

n. Psalm 11, 2.

o. 4 Kings 3, 14.

p. In the district of Limoges, whose founder was St. Eligius, from goldsmith of King Dagobert made bishop of Noyon… But that monastery, laid waste by the hostile incursions of the pagans through Aquitaine, Louis the Pious, son of Charlemagne, afterwards repaired; nay, built from the foundations, as an uncertain but contemporary author records, who wrote his life. Thus Duchesne.

q. 2 Corinthians 5, 11.

r. 1 Kings 2, 30.

s. This place, unknown to us, St. Odo called Postomia at number 48.

t. Which the pastor of Savenès calls in French Petite croix. And Blaeu teaches in his Topography that two villages of this name exist in Auvergne: one called Iron Cross, at the borders of Auvergne not far from the river called la Truerie: the other on the same river between the villages called Pont and Tausac.

u. Psalm 140, 3.

[] infestive*

CHAPTER V.

The Saint shines everywhere with works of charity: he performs various miracles.

He had made it a custom for himself to go to Rome rather frequently. going to Rome, he helps the poor, ^a And it is said that he set out there very often. Our informants, however, are certain of seven times. For since it is the power of human nature always to wish to look on light, this Man, being spiritual, longed spiritually to behold those two luminaries of the world, namely Peter and Paul. And since he did not yet wish to behold them themselves, visiting their little resting-places and temples rather often, he delegated his properties to the same blessed Peter. He had fixed this law for himself, that every second year he would run back to their sepulchre, and, with ten solidi hanging from his own neck, like a suppliant servant, would bring them to his Lord as a payment. But who could worthily set forth how devoutly he fulfilled that? He was so beneficent towards the needy that his largesse passed by almost no poor man, who abounded there in crowds: so confidently trusting that he would be heard if he himself heard the poor crying out. For he also bestowed much on the monasteries adjoining the road. And so the fame of such great kindness of his had resounded far and wide and everywhere. Whence both the monks and pilgrims, and also the needy, and his hosts, at the time when the Rome-pilgrims are wont to pass, anxiously inquired whether Count Gerald was coming, or when he would come. Indeed the Marrucei ^b themselves, namely the stiff-with-cold inhabitants of the Alps, reckoned nothing more profitable than to carry Gerald's baggage over the ridges of Mont-Joux ^c.

[69] Once also he was taking this road. he spares a thief, And when he had come to the city named Asti ^d, a certain thief stole two of his pack-horses. But coming to a certain little stream, he could not force them to cross, until he was seized by the men of the lord Gerald. For the pack-horses having been recovered, he did the thief no harm.

[70] he obtains a fish divinely, Once, when he was travelling that road, he was taking with him a certain Monk named Aribert, a man namely of great abstinence. For this was a sweet companionship to him, that as often as he had found anyone of religious life, he was always the more affectionately delighted in him. It happened once that there was lacking a relish ^e with which that abstemious man might eat his bread. The lord asks diligently whether the servants had prepared the food accustomed for him. When they answered that they had nothing besides bread, he was distressed, saying: O what has befallen us today! We all have full refreshment, and this servant of God will be in want. Now it was a day on which the abstinence was relaxed. The time for washing hands had now come, and Samuel, who, being present, narrates this, ran to fetch water. When by chance he found a little fish lying exposed on the bank and palpitating, which had leapt out of the water while he looked on. Having caught it, he ran glad to the lord, saying: Behold, God sends you this fish. For I found it lying exposed beside the water. And he answered, Thanks be to God. And meanwhile, while it was being cooked, he entered the tent, bent his knees, and prayed with tears for a little while. For such was the custom always in him, that he put nothing before Christ; but rather, through each and every thing that befell him, devoutly returned thanks to Him. And when he had risen from prayer, he stood very glad before all. Then indeed, when they sat down at table, the abstemious man ate enough, and when some part of the fish still remained, the lord urged him, saying, Why, brother, do you delay to eat a small fish, when you are to have nothing else? When he asserted that he was already satisfied, the lord tasted whether perhaps it was good. And finding it of the best flavour, he himself ate as much as was enough, and gave little pieces for a blessing to all who were present. All returned thanks to God, recognizing the divine gift both in the fish found and in this, that it had been more than enough. For it had been of half a foot in measure.

[71] a blind man is healed, Likewise, when he was going to Rome and had come to the city of Tuscany which is called Lucca ^f, a certain woman thrust herself in his way, saying that she had been admonished by a vision that he should give light to her son. When he had heard this, he rebuked the woman, and, spurring on the mule which he was riding, fled in haste. But the woman asked of whomever she could how she might obtain the hoped-for benefit from the man of God. When by chance one of the servants said to the woman that of the water

of his hands miracles had already been worked. But the lord, becoming more anxious on account of the woman, as often as he had washed his hands, at once had the water poured out on the ground before him. But the woman always followed him, until he at last no longer cared to have the water poured out. Having obtained it at length, without his knowing, the woman washed the eyes of her blind son, and he at once returned to the light. When therefore the Man of the Lord had returned from the City, the aforesaid woman presented her son, seeing, to him. And when all were magnifying this deed, he went on silent and weeping, nor did anyone dare to relate anything about this or the like in his hearing.

[72] wine is found prodigiously, I shall say something wonderful and perhaps incredible. But yet I believe it, two witnesses asserting it, who relate that the same Man of the Lord was returning from Italy by that road by which one comes to Lyon ^g from the city of Turin ^h. He had now crossed the Alps, and they were entering, by necessity of the journey, certain places very, as it is said, waterless. And it happened that the wine in the wineskins also ran out. And because that region has long since been deserted on account of the Saracens, since water was lacking and wine could not be found, they began to burn with excessive thirst. And they strove, if it were possible, to pass through that space of the road more swiftly, but the footmen and the pack-horses were failing. Whence it was necessary for the lord to order them to rest a little. The men lay sad upon the grass; the pack-horses, wandering here and there, compelled by thirst, ranged over the pastures. Then one of the clerics went to bring back the pack-horses for loading, nor was it pleasing that that pause should be prolonged. The cleric therefore found a little ditch full of liquid; he wondered, and wishing to explore what it might be, he bent down: when meanwhile that liquid breathed forth the savour of wine. Then indeed he ran back joyfully to the lord, and announced that he had found something or other, like wine. But he said, What, are you mad? Would that you had found water! For whence would there be wine here? But the little cleric, taking a small vessel, drew some of the aforesaid liquid and brought it before him. And what was brought indeed displayed both the colour of wine and its savour. Then the lord ordered the Chaplains to take the cross and the little caskets of relics, and to perform over the ditch of the aforesaid liquid the exorcism of holy water. And then he orders them in the name of Christ to explore by tasting what it was. Finding it, therefore, to be wine, the Man of the Lord, with great admiration and joy, together with all of them gave thanks to God, and before he himself drank, commanded it to be given to all. Yet he did not permit any of it to be carried away from there in flasks ⁱ. Let this be said according to the faith of those who assert that they saw it. Yet the things which are now done at his tomb persuade that the things which are heard of him, whether these or those, are to be believed.

