ON SS. LUCIAN AND MARCIAN AND COMPANIONS, MARTYRS AT NICOMEDIA IN BITHYNIA,
IN THE YEAR 251 OR 250.
PRELIMINARY COMMENTARY.
Lucian, martyr at Nicomedia in Bithynia. (S.)
Marcian, martyr at Nicomedia in Bithynia. (S.)
The Companions, martyrs at Nicomedia in Bithynia
BY B. B.
§ I. The Acts and the Memorial in the more ancient calendars of the church. Whether there were Companions in the passion, and who they were. SS. Lucian and Marcian were consumed by fire at Nicomedia by order of Sabinus, in the time of the Decian persecution.
The Acts, in which the discourse is only of SS. Lucian and Marcian, we give as they were edited by Ruinart Acta primorum Martyrum sincera et selecta, p. 165 and following. Amsterdam 1713., The Acts. from two manuscript codices, namely one of the Colbert library, the other of the notable Benedictine monastery of La Sauve-Majeure in the diocese of Bordeaux, collated with Mombritius, who first published them. We shall also make use of the text of Tamayo, marking what has been added by him to the original narrative; likewise any variant reading worthy of mention that may occur. That the Acts are of no common merit is clear even from this, that they seemed to Ruinart worthy to be inserted in his work, and so not to be passed over among the Sincere and Select Acts. The style is simple, but rather barbarous, and here and there obscure. In the judgment of Tillemont Mémoires, vol. III, pp. 338 and 708. they are not indeed of the best stamp, but they contain nothing by which they might be rendered truly suspect; wherefore he holds them to be of middling credit and authority. They are not original; yet they come sufficiently close to the originals. The other things that give rise to difficulty we shall indicate in the Annotations or discuss in the course of this Commentary.
[2] The Memorial in the Hieronymian I should think it not seriously to be doubted that SS. Lucian and Marcian are to be venerated on this day, and that they are true martyrs and suffered at Nicomedia in Bithynia while the Decian persecution was raging. It is not so clear concerning the Companions, where much is obscure, and not a little confused or intricate. These things are said in general, before we weigh them singly and by parts. Among the Hieronymian martyrologies, it is known that there exist three which, by reason of their antiquity, enjoy particular authority. The first is that of Antwerp or Echternach, written out about the beginning of the eighth century; this exemplar, which Rosweyde found in the Charterhouse of Trier and brought to light, St. Willibrord, the apostle of the Frisians, used. The second Florentini edited, with the title prefixed: The More Ancient Martyrology of the Western Church, and he gives warning in this manner Preliminary Admonitions, p. 33.: I would not deny that this one of Antwerp (which the same Florentini inserted entire in his work) is, as regards the copyist, older than ours; yet I recognize ours as less corrupted by the copyist, and fuller than that one, as Henschen also has frankly admitted. The third, finally, was published by d'Achery in the Spicilegium, and is called, from the place where it was found and used, that of Corbie. Of this the said d'Achery gives this preface Spicilegium, vol. II in the Notice. Edition of 1723.: I found a most ancient martyrology, attributed to St. Jerome, in a codex of the monastery of Corbie, written about 600 years ago. (The author put together his Spicilegium before the middle of the 17th century). Now in these three martyrologies the following are noted at this day. That of Antwerp has: 7th before the Kalends of November. At Nicomedia, of Lucian, Marcian, Florus and Heraclides, Titus, likewise Florus. The more ancient one of Florentini on the same day: In Nicomedia of the saints Lucian, Mardianus, Florius, Eraclius, Tutus. In that of Florentini, then, Marcian is lacking, who in the two others (with one letter changed) is joined to Lucian. Nearest in weight to the three aforesaid Hieronymian martyrologies comes that of Gellone, written at the opening of the ninth century, about the year 804, as d'Achery, its first editor, asserts in the Notice Ibidem p. 25.. Du Sollier does not indeed agree to so great an antiquity; yet he holds as beyond doubt that it cannot but be ancient Martyrologg. Hieron. contracta, Preface, p. III.. In this again at the 7th before the Kalends of November there is noted: Nicomedia, of Lucian, Marcian, Florius, Eraclius, Tutus. Similarly, but a little more fully, that of Rheinau announces: In Nicomedia, of Lucian, Marcian, Florus. And of Eraclia, Tutus and Florus; of which Du Sollier asserts that it is of the best stamp; and, he says Preface to Usuard, p. IX., unless I am much deceived, far purer and more excellent than that of Gellone. … Likewise that of Augsburg, again on the testimony of Du Sollier Martyrologg. contracta, p. V., most like that of Gellone … but in many things disfigured, has: In Nicia, of Lucian, Marcian, Florus, Heraclius, Tutus. Of Amandus, bishop and confessor. There follows that of Labbe, which, in the judgment of the same Du Sollier Ibid., p. VI., is no less in agreement with that of Gellone than that of Augsburg, indeed more entirely so; equally deficient in indicating the stations or places of martyrdom, and it indicates at the present day: At Nicomedia, of Lucian, Marcian, Florus, Heraclius, Tutus. Finally the Lesser Corbie records only the first two holy Martyrs: In Nicomedia of the saints Lucian, Martianus. D'Achery had held this martyrology to be older than was right; Du Sollier judged the age of the codex to be seven hundred years at the most Ibid., and hence that it was written perhaps in the later tenth century, a whole century after the Greater Corbie, published by the same d'Achery. From that, this Briefer one seems to have been studiously contracted, for the use of the choir, I think; lest the rather long daily recitations of almost bare names should produce tedium, says Du Sollier. This then is established from the said Hieronymian martyrologies, that the saints Lucian and Marcian, in all of them, with the one exception of the older one of Florentini, are celebrated on this day. Of the Companions there will be discourse below.
[3] and in other sacred calendars What has been said is confirmed from other martyrologies, of which first in order of time comes that of Bede as augmented by the labour of Florus, and published by the most diligent care of our predecessors Henschen and Papebroch at the beginning of volume II of the month of March. Florus wrote about the thirtieth year of the ninth century Du Sollier's preface to Usuard, p. XIX.; and he has this on the 7th before the Kalends of November, a day on which Bede is blank: At Nicomedia the birthday
of the holy martyrs Martianus, Florus, Lucian, who in the time of the emperor Decius were given over to the fire under the proconsul Sabinus. In the auctaria the Companions are added, much as in the Hieronymian martyrologies. There follows Rabanus Maurus, who most probably wrote his martyrology about the year 845 Ibid., and who generally keeps to the footsteps of Bede and Florus, and announces on the aforesaid day: In Nicomedia the birthday of Lucian, Florus (otherwise Florius), Heraclides and Martianus Canisius, vol. II, part II, p. 345.. After him we have Notker the Stammerer, a monk of St. Gall, who, offered as a boy in the year 840, died in the year 912 Ibid., vol. II, part III, p. 87.. He is wholly silent about our holy Martyrs; as also are Ado of Vienne and the pure Usuard: for in very many of the auctaria of the latter mention of them recurs. They are recorded, moreover, in Maurolycus in the martyrology according to the custom of the most holy Roman church, published at Venice in 1576, where at the 26th day of October among other things there is first noted thus: On the same day: of St. Amandus, bishop, of Lucian and Florus; then, a few things intervening: At Nicomedia of the saints Lucian, Martianus, Florian, Heraclius, Florus and Tutius, martyrs, and of Ursa, virgin. The former, then, are without a station, the latter with indication of the place where they suffered. Galesini is not far from Maurolycus in the martyrology of the Holy Roman church, likewise published at Venice in 1578. He announces in the first place: In Africa, of the holy martyrs Rogatian and Felicissimus, who under the emperors Decius and Valerian … attained the crown of martyrdom. And he subjoins: In Africa likewise, of the blessed martyrs Lucian and Martianus, who in the very onset of the Decian persecution, fighting for the faith, were crowned by the unconquered defence of piety; then after some other things he adds: At Nicomedia, of the holy martyrs Lucian, Marcian, Florian, Heraclius, Florus and Ursa, virgin. Both, then, Maurolycus and Galesini, distinguish two bands: in each of them, in the latter author, both in Africa and at Nicomedia, Lucian and Marcian are indicated; the former passed over Marcian in the first class, and does not teach in what place they are celebrated. Baronius partly departs from both and partly adheres to both. In the Roman martyrology itself he indicates a single band, he fixes the place of the passion at Nicomedia, he omits Marcian, as Maurolycus does in his first band, and with him gives by name only one companion to St. Lucian, namely Florius: At Nicomedia, he says, of the holy martyrs Lucian, Florius and Companions. But he notes at the foot of the page: Bede (rather Florus) treats of these, who also adds Heraclius and Marcian. And the Acts of Lucian and Marcian exist in Mombritius … and they are said to have suffered in the times of the emperor Decius under the proconsul Sabinus. We have, then, on this day SS. Lucian and Marcian from several of the older and those more excellent Hieronymian martyrologies; likewise from Florus and Rabanus, as also from Maurolycus and Galesini, the forerunners of Baronius; and these indeed indicate two pairs of Saints of the same names. But Baronius (we have just explained in what way) mentions Lucian only.
[4] is celebrated on this day. And these things surely suffice for us not to pass over both blessed Martyrs in our work. We have the agreement of Ruinart, who long ago had their Acts printed in a more correct form than they are read in Mombritius; in the Admonition to which he gives this preface among other things Acta sincera Martyrum, p. 164 and following. Amsterdam, 1713.: Almost all the printed martyrologies celebrate on the 26th day of October the memory of the saints Lucian, Marcian …, who are said to have suffered at Nicomedia … Cardinal Baronius in his Notes on that day judges that this Lucian and Marcian are the same whose Acts are here brought forward by us, chiefly for the reason that in the Acts themselves they are reported to have suffered on the same 26th day of October. The martyrology of Florus, deacon of the church of Lyon, favours the opinion of Baronius … Yet the Roman martyrology edited by Pietro Galesini seems to distinguish these Nicomedian martyrs from our Lucian and Marcian: for there, besides those martyrs whom with the other martyrologies it reports to have suffered at Nicomedia, on the same day, after the commemoration of some African martyrs, these things are subjoined concerning others. “In Africa, of the blessed martyrs Lucian and Marcian, who in the very onset of the Decian persecution etc.” As above. Galesini expressly declares in his Notations Fol. 176 verso.: Boninus (Mombritius) reported their martyrdom in volume II on the Saints; and so he thought that our two Martyrs met their death in Africa; but, in my opinion, altogether wrongly. Nor surely, as Tillemont already intimated Mémoires, vol. III, p. 708. Paris, 1701., can the authority of Galesini, writing in a more recent age, prevail over the testimonies of so many more ancient martyrologies, which we have cited above. Moreover it could have happened that in the codices Numidia was wrongly written for Nicomedia; hence perhaps Galesini's slip had its origin, and that the more easily because, although Nicomedia is not far from Constantinople and the Acts of SS. Lucian and Marcian are conspicuous enough, Galesini saw that those blessed Athletes of Christ were unknown to the Greeks.
[5] The Companions. As regards the Companions, all those mentioned by various authors, taken together, reach the number of five. Maurolycus alone makes mention of all and each, namely of Florian, Heraclius, Florus and Tutius, martyrs, and Ursa, virgin. Those of Antwerp, of Florentini and of Rheinau record four, Florus, Heraclius (otherwise Heraclides), Titus or Tutus and a second Florus. Likewise Galesini; but he omits Titus and in his place indicates Ursa. Most mention three: Florus or Florius, Eraclius and Tutus: so the Greater Corbie, Gellone, Labbe, Augsburg: for as to St. Amandus, bishop and confessor, being added in this last, I should think there is no one who doubts that he has been fetched from elsewhere. This also is to be noted, that in all the others the arena is placed at Nicomedia, but in that of Augsburg in Nicia, probably by the fault of the copyist. Rabanus adds the names of only two, Florus otherwise Florius, and Heraclides. Bede, or rather Florus, records Florus alone. To him agrees the Roman of Baronius, in which mention is made of Florius and companions. Finally the Lesser Corbie passes over all, which likewise holds in the Acts to be printed below, where similarly the discourse is only of Lucian and Marcian, without any companion being assigned to them. If, then, we stand by the more numerous and more distinguished calendars, the companions of SS. Lucian and Marcian in the passion, or at least from of old in the commemoration of their martyrdom, were Florus, Heraclius, Titus or Tutus, and likewise a second Florus or Florius or Florian. In all the older ones, if you except that of Augsburg, St. Ursa is lacking; the first mention of her is had in Maurolycus and Galesini; and so she is not easily to be admitted. In all likelihood she was fetched from elsewhere into that of Augsburg, as we noted above concerning St. Amandus.
[6] The place of martyrdom. From the same sacred monuments it is established that the holy martyrs Lucian and Marcian were slain at Nicomedia. But again the Acts, as of the Companions, so also of the place of the passion fail to make mention. I should think that trust is to be placed in the Hieronymian martyrologies and in Florus, who took from these the arena of the contest, and from the Acts the encomium. At Nicomedia, he says, the birthday of the holy martyrs Florus and Lucian, who in the time of the emperor Decius were given over to the fire under the proconsul Sabinus; which agrees perfectly with the Acts, whether as regards the kind of martyrdom or the names of the prince and the proconsul. Galesini would have them suffer in Africa: nor is there any doubt but that he is speaking of our holy Champions, since he is treating of those whose martyrdom Boninus (Mombritius) reported in volume II on the Saints. But on what foundation he relies in so determining I do not perceive. Galesini, as I have already intimated, is a recent writer, and he cannot by his own authority prevail over the most noted calendars of sacred antiquity. Perhaps he read somewhere Numidia for Nicomedia, words which are found not so rarely interchanged by copyists on account of the likeness of the letters. Perhaps knowingly he substituted one word for the other; supposing that if they had fallen by so glorious a death at Nicomedia, the church of Constantinople would have preserved, indeed would have celebrated, their memory, since the two cities are not far distant from each other. Yet it is not so: for the Greeks have not mentioned SS. Lucian and Marcian Cf. Tillemont, Memoires, in the same place.. But from the silence of these it is in no way established that what is announced in the more distinguished Hieronymian martyrologies and other ancient martyrologies is false or corrupt, unless force be attributed to the argument, as it is usually called, negative, which surely no one of the learned has ever acknowledged or will acknowledge.