[73] he visits other thresholds of the Saints, And the holy Man frequently took this road. For he no longer wished to approach either the palaces of kings or the praetoria of marquises, certainly not the little gatherings of Princes: but he longed to visit more frequently, as was said above, the Consuls of heaven, namely Peter and Paul. Other places of the Saints nonetheless, namely the sepulchre of the most holy lord Martin [k], and also of blessed Martial [l], he visited with eager devotion. I believe he contemplated in spirit how those companies of the blessed rejoice in the court of the supernal Capitol. To whom therefore, to be joined after a little while, he was already in some measure foretasting the joy of his Lord.

[74] There is a rushy field beyond Sutri, namely beside the borough to the blind which is called of Saint Martin, where the Rome-pilgrims are wont to encamp. When therefore the servants had prepared the tents there, he was then by chance standing apart, and a certain blind man had himself led to him. Imploring him suppliantly, he nonetheless asked that he would deign to give him water touched by his hands. He ordered him to stand there and keep silent. Then, entering the tent, he prayed a little while before the holy pledges. Each of the servants was intent on the work which they had to carry out. These therefore being otherwise occupied, seeing that it could be done secretly, he called someone who should bring him in secretly. Then he carefully washed his hands, and dipped his fingers in the fresh water, and made the sign over it with the holy pledges. With which the blind man, as soon as he poured it over his bereaved eyes, at once deserved to see. Whose voice the Man of the Lord restrained from crying out, and he himself gave thanks with him to the divine majesty; and, having clothed him with one of his own garments, namely a curcinbaldus, he had him led secretly outside the tents.

[75] he restores sight, Likewise, while he was returning from the city, he came on Saturday to a certain Church, namely near the place where heaps of sulphur are seen. And when the people wished to set out on the morrow, he held them back, saying that out of reverence for the Lord's day they should stay at least until the ninth hour. Nor was that stay even without a temporal benefit. For the office of Masses having been solemnly completed, when they were now taking up the journey after food, there came someone riding a horse which had been lost on the way, which the lord Gerald ordered to be taken back without injury to the rider. And before they had arrived at Abricola, a certain blind man sitting by the road asked of those passing whether anyone was coming in that same crowd who was called Gerald: when by chance one of our brethren, then still a Canon, was walking in the company of the lord Gerald; who, going on foot for the sake of devotion, came weary up to the aforesaid blind man. When he inquired of him about the lord Gerald, he answered that he would follow close on his footsteps. But what, he said, is the cause that you seek him so anxiously? And he said, It is nine years since I have been pressed by the distress of blindness: But this night I was admonished in sleep to come here, and to seek Gerald, the pilgrim of Saint Peter, to ask that he wash his hands; and to pour that water over my blinded eyes. On hearing this the Cleric stopped; when meanwhile the Man of the Lord, Gerald, came up. Now it was his custom to ride alone with his head covered, so that he might attend more freely to psalmody. When therefore he had come up, the Cleric said silently to the blind man, Behold, he is here. And he begged that he would deign to stand still a little. And he added what he had seen through the dream. When indeed the lord, blushing, and execrating with change of countenance what he had heard, began to go away. But the blind man, uttering certain tremendous adjurations, begged that he would stand, help a wretched man, and not deny the hoped-for benefits. And those who were present implored the same suppliantly. And he, deliberating a little, mindful, as I believe, that according to the Apostle he ought not to neglect the grace given to him, answered his accustomed word, saying, Come to my help, Saints of God, and stood still. And because, as is usual in those little hills, a little stream flowed by, water was at once brought. Then he dismounted and washed his hands, saying, Let the will of God be done. And he began to go away in haste. But the blind man, without delay, applied the water to himself, nor did the outcome of power fail him. For he received sight so suddenly that he at once ran after him, saying, O holy Gerald, O holy Gerald, thanks be to God, behold, I see. But he urged on his mule with the spurs, lest he should hear the voices of those praising, and passed Abricola, nor could he be reached thereafter by his fellow-travellers until the day after the morrow. Indeed it may be noticed that those hands through which this power of healing was conferred shone with cleanness, and no stain clung to them, but he had shaken them free of every gift. Against which those are very unhappy whose right hand is filled with gifts. Since, as it is written, fire devours those who gladly accept gifts.

[76] he knows of the death of one absent, But some other things also are related of him on the journey, which we have studiously skipped on account of prolixity. But let us yet subjoin one, because the power is of another kind. When once he was going to Rome, being now placed in Italy, he heard a certain voice in the air, crying out to him, and intimating to him its departure. And it seemed to him that it was that of a certain man named Girbald, whom he had left behind in his native land. And so he called some of his people, asking whether they knew anything about Girbald. And they answered that they had left him languishing. He orders therefore the time to be noted, and the services of Psalms to be celebrated for him. And returning, and inquiring about the aforesaid man, he found that he had passed away on that day on which he heard the voice in the air.

[77] he heals a swollen hand, And the journey of his holy devotion being completed, it delighted him now to frequent more secluded places, as if following that voice of the Psalmist in which he says, "Lo, I have gone far off flying away, and I abode in the wilderness." [m] For there he wished to rest from secular crowds and the din of causes, that he might give himself more freely to the divine service. When therefore under this pretext he was staying at the Chapel which is called Catuserias [n], the festivity of John and Paul came round. And a certain country woman, having entered a little garden, was working at something or other: when suddenly a great drop of blood appeared on her hand, which soon began to swell. The woman, terrified, ran wailing to the man of God, and, showing her hand, begged him to have pity on her. And he at once orders the clerics to be present and a Mass to be celebrated for her, then water to be exorcized, and the drop of blood to be washed off with the same water; while he himself, for the sake of humility, stood apart, lest perhaps the sign of that power should be ascribed to him. And as soon as the woman's hand was washed, at once the blood and the swelling disappeared, and she went away healed.

[78] he obtains food prodigiously, Truly, since that place, as we had said he wished, is more remote and secluded, he frequently stayed there. When therefore once he had celebrated the Assumption of Mary, the holy Mother of God, at that same Church, the solemnities of Masses being now completed, he went out to his people. For it had been his custom, after long and continual prayers, to give himself to common converse, so that whoever had a cause for speaking might also obtain the possibility of speaking. When therefore he had gone out to his people, a certain man who was in charge of preparing the food said to him: We are saddened, Lord, since we can find for your refreshment on this solemnity nothing but salted meat. And he said, Let it not be a care to you, because if it pleased the Mother of God, not even this would be lacking to us on her feast. He had spoken, and from the rock which overhangs that same place a stag threw itself down headlong. Which the servants took, rejoicing and marvelling alike, and from it, since the flesh of stags is then in season, they prepared a delicate dish for the lord. Nor ought it to seem incredible that the divine largesse granted him food unexpectedly, since he, doing all to the glory of God, according to the Apostle, ate his morsel with the poor. Who never, as his foster-sons who were present attest, turned away his ear from the cry of the poor man. Who namely, holy according to that saying of the Psalmist, "Blessed is he that understandeth concerning the needy and the poor," [o] when he had heard the voices of those crying out, was wont to sigh deeply and to answer with words of one suffering with them.