[7] Of the proconsul of Bithynia. Moreover in the opinion of Galesini another difficulty would be removed, arising from the fact that in the Acts the holy Martyrs are reported to have suffered under the proconsul Sabinus. Now it is established that Africa was always administered by a proconsul; not so Bithynia, whose metropolis was Nicomedia; that indeed, as Tillemont asserts Ibid., held in the first century of our era, but in the following one a propraetor was already governing this province. Let us hear Eckhel discoursing clearly on this matter, and not departing much from the assertions of Tillemont. As regards, he says Doctrina Numorum, vol. II, p. 399., the political government of the Romans in this tract, the coins teach … that Pontus and part of Paphlagonia were assigned to the praetor of Bithynia already at the end of the 7th century from the foundation of the City (about the middle of the century before Christ, whose nativity falls in the year of the city 754 [Art de vérifier les dates, p. 325. — See Petavius: Rationarum temporum, p. 175. Leiden, 1710.]), that is, after Mithridates had been put to flight by Pompey, and Pharnaces his son shut up within the Bosporus … The other part of Paphlagonia did not then belong here, which had its own kings. These having died out, Augustus joined their dominion with Amasia, and it was then called ἐπαρχια Ποντικη, as Strabo teaches … The same Augustus ceded part of Pontus to Polemo I, which on this account was called “Polemiacus.” But Polemo II restored that whole tract to Nero, who joined it with the rest of Pontus in the year of the City 815 or 816 (of Christ 62 or 63), from which memorable event the cities of Pontus, Neocaesarea, Trapezus and Zela, began an era, reckoning its start from the year of the City 816. Thereafter that Pontus was subject to the proconsuls of Bithynia is abundantly proved by coins struck at Nicomedia, on which that city is called Μητροπολις και πρωτη Βιθυνιας και Ποντου, and this about the times of Domitian and Trajan. Not much later the condition of the province was changed. For whereas by the first division under Augustus, in the year of the City 727, it was a province of the Senate Compare Pitiscus' Lexicon Antiq., under the word: Provincia. …, it was thereafter assigned to the Emperors, and then in place of proconsuls there were sent into this province legates of the Emperor with the rank of propraetor, as marbles everywhere teach. This was done under Trajan or still earlier, thinks Noris, because in a marble of Gruter, C. Plinius is said to have been sent here by Trajan as legate with propraetorian rank with consular power. But Spanheim denies this, both for other reasons and also because, on the testimony of Dio, Bithynia by Hadrian
(who succeeded Trajan in the year of Christ 117 and died in the year 138) was at length made a province of Caesar. As for the marble of Gruter, he says that Pliny was sent into Bithynia with an extraordinary and not an ordinary power, to inspect the condition of the cities. On this varied condition of Bithynia and Pontus read Belley discoursing at length. Thus the learned Eckhel. Since, then, as we shall say presently, the passion of SS. Lucian and Marcian seems to be ascribed to the Decian persecution, it follows that it took place a whole century and more after Bithynia had ceased to be ruled by Proconsuls. Nevertheless it does not thence result that the Acts are to be convicted of falsity because they declare that the holy Martyrs were condemned to the flames by the proconsul Sabinus; both because that word could easily have been employed by the writer simply to designate the magistrate who was in charge in these places; and because a dignity, though long since suppressed and not to be indicated on coins or marbles and in public acts, yet not rarely persists for a long time among the common people and hence is used by private writers. Moreover Joseph Eckhel, cited above, when about to treat of Proconsuls, Propraetors, Legates, Presidents, begins in this manner Volume IV, p. 229. Compare the Acts of St. Abercius, vol. IX of October, p. 487.: Behold for you ample matter for disputation, and that quite confused and uncertain, since the names of magistrates that we have set above seem indeed to differ among themselves, as they do differ, yet not so that one was not often put for another, either arbitrarily or from some uncertain cause.
[8] The time of the passion. The time of the martyrdom we have both from the Acts and from Florus: The most blessed martyrs Lucian and Marcian suffered on the 7th before the Kalends of November under the emperor Decius; so the Acts. And Florus: In the time of the emperor Decius. Whence Ruinart Acta sincera, p. 165.: Further, although we cannot deny that these holy Martyrs were perfected under the persecution of Decius, yet in what year that took place is unknown to us. We should be a little more certain of the day of their death if the manuscript codex of La Sauve-Majeure agreed with the Colbert codex and Mombritius. But this codex, both at the head of the Acts and at the end, expressly reports that the same Martyrs suffered on the 8th before the Kalends of November; whose martyrdom, however, the Colbert codex and Mombritius, with the martyrologies cited above, refer to the following day. The Barberini martyrology cited above seems to support the codex of La Sauve. This Barberini martyrology is nothing other than the manuscript codex which our predecessors used in publishing, at the beginning of volume II of March, the Martyrology of Bede with the Auctarium of Florus and others. But first, that codex is not of a choice stamp; next, it mentions those holy Martyrs on both days; namely on the 8th before the Kalends of November: The Passion of the saints Lucian and Marcian, martyrs; and on the 7th before the Kalends of November: In Nicomedia, of Lucian, Marcian, Florus, Eraclius, Tuttus, Florinus; so that the Barberini codex rather fights for the common opinion, which with the Acts, Rabanus, Florus and the more excellent Hieronymian martyrologies determines that the passion is to be celebrated on this latter day. Ruinart adds in the place cited: For the rest the Greeks in the Menaea and some Latin martyrologies with the Roman celebrate the martyr Marcian on the 8th before the Kalends of November, that is, the 25th of October; but no one doubts that he is another than our Marcian. That is, he is the St. Marcian who with St. Martyrius completed their contest at Constantinople; of these, who are commonly called the holy Notaries, we treated on the preceding day, the 25th of October. Did perhaps the Barberini announcement at the 8th before the Kalends of November flow from this source? Finally, since Decius ascended the throne in the month of October of the year 249, and fell in battle against the Goths together with his sons Herennius and Trajan at the end of November of the year 251; and since it is established from elsewhere that the persecution set in motion by him began in the year 250; it follows that the passion of SS. Lucian and Marcian is to be attached to the year of Christ 251 or the preceding one, so that they may properly be said to have been perfected under the emperor Decius, in the time of the emperor Decius, as the Acts and Florus expressly declare.
§ II Tamayo de Salazar wrongly contends that SS. Lucian and Marcian were born and suffered in the city of Vich or Ausona. Of the Invention of the holy Bodies, which they maintain took place in the aforesaid city in the 11th century.
Tamayo would have the holy Martyrs born and martyred in Spain, These, then, are the things which it has been permitted to gather and determine concerning the holy Martyrs of Nicomedia, by keeping to the ancient monuments of the church. Tamayo de Salazar, after his fashion, consulted and employed other sources, and those not always clear and genuine. That is, he asserts, without the least hesitation, that the saints Lucian and Marcian were both born and martyred in Spain. He accordingly announces on this day in his prolix Martyrology: At Ausa in Catalonia of Spain, there persists the living memory of the saints Lucian and Martianus, martyrs; who, brought forward for the Catholic faith before Sabinus, judge of the emperor Decius, and having confessed themselves to be followers of Christ, after various torments were last thrown into the fire and as stalwarts merited the palms of martyrdom. These things indeed might seem to look to the cult alone; but Tamayo adds in the Commentary that it is established that the holy Martyrs Lucian and Martianus, whose bodies the holy church of Vich possesses (Vich succeeded Ausa, once a celebrated city), were born, reared and crowned with martyrdom in the same city, without any quality of priesthood or mitre. Hence Filippo Ferrari in his general Catalogue attaches the following elogium: “At Vich in Spain, of the holy Martyrs Lucian and Marcian under Decius.” Where in a “Note” he subscribes, from Galesini, that they suffered in Africa, and that their bodies rest at Vich. But he is mistaken, since it is established that Galesini assigns a pair of these holy Martyrs, of whom he places one in Africa, the other in Nicomedia; but that these are different from ours is made manifest by the course of the Acts, which from the ancient Breviary of Vich and the Most Ancient manuscript Flos Sanctorum, and a Writing found in the archive of that holy church, were extracted by Antonio Vicente Domenec (Hist. of the SS. of Catalonia, on this day, bk. 1), Jerónimo Pujades (Hist. of Catalonia, bk. 4, ch. 55), and Don Tomás Tamayo (in his Notes on Liutprand in the Chronicle, year 902), and which we also subjoin. Further, the course of the Acts which Tamayo subjoined is the same as that which Mombritius and Ruinart present, the diction being somewhat altered. But Tamayo adds at the beginning what pertains to their origin, in these words: Lucian and Marcian, Spanish by origin, Catalan by nation, having arisen in the most ancient city of Vich, who, when by the error of the Gentiles etc. In the course of the Acts he calls Sabinus president of the city of Vich; and at the end he has this: thus the venerable Martyrs, completing their contest, suffered on the 7th before the Kalends of November in the year of the Lord 252, under the emperor Decius, Sabinus acting as proconsul. Their bodies the rest of the faithful, gathering them among the ashes, secretly laid up in two earthenware amphorae on account of the plots of the Gentiles, and afterwards, peace having been given to the churches, they were laid in the basilica of St. Saturninus of the city of Vich, under an altar built for this purpose and protected by a marble sarcophagus. The further additions of Tamayo look to the cult and the Translation, of which it will fall to us to treat elsewhere. Finally he concludes: These are the acts, which Antonio Vicente Domenec wrote out in the Spanish tongue, and which Jerónimo Pujades condensed in the Catalan idiom, and which Mombritius reports in Latin, who in no way described the site of the arena, nor recorded the place of the contest. But since immemorial tradition, and the monuments of that church of Vich from six hundred years back and more, testify that these holy Martyrs were of Vich by origin and martyrdom, there is no reason why we should doubt of this truth. Tamayo is too well known to the learned for them to lend ready credit to his assertions.
[10] yet he does not prove it, Certainly Enrique Flórez, who disputes at length on SS. Lucian and Marcian España Sagrada, vol. XXVIII, pp. 209–227., although he thinks that Tamayo edited their Acts more correctly and more fully than Mombritius (which for my part I should not admit), yet expressly affirms that he added what looks to the place of the passion and the homeland. Then Flórez examines the sources from which Tamayo professes to have drawn his material; namely the Ancient Breviary of Vich and the Most Ancient Flos Sanctorum. Tamayo relies further on a Writing found in the Archive of that holy church (of Vich); but what and of what kind that is he does not explain; and it is known from elsewhere how frequently and even how boldly the author and his followers have abused documents of this kind, manuscript and hidden, so as to embellish the history of their homeland by fair means or foul. Wherefore Cardinal Aguirre did not hesitate both to call and to consider all of them old hands at deceit Cf. the Acts of St. Mellonus, vol. IX of October, p. 554 and following..
[11] whether from the ancient Breviary of Vich, Further, the Breviary of which we speak is of parchment, and seems to have been written in the twelfth century, as, says Flórez Where cited above, p. 217, the notary or copyist who sent me the transcript supposes. And this has it thus Ibid.: 7th before the Kalends of November. The Passion of the holy Martyrs Lucian and Martianus. Lesson one. I shall recount to you, brethren, the martyrdom of Lucian and Martianus, that hearing it you may receive edification. Responsory: God shall wipe away all. Lesson two. These, when they were held by the error of paganism, were at that time so given over to the demons that they drew almost every soul to their sacrilegious sect. For both by magic arts and by evil spells they defiled all in adulteries. Responsory: Holy men. Lesson three. They were the foremost authors in subversion, subverters in magic things, so that all who sought to fulfil their pleasures, or to harm certain persons, ran together to them. Responsory: They have washed their robes. In these things, which otherwise agree perfectly with the Mombritian Acts, there is nothing of the homeland and place of martyrdom. Flórez in the same place cites the Missal of the same church, published in the year 1547, of which fuller mention will recur; here let it suffice to have recited the first words of the Prayer, from which Flórez argues that the bodies were brought from elsewhere: O God who hast granted us the precious pledges of the blessed martyrs Lucian and Martianus. These words indeed, in the judgment of Flórez, indicate that the city of Vich possesses the sacred relics of the holy Martyrs, but by no means that they were born and suffered there; rather indeed that they were foreigners whom God willed to be honoured at Vich: for every church which venerates its own proper Saints is not accustomed to hold it as a singular favour granted from heaven that it possesses their pledges, but rather that it has begotten them and sent them on to heaven; whereas it rightly glories in relics translated from elsewhere.
[12] or from the manuscript Flos Sanctorum. As regards the Flos Sanctorum of the church of Vich, which Tamayo calls most ancient; it is established that it was not written before the middle of the 13th century (rather at the opening of the 14th century, as will be seen a little below from Villanueva), inasmuch as it records no saint who flourished after the year 1243 Same work, p. 219.. And this first monument
is the one in which the holy Martyrs are reported to have been natives of the city of Vich, and to have been consumed by flames in it. The author uses the Catalan or Occitan idiom (lengua Catalana o Limosina) and at folio 497 begins: Of the Life of SS. Lucian and Marcian and the invention of their bodies. Then he adds: Lucian and Marcian were Gentiles, and they were from the city of Vich … And they brought them to a praetor named Sabinus, who held the place of the emperor Decius in the city of Vich. The rest agrees with Mombritius and Ruinart, some few things here and there being slightly changed, as the Annotations will teach. There exists also a charter of Berengar, bishop of Vich, given on the 13th before the Kalends of March of the year 1326, by which indulgences are granted, to be gained on various feast days throughout the diocese, and by name on the day of the saints Lucian and Marcian, who in the aforesaid city were crowned with the palm of martyrdom. Whence the often-mentioned Enrique Flórez: It is established, then, that both the writer of the Flos cited above and the most illustrious prelate were persuaded that the holy martyrs suffered at Vich; and we must admit that they received this tradition from their elders, since there is nothing by which it might be proved that it first arose at that time.
[13] Villanueva reprehends Flórez in vain, And these things surely show that the opinion which determines that SS. Lucian and Marcian originated from Vich and were burned there is by no means approved by Flórez. Why, then, does Villanueva assert Viage literario a las iglesias de Españ vol. VI p. 113. that this same Flórez did not contradict the opinion commonly received at Vich; indeed that he attributed some weight to the grounds on which that tradition rests? Be it that Flórez attacked it in that kindlier form; but he is far from having approved it. Moreover the said Villanueva, and not undeservedly, pronounces the aforesaid grounds to be altogether light. The first, he says, is the Missal printed in the year 1547, in which is read: O God who hast granted us … pledges, as above. But, Villanueva goes on, these things prove only that the relics are kept there; indeed that they were received from elsewhere; which is the very assertion of Flórez.
[14] but he solidly refutes Tamayo; Nor can it be said that the learned compiler of España sagrada lent to the Flos Sanctorum credit, not to say full, but even of any kind; he grants this only, namely that the tradition of the place of martyrdom already prevailed when that work was written. Yet it is not to be denied that Villanueva more clearly and better than Flórez has shown that this writing is of slight merit. The work was composed, he says Ibid. p. 113 and following., at the opening of the 14th century, as is established both from the form of the letters and from the idiom. It is proved besides from this, that it contains the life of St. Louis, bishop of Toulouse, and passes over the second translation of St. Eulalia of Barcelona. There are many other indications of this kind also. Finally the lives of the Saints are described without critical judgment; the chief place is given to prodigies; whence they merit little credit. The third ground is found in the letter or charter of Berengar (which you will find in full in the Appendix to volume VI in Villanueva Viage, vol. VII, p. 261 and following.), where it is expressly declared that SS. Lucian and Marcian were crowned with the palm of martyrdom at Vich. Villanueva answers: But it is clear that the prelate, being led by zeal to rouse the faithful to contribute alms liberally for building the cloister of the cathedral church, was unwilling to call in question what at that time, though by no means proved, commonly obtained belief; as, certainly, that other thing contained in the same letter, since it is a manifest error, was not proved; namely that the church of Vich for 392 years was distinguished by the metropolitan right in Tarragona. Compare Pierre de Marca, who declares that there was indeed serious treatment of transferring the metropolitan right to the church of Ausona; but that the matter lacked effect De Marca Hispanica col. 403 and following.. Compare likewise what is to be said at the end of this commentary in the Notice of the see of Ausona. Villanueva adds that the holy Martyrs are likewise called citizens of Vich in a Breviary published about the end of the 15th century. But what, he says, is the worth of documents of this kind of a more recent age against all the ancient martyrologies, which record that the holy Champions suffered at Nicomedia or in Africa? Finally there agree the manuscript books of the church of Vich, which go beyond the 13th century, in all of which it is noted in the margin by a later hand: Whose bodies lie in the town of Vich in the chapel of St. Saturninus. There is one codex (but that of the 13th century), in which those words are read expressly inserted; but at the same time there is written in the margin: The Invention of the bodies of the same Saints on the 1st day of April. But nowhere do the aforesaid codices teach that the city of Vich was their homeland or the arena of their martyrdom. The Missals are likewise silent on this matter, although in these (the same holds in the martyrologies) several Saints are celebrated who originated from this homeland; so that consequently before the 12th century the people of Vich did not know that the saints Lucian and Marcian were born or suffered in their city. Whence Villanueva rightly conjectures that these things first gained strength long after the invention of the bodies, which is said to have taken place in the middle of the 11th century, as we shall see below.