[79] he frees a hostage, You knew Count Raymond [p], namely the son of Odo. He the nephew of the lord

Gerald, Benedict [q] by name, namely the Viscount of Toulouse [r], was holding captive, taken by guile. And Rainald, his brother, giving himself up as hostage, recovered his brother. But the lord Gerald, hearing that he had pledged himself for his brother, was greatly moved to help his nephew. Raymond, however, was dragging out the matter of the return, secretly striving to capture Benedict again and to hold both. Seven months had now flowed by, and the Man of the Lord, Gerald, could make no progress in the rescue of his nephew. But one day, making as it were complaint about this matter with his sister Avigerna, he said, Why do you cease to entreat Christ for your son? Certainly either we doubt in faith, or, what is truer, we are not worthy to be heard. And saying these things he dissolved in tears. At which time he gave himself up to the Lord in prayers, so to speak, from his very marrow. And he sent Abbot Rodulf [s] once more to Raymond, who, not yet able to make any progress, had returned a short way along the road. But on the following night it seemed to the aforesaid Raymond through a dream that the Man of the Lord, Gerald, stood before his bed, and struck him with his hand, saying, Why do you not hear me entreating so many times? Know for certain that if you hold the hostage further, it will by no means turn out prosperously for you. After these words Raymond awoke, and considering the vision, trembled: and he called his people, and indicated what he had dreamed. For also a certain one of them, through whom chiefly he had up to then been opposed, being similarly terrified for I know not what cause, urged that he should hastily do the petition of the lord Gerald: otherwise he reminds them that they would have to die. Raymond at once sent to the lodging of Abbot Rodulf, and ordered him to return. And when he returned, he openly narrated how the Man of the Lord had terrified him through a vision: he at once returned the hostage, and humbly asked that Rodulf would reconcile the favour of the lord Gerald to him. Thus Gerald prevailed through the divine help, and, according to that saying of Scripture, humbled the glorious of the earth.

[80] fish themselves Likewise at a certain time, when he was hastening to a conference with the same Count Raymond, approaching the river which is called Avarionus [t], mention happened to be made that he had no fish to eat that day. And those who were walking about the lord, while they were conversing about this, saw a fish which is called Capito swimming towards them. And one man, who himself relates this, stretched out a dart and wounded the fish. Which, having received the wound, driven back a little, made again for the bank towards which it had been heading before, staying until one man, stretching out his hand, seized it. For it was of no small size. And so the Man of the Lord, giving thanks to God, strove to restrain the others, who were extolling this as a miracle, as if it had happened by chance. And perhaps someone may declare that this could happen by chance; yet I believe he will not recall ever having seen a fish which in a broad river, such as the Avarionus is, burst of its own accord upon the bank over against men.

[81] offer to him for food, Indeed it is rightly reckoned for a miracle that either a fish once leapt out of the water, or a stag unexpectedly fell from the rock: this also, that in the river a fish thrust itself forward to be caught. But much more wonderful is it that on another occasion one was brought from heaven for the eating of the same man of God. For not far from the Monastery of Friacum [u] there is a village consecrated in honour of St. George, over which namely a certain Priest named Gerald presided, who was very dear and intimate to the same Man of God, Gerald, for his sanctity; who also before the end of his life shut himself up as a recluse for love of God. To him therefore the already mentioned Man of the Lord, Gerald, once turned aside, and, kissing him after prayer, said, What will you give us, brother Gerald, for refreshment? Behold, we have come to dine with you. For he said this on account of the familiar companionship which the same priest had with him. And he, rejoicing, said, If it pleases your goodness, Lord, you shall not go away fasting. Nevertheless, I have nothing to set before you except bread and wine, but I will inquire whether perhaps I may find cheese or eggs. Then the lord said, Do not weary yourself, since it is a day of abstinence, and it will be good if, because feasts are lacking, we eat more sparingly on this occasion. When therefore the Priest was running about to prepare, entering a small chamber, he saw a fish on a dish. Then, astounded, he secretly asked the servant who had brought that fish. And he said that he did not know, asserting that there had been no one there who could have brought that fish. The Priest therefore, going out to the lord, begged that he would deign to enter the chamber. And when he followed, he showed the fish. He, astonished and marvelling, returned thanks to God with the Priest. Whom, however, and his servant he bound by oath not to betray this to anyone while he lived. But the same thing gradually became known to many; since the divine dispensation, which glorifies all the Saints, sometimes manifests them even against their own will. Truly the Lord is still mindful of His promise, and those who seek Him shall not be wanting in any good. Moreover, this ought not to seem incredible, since we frequently read that God has deigned to minister divinely either drink or food to His servants for their supply.

[82] A village not far from Aurillac is called Marculiscus [x] [y]: beside which a certain naturally round stone sits. by the sign of the cross he hinders a magic trick, When once the lord Gerald was passing over against it, a certain one of his company, Adrald by name, was asserting to his fellow-travellers that he could mount upon that stone with a leap. Which he forthwith did, all wondering. And it was reported that the same Adrald knew incantations and sorceries. And when the lord followed, those who were going ahead stood still and pointed out to him that man's leap. But he, considering that he could by no means do this by his own agility, raising his hand, made the sign of the cross. Thereupon he, although he tried it many times, could by no means leap upon the aforesaid stone. And thus it was known that that swiftness of his was done through incantation, which could not be present to him after the sign, and that great was the power of the lord Gerald, after whose sign the hostile force availed nothing.

[83] and takes away madness, And since we have related this about his sign, let us subjoin what likewise he did by signing. The solemnity of Saint Lawrence had come, and he was solemnizing that festivity in a certain chapel of his, which is situated not far from the village of Argentat [z]. Now a certain one of his maidservants was grievously vexed there. When therefore he had looked at her during prayer, and, in the midst of the people as she was, she was gnashing her teeth most fiercely and raving, all asked that the man of the Lord would deign to sign her. Which he, through his accustomed humility, put off for a long while. But when she did not cease raging, at length, at the more urgent asking of those present, raising his hand, he signed her with the sign of the cross. And she, vomiting purulent blood, was at once healed. When all were resounding in the praises of God and magnifying him, he restrained them with great severity, saying that they should magnify only the clemency of God and of Saint Peter, whose Church it is. And that is the very Church in which he was then staying when the blind woman named above received light from the water of his hand.

[84] A certain man named Herloard, falling from his horse, he heals a bruised knee, badly bruised one knee. On account of the pain of which he had now passed six days without food. And when he could find nothing for a remedy, sending to Captennacum, he had water from the hands of the lord Gerald brought to him secretly. Wonderful to say, as soon as he sprinkled the aforesaid water on his knee, freed from all pain he rose up unharmed. Some other things are related of him which are worthy either of relating or of admiration. But since they are asserted by common report and not by the four aforesaid witnesses, we prefer to keep silent about them, though we are not ignorant that he did many things which either no one or few came to know. For indeed, after the custom of pious and good men, he always strove to keep humility as the eye of the heart. And therefore, as far as he could, he concealed his works. And about those which became evident against his will, he would not suffer to hear praises.

[85] than which miracles his justice was greater. Let this therefore suffice about his miracles, which may satisfy those who measure the glory of any Saint not from the quantity of good works, but from the number of signs. Among whom perhaps his sanctity would be held cheaper if they had heard nothing of the miracles which he performed while flourishing. To those indeed who are piously held by love of him, the works of justice which he practised are more pleasing. But when both concur at once in him, namely justice and sanctification, and the glorification of signs, they honour him more securely and with more eager devotion. For if perhaps he had had the spirit of prophecy, no one, as I think, would deny that he was a saint. But assuredly he did more, because he conquered avarice. For what did it profit Balaam that he prophesied so profound a mystery, when he was reprobated on account of avarice? Seek, therefore, no greater miracle in Gerald, since this is it, that he did not hope in money or in treasures. This indeed is, as we have already said, to have done wonders. For so rarely will you find one who does not hope that happiness is in money, that for that very rarity the divine word has interposed: Who is this? But when such a one is in any way found, he is worthy of praise, as is subjoined there: we will praise him, for he hath done wonderful things in his life. For that Gerald did wonders of this kind there are many proofs. For indeed it is established that he so held the things which were conferred on him by his parents or by Kings that he dispensed them not as to servants, but as it were to masters: that he grew in possessions on earth without injury to anyone, yet laid up treasure in heaven: that he was sublime in power, yet remained poor in spirit. Wherefore, as he continues, it ought to seem neither wonderful nor incredible if his goods are established in the Lord. Although that stands out incomparably in his deeds, that he persevered chaste up to old age. For chastity alone is that which imitates the Angelic purity. Since therefore he conquered lust, which is the greatest power of Satan, it is no wonder if he does not [*] command that same Satan, whom he conquered by keeping chastity. It is not incredible that he now frees those possessed by demons, who cast out the prince of mammon from his heart by conquering avarice. For rightly does he now have the spirit of pride subject to him, who in the very summit of earthly power showed himself meek.

ANNOTATIONS.

of Philip III wrote: He came to Rome. There, having reverently honoured the Apostles, he went to the city of Viterbo. Thus Duchesne.

m. Psalm 54, 8.

o. Psalm 40, 1.

p. About him there are not a few things in the History of the Counts of Toulouse by Catel, page 82 and following, in the monuments, as also in the new History of Languedoc, volume 2, page 45, and among the instruments, col. 56. Raymond was still among the living in the year 918; but that he had put off the man in the year 926, when St. Odo was committing the books on the Life of St. Gerald to writing, is evident from his own words.

q. About whom we said some things in our Commentary, number 27. The writers of the new History of Languedoc, just praised, are of opinion that he was the first to be presented with the name of Viscount of Toulouse.

r. Which is a city, seat of an Archbishop, situated in Languedoc.

s. Of an uncertain monastery.

t. Which washes the city of Bourges.

u. About which nothing certain occurs to me. For I would not dare to say that it is the same as the monastery of Figeac situated in the Quercy.

x. There are many villages of this name among the Upper Arverni, of which one in the Topographical Maps is situated not very far from Aurillac.

y. In French Marcoles. Thus the Pastor of Savenès, page 155, not far from Aurillac.

z. In French Argentac, situated on the Western side of the river Dordogne, near the village of Saint-Privat, which is placed on the other side of the river.

[*] seems to be redundant

CHAPTER VI.

The Saint foretells some things before death: he loses the use of his eyes for seven years: he sees to the dedication of the Church: he disposes himself to a pious death: his body, when dead, is carried to Aurillac.

Since the foregoing discourse has discussed more explicitly that the venerable Man Gerald was distinguished by the powers of signs: his strength gradually failing, it remains now that we express with inscribing pen how he sent forth his spiritual essence from its bodily covering. For it is established as certain that the same Man, although he tamed bodily appetite by the sparingness of frugality, yet flourished in strength. Nor, being powerless in robustness, did he lack the force of fortitude. But when it was now near that he should be released from his completed service, being well on in years, he began, weakened, to slip from his accustomed vigour. Nor indeed was it hidden from him, but rather the very emptying of his strength was laid open as a sign of his failing. And when he saw present a great many who had been accustomed to cleave to him most diligently, he began to address them as if with a deeper and inmost sobbing and with failing speech: Come, my little clients, and most beloved companions, do you not see me deprived of my former strength? Notice that the lot of my laying down is nearer, by which the spirit, its author leading it, may be transferred to the destined receptacle of habitation, and the most frail nature be reduced to dust. The torment of languor did not keep him from his accustomed abstinence. A wonderful thing. Not even that weakness which is wont to compel the old could persuade his worn mind contrary to his accustomed custom. Surely because carnal softness had been unable to soften the rigour of his mind. Since therefore by these and similar virtues the soul was being fattened, he was losing the efficacy of the body. But since, despising himself in his own eyes, he did not know himself as a man of virtues: he did not well understand whence the weakness of his strength had crept upon him. Now indeed the spiritual virtue which had grown up fully in him had almost slaughtered his bodily strength. Inasmuch as this is the way of the Saints, that the divine power would have been less strong in them had it not weakened the bodily robustness. Hence Daniel, having beheld the Angelic vision, languished for many days. Hence Jacob, grappling with the Angel, began to limp. Since he who is filled with spiritual grace is enervated in bodily strength. And so the outward man was being corrupted, while the inward was renewed from day to day.

[87] And one day, when he was in the town which overhangs Aurillac, looking at the fabric of the house, Gerald foretells some things, he wept abundantly. When one of his intimates had asked why he wept, answering, he said: Because my desire, which I long ago conceived concerning this place, I can by no means bring to effect. For this is my rest, here will I dwell. For indeed the other things which seem fit for the uses of Monks I have, God favouring, easily prepared: only Monks are lacking, they alone cannot be found. And therefore, as one alone and bereaved, I am consumed with grief; yet I hope that almighty God, when it shall please Him, will deign to fulfil my desire ^a. Nor is it any wonder if I, a sinner, am held back in this desire of mine: since King David was forbidden to build a temple to the Lord: yet He gave one who should complete that work after him. And I, although I may not see this in this life, yet the mercy of Christ will grant what I long for, when it shall please Him. I would truly wish you to know that the walls of this house will often be too narrow for the peoples who are to assemble at it. But how he learned this he did not at all indicate. And among those who know that he said this, when they see the throng of peoples come about in that same place, as he foretold it, this opinion has arisen, that the things which he said he had known divinely [b]. Now indeed his mouth was so filled out of the abundance of the heart that the law of the Lord always resounded fully in him. Moreover, after the example of the aforesaid David, whatever he foresaw to be necessary for the future inhabitants he took care to prepare, both in pledges of the Saints, and in Ecclesiastical utensils and vestments, or certainly in the revenues of fields.

[88] he is deprived of light for seven years, But indeed, as Scripture says, that he who is holy may be sanctified still, it was fitting that this man of God should be polished through the scourge before death. And it befell him, as it did Blessed Job and Tobias, that because he was acceptable he should be proved by temptation. And so for seven years and more he lost the light of his eyes. Which, however, he had so clear-looking that he was believed to suffer no blindness. In which stroke he not only rejoiced in the Lord that He had deigned to scourge him. Inasmuch as he was not ignorant that not everyone who is scourged is a son; yet there is no son who is not scourged. And this was a consolation to him, that the supernal judge had loosed His hand to strike him: and was punishing in the present the sins without which one does not live here. Now therefore, secure of the mercy of the Lord, he trusted that He would deign to free from the eternal lash him whom He had deigned to press under the scourge in the present. And if he could have added anything to his past pursuits; the more he had ceased from outward entanglement by reason of the blindness, the more attentively he applied himself to prayer. And the less he could behold the figure of the world, the more clearly he strained the eye of the heart to contemplate the true light. For that reason he ceased from outward deeds, he applied himself wholly to the pursuit of prayer or to assiduity in reading.