[15] although he must be corrected in some things. What Villanueva writes in the latter place needs correction, as is clear from the little work of Don Jaime Ripoll, canon of Vich, which the Most Reverend Bishop of the same city sent us. Villanueva asserts (as the Reverend Canon would have it; of which for my part I should much doubt) that the manuscript codices of Vich older than the 13th century report that SS. Lucian and Marcian suffered in Africa. But the said Don Ripoll, who in the year 1828 (in which the aforesaid little work was published) was in charge of the archive of Vich, and in the year 1805 (when Villanueva was staying in that place) was secretary to the then head of the same archive, observes that only four manuscript martyrologies are found there; of which one goes beyond the 11th century; a second is of the aforesaid century; the third belongs to the year 1192; and the fourth, finally, was written out at the opening of the 13th century. In the first, which excels the others in age, is read: 7th before the Kalends of November. In Africa the birthday of the holy Martyrs Rogatian, presbyter, and Felicissimus, who were crowned with martyrdom in the persecution of Decius and Valerian. (There is added a passage from St. Cyprian's epistle to the confessors See below in the Acts of SS. Rogatian and Felicissimus.). Commemoration is made on the same day of the holy bishops Vedast and Amandus, whose life and death are glorious with many miracles. On the same day of the saints Lucian and Marcian. Nothing further, either in the work or in the margin. Behold for you, exclaims Don Ripoll, one of the martyrologies older than the 13th century, all of which, if we believe Villanueva, declare that SS. Lucian and Marcian were crowned with martyrdom at Nicomedia or in Africa. Surely in the words of the said martyrology, as recited, the place of the passion is not indicated in the slightest. Further, the same, on the testimony of Ripoll, is observed in two others, of which one, as we have said, is of the 11th century, the other of the 12th century. Whence the Canon rightly infers that the positions (if indeed they are positions) of the Traveller, that is, of Villanueva, are not proved from these either. I said: if indeed they are positions; for Villanueva intends this one thing, namely that from those ancient codices it is in no way proved that the holy Martyrs were either born or burned at Vich. It is to be noted besides that in the codex of the 11th century, written in the margin in a much more recent character (not of the same antiquity, as Flórez has it, vol. XXVIII p. 318), are the following words. Whose bodies lie in the town of Vich in the chapel of St. Saturninus in the chest which is behind the altar. Don Ripoll goes on to add: This marginal note is added in the codex of the 11th century alone; and so not in all those older than the 13th century, as Villanueva falsely affirms. From these things, which you will find more broadly unfolded in the little work of Ripoll, it results that the learned Villanueva must indeed be corrected in some things; but the principal question remains intact; namely that from the ancient monuments of the church of Vich it is in no way established that the holy Martyrs of whom we treat suffered in this city; rather the contrary is shown. So much for their origin and the place of martyrdom. It remains to speak in the present paragraph of the invention of the holy Bodies.
[16] Report of the Invention of the holy Bodies made in the 11th century: We have España sagr., vol. XXVIII p. 220 and following. a Report of the invention from the Flos Sanctorum, written in the Catalan idiom, and turned into Castilian by Domenec; and here rendered in Latin by us. The title is: The Invention of the Relics and bones of the said holy Martyrs, who were burned in the city of Vich, is described here as it took place. The narrative follows in this manner:
[17] At an Angel's warning a pious priest searches out the place of burial; There was at Vich a good cleric, named Ramon Ferrer, a very holy man, and priest (cura) or hebdomadary (domer) of the cathedral church, who was accustomed to visit the church of St. Saturninus by night. On a certain occasion, when midnight was already past, he had risen from bed and entered the said church to pray, and the whole city was held in deep silence and quiet; suddenly a great light came down from heaven, and there appeared a man clothed in a white garment, advanced in age, remarkable for long hair and a crown, after the manner of monks; and he did not doubt that he was an angel of God. This man approached the priest and, taking him by the hand, said: What are you doing here? Come with me, that I may disclose to you a secret of great moment. Immediately they went together to the altar, and at once the church shone with an immense brightness, by which it was wholly illuminated. Then the elder, as if turning in all directions to see whether anyone else was present, ordered the priest to look around with care in case they might be seen by anyone. When he had said no: Let us pray, added the angel; and give me the thumb of your right hand, and you will see that which I have many times promised you. Attend; see that you are diligent and watchful: for you will receive great joy from the things that I shall show you; raise these stones, and dig the earth to the depth of one palm. Having said these things the elder ascended toward heaven. Immediately the bells of the cathedral rang for Matins, and the priest betook himself there, to pour out those prayers according to his custom; and he was astonished at the vision, which he communicated to another priest also, whose name was Ramon, and they agreed between themselves that after Matins had been said they would go together with reverence to the place shown by the Angel; and when they had betaken themselves there, having first poured out a prayer, they began to dig the earth, and they found an ancient wall, like a most solid vault; having broken through this in the best way they could, a great light illuminating them, they found a small square pit divided through the middle into two parts. The good priests recited there many psalms and prayers, being very anxious about the coming outcome. But seeing that day was now dawning, and fearing lest they should be observed by someone, they covered up the excavated place, restoring everything to its former state.
[18] then his zeal is sharpened by new warnings and prodigies; Three months having passed, it happened that, when a small bell had been prepared for the use of the church
of St. Saturninus, there were present those who were to hang it in a suitable place; and when they had struck their feet on the stones which the presbyters had dug up and saw that they had been recently moved, they began to mutter against the clerics; indeed they suspected that a thing of no common value lay hidden in that place. And when this had come to the ears of the lord of Vich (del Señor de Vique), he, supposing bad faith to be at the bottom of it, flared up violently. After these things the Lord willed by a new vision to reveal the treasure lying hidden in that place, and sent a second messenger from heaven to the aforesaid priest. And he, hearing the voice of the angel, was much astonished. But the heavenly spirit, taking him by the right arm, led him to the church of St. Saturninus; and said: You have not rightly sought what I had pointed out to you on the other occasion, when I was here with you. Dig twice as deep and see what you will find. Immediately the priest awoke, and fortifying himself with the sign of the cross, and reflecting with himself on all that he had seen, stood struck with great terror and commending himself to the Lord. To whom the angel said: My brother, fear not: for I am no evil demon, come to deceive you. Having said these things he left the chapel of St. Saturninus (aviendo medido la capella) and returned to heaven. After three days, namely on the vigil of the Chair of St. Peter, the priest prayed God that he would deign to manifest fully to him what the aforesaid visions meant; and at midnight he made for the church of St. Saturninus; where there appeared to him men at least thirty in number, all venerable, bearing white burning candles in their hands; they were very beautiful and shining, divided into two ranks, as is usual in processions or litanies, singing sweet songs; and the place was as bright as at noon. A little afterwards (a cabo de un rato) there approached a very devout woman, and she said to the priest: Withdraw from this tomb, which you are not worthy to touch, because it holds hidden a holy Martyr. He wished to ask who that saint was who was buried there; but he was prevented by a light that suddenly fell from heaven: for on its appearing those men, thirty and more, who were there, all ascended to heaven. The said priest had many other visions, which here, lest I be too prolix, I do not touch upon.
[19] finally the bodies are found, Afterwards on a Tuesday, namely on the feast of St. Denis (that is, the ninth of October, the feast of St. Denis of Paris, which in the year 1050 fell on a Tuesday), at cockcrow, the same priest Ramon Ferrer was present in the church of St. Saturninus, where it frequently happened that the faithful had visions, and he saw a priest singing Mass with much reverence, and all the others who were present responded with a voice sweet and full of love. While our priest wondered greatly at these things, behold, one of the number of those who were singing pointed out the pit where it was to be dug deeper; and seizing a staff he struck the earth, and immediately it was clear from the blows that the place there was hollow. After these things the good priests, namely Ramon Ferrer and Rev. (Mosen, which word has much the same sound as the French words: Monsieur or l'abbe) Ramon, set to digging, and found a marble vessel, inscribed with letters round about; and when they had raised it, there lay open a very beautiful cavern (crypt), in which stood a very small altar, covered with cloths; there were also, on the side looking to the south, lighted candles and three urns, in which there were seen as it were earthen jars, duly fastened and sealed beneath, and placed in order next to each other, and like glass flasks or bottles. Then Don Ramon Ferrer, exulting with joy, said to his companion: Truly the things I told you are so, as we now see also. Finally both priests, of whom one, as has been said, had the name Don Ramon Ferrer, the other Don Ramon, opened the urns or flasks in which were the Relics of SS. Marcian and Lucian, and found inscribed the following words: “Marcian, martyr of Jesus Christ, was burned and lies buried in this place. Lucian next to him was burned in the same way. These saints underwent death for the faith of Jesus Christ in the time of the emperor Decius and of Sabinus who held his place.”
[20] in the year 1050. This invention took place in the year of the Lord one thousand and fifty, as is established from the episcopal list which exists in the archive of the chapter of Vich, in the reign in Catalonia of the celebrated and most valiant prince Don Raymond Berengar (Berenguel), the first of this name, whose exploits were so many and so splendid that he made fully twelve kings of the Moors his tributaries.
[21] This report, summarily rendered by Tamayo, Tamayo sums up this narrative briefly thus: The bodies of the saints Lucian and Marcian the rest of the faithful, gathering them among the ashes, secretly laid up in two earthenware amphorae, on account of the plots of the Gentiles, and afterwards, peace having been given to the churches, they were laid in the basilica of St. Saturninus of the city of Vich, under an altar built for this purpose and protected by a marble sarcophagus. And afterwards, about the year of the Lord 1050, in the reign in Catalonia of the famous and most warlike prince Raymond Berengar, first of this name, count of Barcelona, they were found in the same church of St. Saturninus of Vich by the venerable presbyters Raymond Ferrer and Mosen (Compare number 19) Raymond, with angelic visions and constant revelations going before, and were honourably placed, it being established of the relics of the holy Martyrs, together with their names, origin, and the time and place of their passion.
[22] rests on monuments not sufficiently proved. Certainly if the narrative recited were on every side worthy of credit, there would be no reason for doubting of the place where SS. Lucian and Marcian suffered. But since from what has been said above there is not only a dispute about the place of martyrdom, but it is besides almost agreed among the learned that the arena of the contest must be sought far from Spain; it is clear even from this that the credit of the aforesaid narrative is not a little shaken. Moreover a series of so many visions would have to be supported by stronger arguments than the Flos Sanctorum by itself offers, a work which, as we have taught, was written at the opening of the 14th century, and so nearly three hundred years after the event, and which contains very many things not easily to be admitted by the judicious. On the testimony of Villanueva Viage, vol. VI, p. 117 and following., in the church of the Piety (de la Piedad), formerly of St. Saturninus, in the chapel which first meets one on the right hand, may be seen a cavity from which the stone chest mentioned in the Report is said to have been drawn out, in which, according to tradition, the holy Relics were found, not without a miracle. But, Villanueva goes on, if the invention, as is said, took place in the year 1050, the chest which is preserved today in the aforesaid cavity must be other than the chest first uncovered: for the one which is seen today manifestly exhibits the form, as they say, Gothic, and is not older than the 14th century; moreover in the relief there is seen a pope girt with a tiara, marked with a triple crown; which all know to savour of an age more recent than the 11th century. It is generally held that the third crown was first employed by Benedict XII Dictionnaire de Trévoux, under: tiare.. He sat at Avignon; elected on the 20th of December 1334, crowned on the 8th of January 1335, died on the 25th of April 1342 Art de vérifier les dates, p. 303.. But Ripoll asserts that Villanueva has blundered here: for what is now seen in that place is not the chest of which the discourse is in the Invention, but another, painted in green colour, and later than the 14th century, as will be said in the Translations. For the rest no one would easily deny that an Invention of some sort took place once; but by whom, when and in what circumstances is not sufficiently established. I said once. Because this is the sole word that is employed in the Instrument of the first Translation, to be recited below, to designate the time: Domenec added on his own: namely in the year of the Lord 1050. See Flórez, volume XXVIII, p. 224. But another difficulty remains. That is, supposing the bodies of the holy Martyrs to have been brought to Vich from elsewhere, at whatever time; it is asked, from what place, or from what region?
[23] The Relics, whence brought to Vich? Ferrari, says Flórez Españ sagr., vol. XXVIII, p. 226., thinks that they came to Vich from Africa, because they suffered there, on the testimony of Galesini. But we have seen at n. 6 that this opinion of Galesini is proved by a light, indeed by no, reason. In the Chronicle of Liutprand one reads at the year of Christ 902, of the Spanish era 940: The bones of St. Lucian, bishop and martyr, companion of St. Denis the Areopagite, were translated from Beauvais (a city of Gaul) to the city of Vich. Others think that it was the body of Leucianus, petty king of the Carpetani, who suffered with Quiteria, that was brought with the body of St. Mark (otherwise Martianus or Martia) Luitprandi opera, p. 435. Antwerp, 1740.. Flórez observes: The Acts preserved at Vich call St. Lucian neither Bishop nor Petty King, being the same as those that Mombritius published. And a little lower he adds: But if they were translated here from elsewhere, we must recognize them as the Nicomedian Martyrs, given over to the fire by Sabinus, in the reign of Decius; both because they alone are celebrated in the ancient martyrologies, and Florus manifestly had regard to their Acts, who expressly mentions Nicomedia, Sabinus, Decius and the burning; and because the church of Vich keeps the feast of SS. Lucian and Marcian on the day proper to the Nicomedians, the 26th of October; and finally because (as is shown from the Lessons) it employs the Mombritian Acts, which may not be interpreted except of Saints who suffered in the aforesaid city. Finally, again in the judgment of Flórez, if the history of the Invention is admitted, we must suppose the Translation to have been made before the invasion of the Moors about the beginning of the 8th century: for those subterranean works, the altar and the other things of that kind of which mention is made in the Report, point to an age earlier than the irruption of those barbarians.
§ III. Of the relics of SS. Lucian and Marcian, and their translations and cult in the church of Ausona. There is added a notice of the same city and see.
Instrument of the 1st Translation at Vich in the year 1342; Several translations are recorded. The first, and that by far the most celebrated of all, is assigned to the year 1342, as is expressly noted in the Instrument, recently (in the year 1826) published by Ripoll, and which we subjoin here.
[25] from which we learn that by canons deputed for this purpose In the year of the Lord 1342, on the day named Friday, the ninth before the Kalends of June (that is, the 24th of May), whereas in the general chapter, which was held in the new cloister of the see of Vich on the holy feast of Pentecost just past (that is, the 19th of May, Easter of the resurrection falling on the 31st of March), it had been ordered by the honourable chapter of the same, that the Venerable Pere de Surigueres, canon, and Berenguer de Columbario, canon and official, and Pere Joan de Avenc, canon and treasurer of Vich, to the praise and honour of God and of the whole heavenly court, and for the veneration of the saints Lucian and Marcian, who willed to undergo martyrdom in the city of Vich for our lord Jesus Christ and are read to have suffered, and of whom some bones not burned, and some ashes of those burned, were by divine revelation
found and translated of old (Domenec here adds on his own: namely in the year of the Lord 1050) and placed in a certain chest of wood with double covering within the chapel of St. Saturninus built in the square of Montcada of the city of Vich, should, with the greatest reverence and devotion they could, taking with them religious persons and other devout and honourable clerics, go to the said chapel of St. Saturninus and translate the bones and ashes and devoutly place them in a certain beautiful chest made and wrought for that purpose, and deputed and given by the venerable Andreu Barati, citizen of Vich, that they might do so most devoutly and more honourably.