[89] he has the church dedicated, Two years before he died, he had the Church solemnly dedicated. And in the altars such great pledges of the Saints were placed ^c that it is a wonder to those who know. And to those who perchance hear it from those who know, it may seem almost incredible. For in gathering these from everywhere that holy father applied his effort in every way, as long as he lived, as often as opportunity offered itself. Which namely he obtained both at Rome and everywhere in such a way: as surely one who was gracious both in speech and countenance: and munificent in giving prices, and, what is greater, relying on divine grace in what was to be done. For it is established that he frequently gave, for obtaining these same pledges, both precious tents and also stout horses and many weights of money. For he placed a tooth of Saint Martial in the right altar, with relics of the most blessed lord Martin and also of Saint Hilary; which none of the givers could pull out from the holy body, from the holy jaw, though they long tried; he, having first said a prayer, at once pulled it out. Concerning that same altar, indeed, something wonderful is established to have happened on the very day of the dedication. For a certain young man, when the crowds were pressing themselves together, took the altar-cloth from above it, to give it back to a servant, though certain bystanders told him not to presume to do it. But since he did not leave off taking it, he was at once seized with vehement distress, and first his hands were flayed. Then gradually his whole body was stripped of its skin, so that he could scarcely recover after six weeks. The place, as he had formerly decreed, he delegated to the dominion of the Monks, where, however, he thereafter stayed but little.

[90] and, his serfs presented with freedom, In the space for which he survived he took the greatest care to leave all who belonged to him in peace, lest perhaps occasion of a lawsuit should arise among them. The estates or bondsmen which he had not delegated to blessed Peter he left among certain kinsfolk and soldiers, or certainly to servants. To some, however, on this tenor, that after they had died the things received should return to Aurillac. He then presented a hundred only of the bondsmen with freedom. For otherwise, in various places and times, those whom he emancipated are innumerable. And very many of them, bound by love of him, refusing freedom, preferred rather to remain in his servitude. By which fact it may be seen through how sweet a lordship he exercised over them, since they preferred his servitude to their own freedom. And he was admonished by certain of his people that, of the household which superabounded to him abundantly, he should release a greater multitude from the yoke of servitude. To whom he said, It is just that the worldly law be observed in this, and therefore that the number fixed in that same law ought not to be passed over. Which may be recalled for this purpose, that it may be evident from this how greatly he adhered to the divine precepts: when he submitted himself so even to the legal and the human ones.

[91] for death Now when the time of his passing was already entering, he was staying at Cézerniacum ^{d e}, a certain church of his own right, which is consecrated in honour of Saint Cyricus. There, more pricked with compunction than usual, he sighed more deeply, so that it was quite evident that the desire of his heart tended elsewhere, and that he had no consolation at all in the present. And amid sighs he was suffused with tears, and, with his gaze raised from time to time to heaven, he prayed that he might be freed from this world, very often repeating and saying, Come to my help, Saints of God. For this word had always been familiar to his mouth: this he was wont to cry out at the occurrence of any sudden mishap. And not much after, his vital vigour began to waste away with a certain spasm, and the strength of his limbs and the harmony of his whole body gradually to be dissolved. Knowing therefore that his dissolution was now at hand, he orders Bishop Amblard ^f to be summoned, so that he might fortify his passing with his prayers, and, as pastor, consign the sheep returning to the pastures of paradise to Christ, the pastor of all. Meanwhile he disposes, with sound sense and whole memory, of all things which either the funeral or the necessity of those remaining behind would require. When suddenly swift report had spread the rumour all around that the man of the Lord, Gerald, was drawing near to his passing, all ran together as if lamenting a common loss, crowds of clerics and monks mingled with noble men, throngs of the poor, and the common folk of the country people; by these mourning the weeping of others was stirred. And breaking out amid sobs and tears, as if making complaint, each one redoubled the voices of lamentation about his piety, about his charity, about his care of the poor, about his protection of the powerless. Weeping, therefore, these said: O what a comfort the world loses! But those: O Gerald, who art deservedly called good, who will now be, like thee, the sustainer of the needy? Who the nourisher of orphans, or the defender of widows? Who the consoler of the grieving? Certainly, who will so incline the summit of his power to the poor? Or who, like thee, will weigh or dispatch the necessities of each? Most indulgent Father, how gentle, how sweet thou hast always been! Thou didst draw to thyself the favour of all, thou hadst drawn to thee even the affections of strangers by the fame of such great goodness. These and like things, which the force of grief is wont to heap up amid sobs, overflowed with such mournful lamentations that you would think those tears could never cease. Thus it went on through each day, until it came to the very end of his calling. But he could not desert his custom even at the end, but ordered every provision to be given to each who wished to receive it.

[92] he prepares himself: Truly I should call him blessed and happy who was such that he did not leave on earth the charity owed to his works, and was received in heaven in the charity of the saints. Truly happy, who, although he was sublime in secular power, yet injured no one, oppressed no one, nor did anyone cry out even a small complaint against him. For if Nathanael is called truly an Israelite, because there was no guile in him, rightly should I call this man too an Israelite, whom the ear hearing calls blessed, and to whom, after the example of blessed Job, the eye seeing gives testimony. When therefore all were mourning together, he alone remained joyful. Inasmuch as he knew that for those hoping in the Lord the brightness of noonday will rise up at evening; and when He shall give them sleep, this is the inheritance. Although therefore the flesh perhaps feared on account of the mortal condition, yet the spirit, fixed on the sight of glory, exulted, as one who trusted that he was now receiving in reality the hope long desired. For since, as it is written, the just man trusts in his death, you would think him fixed in that same hope and by no means fearing death. And so he seemed joyful, since he did not confess even a little anything in which he might show that he feared even slightly. And through the whole time of his languor he so drove his failing limbs to the divine service that he would not suffer even one nocturnal Office to be celebrated except in the Church: and he would hear one Mass proper to the day and another for the dead, placed before the altar. Truly, when, his limbs now growing too stiff, he could not advance a step by himself, not even supported, yet the spirit, persevering in its fervour, compelled that his little body be carried by the hands of bearers into the oratory: surely, so that, extending the tunic of good work down to the ankle, he might sing the praise of his virtue at the end.