[26] the sacred relics were placed from the ancient into a new chest, Therefore the aforenamed canons on the Friday mentioned above, about dawn, a Mass of the Holy Spirit having been celebrated and prayers having been sent forth to God, that he who makes the worthy from the unworthy might by his mercy make them worthy to handle and do such things, and taking with them religious men, namely Fr. Pere Martí and Fr. Francesc Colltellerii of the order of Friars Minor, and the discreet men G. de Paradiso, presbyter and rector of the anniversaries of the see of Vich, and Jaume Serra, beneficiary in the chapel of St. Mary the Round of Vich, and Llorenç de Manso, beneficiary at the altar written below, and Bernat de Columbario, sworn scribe of the court of the officialate of Vich, went to the said chapel of St. Saturninus, and having taken their stand there, with the greatest reverence, devotion and humility they could, opened the aforesaid chest, and when it was opened, an aromatic odour arising, they found the said bones and dust wonderfully fragrant, and immediately on bended knees, as devoutly, humbly and reverently as they could, they moved and translated the aforesaid bones into the aforesaid gilded chest (Villanueva calls it silver Viage, vol. [ , p. 116.], on what foundation I do not know), deputed for the purpose, as has been stated above, with a certain silken tavaijola *, which was found with the said bones and ashes without any corruption; which chest by a wonderful chance of fortune, as if it had been measured for that purpose, was filled with the holy bones aforesaid, so that neither more nor less could have been received there, and since for this reason the aforesaid ashes could not be received in the said chest, those ashes were placed in a certain bag sealed with the seal of the venerable official aforesaid, and over it in some other bag of waxed cloth, which bag and chest even thus closed were miraculously fragrant with aromatic odours and many other marvellous ones. Then the said chest, in which the aforesaid bones were laid up, was closed with a key of brass, which key was handed over to be guarded with all diligence in the sacristy of the see of Vich to the treasurer above-mentioned, who afterwards placed it for that time in a certain large chest, which stood before the altar of the Blessed Mary of the Choir. These things having been accomplished, the said chest, in which the said holy bones were laid up, and the said bag with the said ashes, were placed and put in a certain other larger chest, and shut within it with two locks, of which one key was committed to the said treasurer and the other to the rector of the altar and benefice established in the said chapel by the said venerable Andreu Barrati under the invocation of the Blessed Martyrs aforesaid, with the authority and licence of the Reverend Lord Galcerand, by divine providence bishop of Vich; which presbyteral benefice the same Andreu instituted in commemoration and for the honour and veneration of the aforesaid Martyrs in the chapel of St. Saturninus aforesaid, and endowed it out of reverence for God and devotion to the aforesaid holy Martyrs.
[27] and with solemn pomp brought back to St. Saturninus, Afterwards on the following Sunday, named the 14th before the Kalends of June in the aforesaid year, the said gilded chest, in which the said holy bones are laid up, was devoutly and reverently carried to the see of Blessed Peter by the canons and the others named above, and placed honourably upon the altar of Blessed Peter in sight of the clergy and people assembled there for the said devotion and reverence; and a multitude of the clergy and people being gathered there, and a solemn sermon having been given there, and the life and passion of the aforesaid holy Martyrs having been set forth, the said gilded chest, with the said holy bones laid up in it, was with a solemn procession and with immense singing * carried back to the said chapel of St. Saturninus, and there with due prayers was placed and shut in a certain other large chest painted in green colour, into which were also put the ashes above-mentioned, placed in the said bag, sealed as stated above, and in another bag the ashes which had been drawn from the chest in which the said bones had formerly been laid up, and from which they had been translated, lest they should henceforth serve for human uses; which green chest was placed upon the altar of the aforesaid holy Martyrs. These things having been completed, the said larger chest was closed with two locks, of which one key was handed over to the treasurer above-mentioned and the other to the rector of the Establishment of the benefice above-mentioned, to be diligently guarded; a sentence of excommunication was also promulgated there by the said official against any who should henceforth open the said green chest without the licence of the Reverend Lord Bishop of Vich or of his Official. This was approved, however, by the chapter of Vich and by the said Official in the place of the Lord Bishop aforesaid, who was then absent in remote parts. (This seems to be a formula of consent.)
[28] thereafter to be exposed on certain days And there also it was unanimously ordered and established by them that on the day of Good Friday, of Easter and on the day of the Nativity of our Lord Jesus Christ and on the day of the festival of the aforesaid Blessed Martyrs, the said larger chest may be opened, for the greater devotion and reverence toward them, and to the praise of almighty God, of the Blessed Virgin Mary and of the whole heavenly court, and the chest thence shown closed, but not taken out of the aforesaid gilded chest, in which the said holy bones are laid up, as has been said; but that it should in no way be opened henceforth by anyone, of whatever rank or condition, without the aforesaid licence deliberately granted, and then in the presence of the said Lord Bishop or of his Official. Concerning all which matters, to the praise of God and for memory in the future, the present writing was made and ordered, which was joined and placed at the end of the life of the aforesaid Blessed Martyrs, who for the aforesaid canons and for the other faithful of Christ intercede with the Lord Jesus Christ. Amen.
[29] and also to be carried about by way of procession. It was also unanimously ordered and established that if it shall be necessary for processions to be made in the city of Vich and outside it to obtain rain from God's mercy in a time of drought, the said gilded chest may be reverently taken out of the said larger green chest and with all devotion and humility carried honourably to the said processions, as is fitting, so that those holy Martyrs, who many times by interceding with the Lord have obtained that abundant rain and good weather be granted and given to us, may by interceding for us obtain that and the salvation of souls and bodies, especially of those dwelling in the city of Vich. Amen.
[30] Whence the aforesaid instrument was taken, Ripoll informs us that this history of the Translation is written in the margin at the 26th day of May in the proper martyrology of the church of Vich, which is preserved in its archive, and is presumed to have been written out at the opening of the 13th century; he adds that this is probably the more ancient manuscript which Domenec and Villanueva saw at Vich; of whom the former turned it into Castilian and published it in the history of the Saints of Catalonia, and from this Flórez inserted it in España sagrada; and Villanueva presented it in abridged form. But we, adds Ripoll, have seen to the Latin edition, before the full destruction of the codex, which is already so obliterated that it can scarcely be read; for thus errors will be corrected, places less accurately rendered will be emended, and what was omitted by them will be supplied. And no one surely would fail to praise this design of a diligent and pious man.