[93] on the sixth day of the week he gives back his soul to God, For on the sixth day of the week, as the day was dawning, feeling himself grow worse, he ordered the Chaplains to perform the Nocturnal Office before him, while the Bishop with his people was celebrating it in the Church; and he too chanted with those chanting, until after the morning Office he completed all the hours of the day also. Then indeed, finishing Compline, he armed himself with the sign of the holy cross, and added that word which was always familiar to him, saying: Come to my help, Saints of God. Having spoken this at the last, he closed his eyes in silence. And those who were present, seeing that he ceased to speak, called the Bishop. They also laid his holy limbs on haircloth [g]: and while the rest were chanting for his departure, one of the Priests hastily celebrated Mass, and brought the most sacred mystery [h]. And when some were saying that he had already departed, he, still retaining sense, opened his eyes, and by this sign showed that he had not yet departed. Then indeed he received of his own accord the Lord's Body, which he was awaiting, and so that happy soul passed to the heavens ⁱ. And as if intimating his case by the very number of the weekdays, he showed that he had well consummated the good work which pertains to the number six, and had passed over to the true sabbath, which is rest. And he indeed, as we believe, now sees what he desired; now holds what he hoped for. Yet he left no small grief to many. For although that very sorrow was sprinkled with a certain sweetness, because they knew that he was such that one should rather rejoice than mourn over him; yet they lamented with great outcry that they were deprived of the companionship of him whose like countenance they did not hope to see. They were saddened by reason of humanity, but the Angels, as we believe, rejoiced. For if before those same Angels there is joy over one sinner who does penance, how much more over this just man, who grew old amid works of virtues? But the joy of his Lord, with which he was received by those same Angels, faith contemplates; but it lies hidden meanwhile from bodily eyes, which saw indeed the corpse which had paid the debt of death, and it did not yet appear how greatly the soul was glorified in heaven. Gerald dies, therefore, but, according to that saying of David, by no means as the slothful are wont to, since his lot is among the Saints. And if he has paid that debt of the Psalmist, "But you shall die like men," yet there pertains to him what is set before it there: "I have said, You are gods, and all of you sons of the Most High [k]." The Evangelist testifies, "We are the sons of God, but it hath not yet appeared what we shall be [l]." Happy, therefore, is Gerald, who separated the precious from the vile. For after he tasted how sweet the Lord is, he by no means submitted himself to the delights of this life, to the contempt of that same Lord. But this life, which is precious to the reprobate, he reckoned vile for himself, and death, which is worst for them, he found precious. Truly blessed is he whose days passed in sorrow and his years in groaning: because he has now experienced how great is the multitude of sweetness which God has hidden for those who fear Him. Which He also shows in some measure, in the sight of the sons of men, through particular signs. O how great is the difference between him and the vedii, that is, the wickedly rich! For to him his tears were his bread, and he took drink in tears and in measure. But they spend their days in good things, and have their consolation, according to that saying of the Gospel, in the present. But he has now passed, with the voice of exultation, into the place of the tabernacle of God. Of them it is said that in a moment they go down to hell. Moreover, even if anyone could relate anything worthy about his outward conversation, yet the delights which at the right hand of the Lord have filled him even to the end, none of us, I do not say can unfold in words, but cannot even reach with sense: unless perhaps anyone perceives in himself what it is to delight in the salvation of God.

[94] for whose glory the faithful give thanks to God, Further, since God is wonderful in His Saints, in whom we are commanded to praise Him, Scripture saying, "Praise the Lord in His Saints [m]," therefore, O blessed Gerald, we render to Him such thanks as we can for thee. Praising Him that He chose thee, and that He justified thee; that He made His mercy wonderful in thee, that He led thee by right ways, that He Himself caused the fruit of thy work to be found, and lastly, that even to old age and grey hairs He did not forsake thee, and, what is greater, that He reckoned thee among the sons of God, and moreover glorifies thee in the eyes of all. But since praise befits the Saints, to His praise we praise thee also, namely because, according to Jeremiah, thou didst bear the yoke of Christ from thy youth, because thou didst not receive [*] the grace of His calling, because thou didst not give an exchange for thy soul, because thou didst not receive His salvation in vain, because thou didst not cast away thy inmost things, which thou hadst conceived of the love of Christ, because in the time of temptation thou didst not draw back, because thou didst not pour thyself out into the outward joys of the present life, because thou didst not fail in doing good. Nevertheless, Thou, O Lord God, Thou through him pardon our presumption. For in this account we fear excess, since we have attempted that for doing which we are by no means fit. For although he is worthy of praise in whom Thou art praised, yet we, O Lord, are unworthy to render it, because praise is not seemly in the mouth of a sinner [n]. Let Thy Saints, therefore, as it is written, bless Thee, and let Thy works confess to Thee. But since Thy eyes see the imperfect being of the Church, and the stones of its land will have pity on it, we pray that these, who are called stones for the solidity of their morals, may deign to help us, who by the merit of our depravity are earth: that we who do not have the garment of justice may embrace the stones, that by their merits we may be able to cover our nakedness. Let this Thy Servant, therefore, direct towards us the affection of mercy which Thy charity implanted in his inmost being, and from that everlasting court of the Capitol, in which he now sits among the consuls of heaven, let him look down piously upon this valley of tears which he has escaped: let him hear the prayers of each, and dispatch the necessities of all before Thee: by the bounty of our Lord Jesus Christ Thy Son, who with Thee, with the Holy Spirit, lives and is glorified, God, through infinite ages of ages. Amen.

[95] the report of his death stirs up a great concourse of men, Swiftly indeed, as is wont to happen in the case of an excellent person, his passing resounded all around. When indeed an incredible multitude of men soon began from all sides to rush

in, swarms of noble men, countless throngs of country people and the needy, many Monks, and columns of Priests. Whom all lamented with a kind of brotherly and most sweet affection, and by I know not what divine instinct mourned him the more compunctiously and sweetly: namely for this reason, that they were not ignorant that he had pleased God.

[96] the love of chastity shines forth even in the dead man, When therefore he had been stripped, according to custom, for washing [o], Ragambert and the other servants who were doing this placed both hands on his breast, when suddenly his right arm was extended, and his hand was so applied to the genital members that it enclosed those same members under the palm. Which they indeed, thinking it had happened by chance, again laid the hand itself on the breast. But again, as before, it was extended, and fitted itself to covering the sex. And now they began to be astounded, but, wishing to know the matter more diligently, they bend back the arm yet a third time, and bring the hand back over the breast to the other. Which at once, with the greatest speed, sought the aforesaid members again, as before, and covered them. And the washers of the dead, struck with admiration and fear alike, now then perceived that this had by no means happened without divine power. For perhaps it was shown from heaven by this that that flesh, while living, was always modest for preserving the shame of chastity. They therefore hastily covered the little body. And after it received its garment, that hand by no means extended itself anywhere.

[97] the dead man's body is carried to Aurillac, And his people, with very many crowds accompanying, carried that holy one to Aurillac, as he himself had ordered, and placed it in an aristo [p] stone, namely on the left of the basilica itself, beside the altar of Saint Peter, so that his sepulchre is held to be on the right, and he himself nonetheless towards the right. But let us now end this little book, lest perhaps it displease both by rusticity and also by prolixity. And if anything in it shall have delighted the reader, let him reckon it furnished by the merits of the lord Gerald. But what shall have displeased he will impute to my lack of skill; yet he will find occasion for mercy. And on that account I suppliantly beseech, considering that I presumed to do this when ordered, that he would pray the judge of hearts for me.

[98] but God manifests his glory, that we may imitate him. It would indeed have been quite enough for blessed Gerald that that faithful witness who is in heaven, and whom he always strove to please, rewards him with Himself in that region of Paradise; but yet how great is the glory which he possesses within, the same witness, Christ, deigns to manifest outwardly. For it is written that God renews His witnesses against us. For whoever keeps His precepts is His witness against us, that we could indeed keep those same precepts as he did, but will not. For, to speak of those like me, we now loathe to read all the sayings of the pious, we neglect also to imitate their examples, whereas we are untiringly occupied with either idle or secular words. But in doing this we prove ourselves to be of those whom the Apostolic voice marks, saying, "They will turn away their hearing from the truth, but will be turned unto fables. [q]" For repressing in some measure this sloth, therefore, or the other monstrosities of the vices, Christ, the disposer of the ages, renews this His witness against us, whom He also makes illustrious with many miracles before us, so that, since we have closed our eyes, as has been said, to considering the examples of the pious, we may at least look back at the splendour of this Man, shining as it were from close at hand. For indeed he kept the divine precepts in our time. But because the dead quickly recedes from the heart, we at once hand this over to oblivion, and, not pondering the reward which remains for his holy works, we grow badly torpid in imitating them. On this account, therefore, He deigns to work miracles, which perhaps are done for a time, so that thus at least we may understand the glory which he has within, and may direct the edge of the mind to the works by which he was advanced to that same glory, as if newly put forth, and may strive to grow strong for imitating them. But now, with God's help, let us relate concerning those same miracles the things that agree with reason.

ANNOTATIONS.

k. Psalm 81, 7.

l. 1 John 3, 2.

m. Psalm 150, 1.

p. Mabillon, Sæculum V of the Benedictines, page 10, judges Aristatonem should be read, that is, an honorary adornment: Du Cange has the same in the Glossary.

q. 2 Timothy 4, 4.

[] Sprevisti*

CHAPTER VII.

Several miracles are performed at the tomb of St. Gerald.

By the Saint's merits one labouring with the falling sickness, On the Sunday, therefore, that followed his passing, many crowds accompanying, as we have said, he was carried to Aurillac. When therefore choirs of those chanting were spending the night around the bier, a certain noble man named Gibbo placed his daughter, whom the falling sickness had beset, beneath that same bier, and she afterwards suffered nothing of that infirmity. For she is now a mother of a family, and she herself, safe and sound, displays herself as a testimony of this power.

[99] A certain man named Grimald, living in a village, saw through a dream one seized in arms and hands, that he was trying to tear off the lid of his sarcophagus. And on awaking he found his arms, from the elbows onward, with the hands, so withered that he could do no work with them. Remaining thus disabled for about fifteen days, he came to the sepulchre to make supplication, and at once received health.

[100] a lunatic maidservant are healed: The maidservant of a certain man, Lambert, a lunatic, was admonished through a dream to come to his sepulchre to make supplication. Which she indicated to her master. But he, fearing lest it should be an illusion and a laughing-stock if the effect of power did not follow the vision, forbade her. Then she, admonished a second and a third time nonetheless through a vision, begged her aforesaid master to permit her to go there. Which he now granted. The woman therefore went, and, keeping vigil before the sepulchre, went away fully healed.

[101] a wonderful circle of grasses seen before the Saint's crypt, Meanwhile a certain grassy little plot, round in circuit like a wheel, appeared before the crypt. Which, although it was full of grasses, yet round its circuit the ground was bare and dusty. Those therefore who passed through the cemetery, when they had seen that little plot and the dusty furrow which went round it, marvelled, knowing that neither man nor beast had worn down that furrow by treading. And it remained for some while, and afterwards disappeared. But the following summer it was likewise seen in the same place, but now much wider. And it had a border round about it worn down, as before, and dusty. In the third summer likewise a wheel similarly grassy, and as it were girt round with a dusty path, appeared, but now much more spread out. And thereafter for many years, gradually spreading itself forward, it was seen to extend. And those who examined the cause more diligently believed it to be some prodigy, conjecturing that the green wheel had perhaps figured the fame of blessed Gerald, full of the greenness of virtue. Which fame spreads itself from time to time through the peoples who are barren with the dryness of good works, whom the dusty circle would signify, and as it were makes them fruitful by its example; while for love of him they undertake welcome pilgrimage and toil, while they both offer gifts and some return with morals amended: just as that wheel, extending itself forward, in part filled up the dryness of the dusty circle. But whether it signified this, the Disposer of things knows. Yet it is certain that nothing is done on earth without cause.

[102] A certain cleric of good reputation lives in the city of Rodez. the Saint is surrounded by the light of glory, He, if credence is to be given to a dream, saw a vision containing this. There was as it were a high place, where a great splendour shone. To this splendour one ascended by four steps. And before the first step there was as it were a rail of iron. The second step had a rail of bronze. The third, one of silver. The fourth, one of gold. On the first step, therefore, he saw two men come, most splendid in countenance and garb. Two others followed them, who were leading a third between them by the hands. And it was told to the cleric who was seeing this that those first two were Saint Paul and Saint Martial: the other two, who followed, Saint Peter and Saint Andrew. And the third, whom they were leading, was Saint Gerald. Whom namely that cleric had not at all known while he remained in this life. But when afterwards he related with what stature or face he had seen him, those who had known him recognized his appearance. When therefore they had come to the first step, they chanted as it were a psalm. After which Saint Peter said a collect. Which being completed,

they answered, Amen. So they did a second, a third, and a fourth time. And while the rest were standing, blessed Peter went on as far as the place of the aforesaid splendour. And, prostrated on the ground, he lay for a little while adoring. Then he rose, and prostrated himself up to a third time. Then a voice as it were answering from that splendour asks what he wished. And he said: Lord, I implore Thy mercy for Thy servant Gerald. And then someone or other, as if holding a book, was as it were reciting his life. And when he had read for some while, the cleric could understand only this: Who could have transgressed, and has not transgressed: and could have done evil things, and has not done them. Then the voice said to him, Do with him what you will. And it put forth as it were a sceptre, giving it to him, through which he might have power to exalt him. The cleric heard the voice of the giver, but saw only the sceptre. Then indeed blessed Peter returned rejoicing to those who were awaiting him. Truly, at the place where they were standing there appeared as it were a sloping ascent stretched up as far as heaven. And blessed Peter, holding the Beloved one by the hand, and beginning to ascend by those steps, cried out with a loud voice, Te Deum laudamus. And so, chanting, they sought heaven with him. Indeed, this was followed visibly by another sign from his sepulchre.

[103] his tomb rises of its own accord above the ground, In the seventh year after he had passed away, the sarcophagus, which had been covered up to the middle of its lid with earth trodden down by heels, began gradually to rise above that same earth. Yet the earth which was round about did not seem either to be raised or depressed. The inhabitants, however, did not yet notice this. Meanwhile a certain cleric coming from the district of Limoges asked the Monks whether the sarcophagus of the lord Gerald had yet emerged upwards. And he added that he had been admonished through a dream to come to his tomb, since his sarcophagus had already begun to appear. Then indeed the Monks, going with him to the tomb and pulling away the linen cloth from above, found it just as the sleeping cleric had seen. And then indeed it projected a very little. But now it seems not a little higher. And whoever discerns this cannot be ignorant that it is some divine power. From this, therefore, miracles began to be done frequently.

[104] The solemnity of the Lord's Circumcision had come, one contracted in his limbs is healed, when a certain vassal named Adrald ordered a fire of the caragii [a] to be made in his house through the whole night. And at the dead hour of that night demons rushed upon the guardians over the fire. By whom they were so injured that they killed one, and deprived the other of bodily health, his limbs being disabled. Who afterwards, passing his life by begging, was carried to Aurillac. And while he was living there for some days, certain violent men were committing an act of presumption against the power of that place. For which cause the Monks began to ring the bells and to persist in litanies. Then that contracted man begged that those who stood round would carry him to the sepulchre of the lord Gerald. And when they had done this, he prayed that he would deign to help him. Who after a little rose up healed, and, all his limbs restored, recovered again in a moment. From this miracles now began to be performed from time to time, and the opinion of his powers to resound more certainly and more widely. About which, if anyone perhaps doubts, since the same things are very often repeated in the sick, he can prove by sight that through which he may take faith in past things. But the things which the divine condescension deigns very often to repeat in those who are oppressed by various languors we have passed over on account of prolixity. Some, however, we have touched upon for commending the glory of the same blessed Man, lest we should seem to have skipped them inconsiderately.

[105] And it is established that the same holy Man, perjurers are punished, while he lived, brought many relics of the Saints to Aurillac. Inasmuch as, as was said above, he was most zealous for this cause, and had no small grace from God for obtaining what he wished. Among the other sacred treasures of the saints, finally, which are kept there, there is a certain wood of the Lord, in which such a power is recognized by frequent experiment to be present that if anyone carries it while riding, the horse dies in a short time: or if anyone perhaps commits perjury, he will become emptilentiscus [*]. For not a few have already become epileptic on account of this sin. And the inhabitants of that region were wont to have very savage morals, but they seem to be somewhat milder by the example or reverence of the holy man. And when they decree a treaty or some great oath by right, they have it brought to them by some Monk or cleric, who, however, goes on foot.

[106] Certain men indeed, rashly disputing about the glory of blessed Gerald, assert one dumb, deaf and contracted is presented with health, that this grace of healings is conferred not by his merits but by the powers of those relics. But we, considering the cause more diligently, believe this, that the benefits of healings are so bestowed through those holy pledges that the power of blessed Gerald too is not denied as a co-worker. For the very quality of the things that happen persuades one to believe this, since he himself is wont to appear to the sick through a vision, and especially to confer the benefit of health before his tomb. As is the case of the son of John, namely the Viscount of Auvergne [b], whom, dumb and deaf, contracted in one hand, he brought to that place. For prostrating himself before the sepulchre he gave himself to prayer. When the night was now at its middle, blood burst out from his ears, and his hand was straightened, which he stretched out healed round his father's neck, and, uttering his first word, he asked him for bread. And he, giving thanks for his son, filled the whole Church with his outcry, and handed over a certain allod of his own right to the holy sepulchre. Truly we commemorate this one by name because the miracle performed on an excellent person came to the knowledge of many. But dissimilar or diverse ones of another kind were at first indeed noted by the inhabitants, but when the number grew immense, the care of numbering was omitted.

[107] vengeance for the profanation of the table which the Saint had used, In the town of Aurillac, before the doors of the Church, there was a stone block [c] from which he was wont to mount his horse. Which namely, when the sick kiss it for love of him, they are wont to receive health. For which cause also it has now been moved by the inhabitants within the Church, and covered with a cloth in the manner of an altar. Not far from the town which the country people call Mulsedonum [d], the aforesaid Man of God had had a house. Further, the townspeople agreed among themselves that they would carry off his table, which was still in the aforesaid house, for themselves for refreshment. Which they also did. And by chance the bearers threw it down at the front of a certain house. When a certain man, as midday came on, wished to sleep upon it, he was suddenly made blind and mad. Then, when a dog too trod upon that same table, it at once grew stiff in all its limbs. And still, as they did not notice what it might be, another likewise threw himself upon it, but he too was at once blinded. At length understanding that they had suffered these things on account of the table of the holy Man, consecrated by his frequent refreshment, they carried it, covered with a linen cloth, to the Church of blessed Martin, which is near. Which up to now appears hung up in the building there. To another table of his, which was in the village of Vaxia [e], a certain Priest had come with his neighbours to a banquet. And when, as is wont to happen, they were yelping amid the dishes and mingling ridiculous words in turn, suddenly a great dread so struck them all that at once, breaking off their buffoonery, they withdrew to another place to eat. And they carried the table to that Oratory which was made in a certain place where the bearers set down the bier to change the pall. In which place namely, when the cattle wandering round about happened, in grazing, to touch that little space where the bier, as we have said, had been placed, they at once began to be tormented ^f, and some died. And the inhabitants, understanding the cause through what had happened to the animals, built the aforesaid Oratory there. In which thereafter it is certain that very many sick have obtained health. Besides, something wonderful and almost incredible happened, except that it is proved by use. For from that time a little spring bubbles up in that same place, which suffices travellers for drink.

[108] Rainald, whom the Man of the Lord, holding him suspect, death foretold to a certain man, had bound, while still living, by an oath, as was said above, broke the faith of that oath, and he with his men was very hostile to the household which he had delegated to the Monastery. And each of them, amid the plunderings which they suffered, was wont to call upon the name of the lord Gerald. And one night it seemed to Rainald himself that he saw the Man of God standing by him. Who, when he demanded from him the faith of the oath, at the same time admonished him to cease henceforth from harassing the household. Aroused, he indicated the vision to his wife. And she also urged him that, being admonished, he should at least keep the oath. And he, pricked with compunction for the hour, related the same to his men, commanding them, but sluggishly, not to disquiet the household. But they after a little returned to their accustomed rapacity. Nor did Rainald oppose them, because he was prone to evil. And although he was near in blood to the holy Man, yet he was far estranged from his piety. Then likewise the holy Man appeared to him threatening, and furiously reproached him with the good things which he had done for him, for which he was returning evil things: and, striking him on the head, threatened that death would follow him from close at hand.

[109] one possessed by a demon is freed. In the Province which is called Alamannia [g], a noble man was possessed by demons. And his kinsfolk and his soldiers led him through many pledges of the Saints, so that at least through their intercession the divine grace might free him. But the Distributor of all good things, who had disposed to glorify His elect, reserved this power for him. And the name of the blessed Man had not yet been heard in that Province. And when the aforesaid kinsfolk led him before the bodies of the Saints, the demons very often cried out that they would by no means go out of his body except through the intercession of blessed Gerald. Then those same kinsfolk of the demoniac ran about hither and thither, whether they might have heard of the Province in which blessed Gerald was. And, I know not whether Rome-pilgrims or some pilgrim or other, indicated to them the Province and the place. Who came in haste to Aurillac. As soon as he came before the sepulchre, the demons began to cry out through the possessed man, O Gerald, he said, why do you mock us? Why do we burn by your power? Who at once fell to the ground, and vomited them out together with blood. From that hour, and thereafter, he remained unharmed.

ANNOTATIONS.

b. Of Auvergne.

Perhaps in designating the various places of which mention is made either in Odo's lucubration, or in the Tablets of the Testament of St. Gerald, or finally in the diploma of Charles the Simple, I shall seem to have sometimes fallen into error: but the learned men of Auvergne will not be slow to pardon one who errs: for indeed an error will be of service to the uncovering of the truth if it furnishes learned men with occasion for illustrating history.

[] Epilepticus*