[31] and some things to be noted about it. It is to be noted besides, first, that at the time of this Translation the opinion about the place of the passion prevailed: who in the city of Vich willed to undergo martyrdom … and are read to have suffered; secondly, that the Invention is indeed recorded in our instrument, but neither the year nor the century in which it took place is indicated: of whom the ancient bones and ashes were found by divine revelation and translated of old; nothing further; so Domenec (and from him Flórez Vol. XXVIII, p. 224.) added on his own or from the Flos Sanctorum: Namely in the year of the Lord 1050; thirdly, that from the words: which chest by a wonderful chance of fortune, as if it had been measured for that purpose, was filled with the holy bones, so that neither more nor less could have been received there, there arose the people of Vich's pious belief that the holy Relics were miraculously increased at this translation; fourthly, that the green chest is most certainly, as Ripoll has it, the one which may still be seen in the cavity of the chapel which is on the right hand of the church of the Piety, formerly of St. Saturninus, since even now there remain traces of the green colour with which it was covered. It bears also inscribed Latin words: A very ancient urn repaired anew. Villanueva does not mention this inscription. The characters are much more recent than the 14th century; hence it could rightly be called very ancient, though first made in the said century. It is no wonder, then, if the papal tiara is marked with a triple crown, since, as I said at n. 22, the third is commonly held to have been added by Benedict XII, who died on the 25th of April of the year 1342; and the translation of which we treat belongs to the year 1340. Fifthly, it is clear how ancient is the piety of the people of Vich toward the holy Martyrs, as also the use of processions instituted in their name: it was also unanimously ordered and established that if it shall be necessary for processions to be made in the city of Vich and outside it to obtain rain in a time of drought. Ripoll observes on the word outside that the Instrument alludes to a procession which not long before, namely in the year 1337, had been prescribed by Bishop Galceran Çacosta in thanksgiving for rain obtained, and they went as far as the Sanctuary of Gleva. This procession was thereafter to be repeated every year, until in the year 1614 the bishop and chapter determined otherwise. Nor were processions of this kind outside (that is, by bringing the sacred Pledges to places distant from Vich) held only in time of drought; but also when other calamities were impending; as happened on the 12th of July 1687, when a procession was made with the relics as far as the oratory of St. Lawrence (de S. Lorenzo Çaboada o de Comalada), to obtain deliverance from locusts. Thus far, almost in his own words, Ripoll. Tamayo describes this translation thus: Finally in the year of the Lord 1342, in the reign in Catalonia of the most serene Peter, IV of this name as king of Aragon and III of Catalonia, at the instance of the venerable Pere Surigueres, Berenguer Colomer, and Joan de Avendo, treasurer and canons of the holy church of Vich, the sacred remains of the blessed Martyrs from that ancient chest, to
another skilfully made and gilded, with solemn pomp of procession and a throng of the surrounding townsfolk, Don Galceran, bishop of the same see, granting the faculty, were translated and laid at the high altar, and are venerated still with a continuation of miracles. Whatever occurs here rendered less accurately will be easy to correct from what has been said.
[32] Two other Translations: The same writer records two other translations; one in the year 1657, when the holy bones were placed in a silver chest, the other in the year 1664, when this was carried from the old chapel to the high altar. Villanueva has confused the two translations, asserting that the present chest was first made in the latter year; which is otherwise, as will become manifest from what is to be said. Ripoll also points out that in the year 1615 there was already discussion of preparing a silver chest in which the holy relics might be replaced; but, he says, the matter suffered delay. Then he notes this: although the capitular acts speak of Canon Ramis alone, yet it is clear from the following inscription, added to the present chest, that another must be joined to him: The gift of the present chest was offered by Pere Ramis, canon of Vich, and Jaume Brunells, citizen, 1657. Finally Ripoll reviews the Acts in which the former translation is discussed.
[33] one in the year 1657, as is proved from the capitular acts; On Saturday the 17th day of the month of February of the year 1657. Chapter in which presided Dou, archdeacon, Codina, Damians, Roca, II. Colldelram, Sala, Sayz, Ramis, Mas, M. Colldelram, Estevanell and Riera (these things in Latin, the following in the vernacular, as also holds below). Canon Ramis indicated that it was his intention, if it pleased the chapter, to procure a silver chest for laying up the relics of the holy Martyrs, but since suitable material was lacking to him (at least in part), he asks that the treasurers set aside the coin to be received thereafter for making the chest, and that he would make good in gold the silver money collected in this way. The proposal pleased the chapter. — On Friday the 23rd day of the month of February 1657. Chapter in which Dou, archdeacon and president, H. Colldelram, Sala, Saiz, Ramis, Mas, M. Colldelram, Estevanell, Bosch and Riera. Canon Ramis indicated that the work of the chest had already been begun; and that the craftsmen assert that a sufficient quantity of silver is lacking; but that there are in the treasurer's keeping three hundred silver coins; and that he is prepared, if it so please, to pay out gold pieces, as much as suffices for the value of the silver ones. The members of the chapter approved the matter. — On Friday the 11th of May 1657. Chapter in which Dou, archdeacon and president, H. Colldelram, Sala, Saiz, Ramis, Mas, M. Colldelram, Estevanell and Riera. Canon Ramis indicates that the silver chest has been completed, and asks that deliberation be held on the manner of making the translation: namely whether it ought to be done in the cathedral or in the church of the Piety; and on what day. It is proposed that on Trinity Sunday (which in the year 1657 fell on the 27th of May) after Matins the Relics be solemnly carried from the church of the Piety to the cathedral, and that they remain placed on the high altar throughout the whole office; and that at Vespers the Lord bishop transfer them from the one chest to the other, and moreover that the councillors of the city be asked to be willing to be present in the cathedral during the translation; that then a procession be instituted through the city, with the regulars of all orders accompanying; and finally that the relics, closed in the silver chest, be carried back to the church of the Piety. So Canons Ramis and Mas were sent to the bishop to propose these things, and moreover to ask him to deign to perform the solemnity in pontifical vesture. The prelate replied that he was ready to make the translation, and that after it he would be present at the procession vested in pontificals. — On Thursday the 24th of May 1657. Chapter in which Dou, archdeacon and president, Damians, Roca, Bronsal, H. Colldelram, Sala, Saiz, Ramis, Mas, M. Colldelram, Estevanell, Bosch, Puig, Riera, Morera and Francesc Morera. Before all else Canon Ramis reported that he together with Canon Mas had met with the lord Bishop and thanked him in the name of the chapter for deigning, vested in pontificals, to make the translation of the relics of the glorious martyrs SS. Lucian and Marcian into the silver chest, on Trinity Sunday in the cathedral church after Compline; and then to preside over the general procession through the city, with all the regulars as also the councillors of the city accompanying; and this being finished, to bring the relics back to the church of the Piety. The prelate received and dismissed the said canons with great benevolence. — On Friday the 15th of the month of June 1857. Chapter in which Dou, archdeacon and president, Roca, Bronsal, II. Colldelram, Sala, Saiz, Ramis, Mas, M. Colldelram, Bosch, Nadal, Reart, Puig, Riera, Morera and Francesc Morera. Canon Bronsal set forth that the administrators of the church of the Piety ask that there be restored to them the chests in which the relics of the glorious Martyrs were formerly laid up and kept; and it was determined that the old chests be restored to them, to be kept in a suitable place. Thus far from the capitular acts. Further, the bishop of whom there is discourse in the foregoing was named Don Fr. Francisco Crespí de Valldaura. Moreover the days and the year are accurately noted, as anyone will see at first glance who cares to consult the calendars commonly called perpetual Art. de vérifier les dates p. 100 etc.
[34] the other in the year 1654. It is established also that on the 24th day of August 1664 another translation took place, by which the silver chest containing the holy Relics was carried from the former chapel and altar to the high altar of the same church of the Piety, formerly of St. Saturninus; where, adds Ripoll writing in the year 1826, they have remained to this day; and he reprehends Villanueva, not undeservedly, for having transferred to the latter what was done in the former; for he says that the bones were placed in the year 1664 in a newly made silver chest; which we have seen was done in the year 1657. But in the same place Viage vol. VI, p. 117. he accurately describes the chest, which he testifies was attentively inspected by him. It is long, he says, two and a half quarters of an ell (vara) (dos cuartas y media), high a little more than one; and so nearly twice as long as it is high, and it contains a small quantity of bones, which bear the traces of time, that devourer of things, or of fire. There is had together with them a sort of napkin or neck-covering (como toallo) of white colour, partly embroidered, partly covered with silken cloth of varied colours, like the humeral veil which is usually employed for benediction of the Most Blessed Sacrament (paño de humbros). In another little chest are preserved coals and some concretions of earth and blood, black like soil; which are similarly found in another cloth or napkin, not unlike the former, of which we have spoken. So Villanueva in the place cited.
[35] Cult. It is manifest, then, that the cult of SS. Lucian and Marcian began among the people of Vich at least several centuries ago, and has continued solemnly down to our times. The ancient martyrologies of that church, cited in the course of our commentary, testify to this with great agreement. Similarly in the Spanish Calendar, very lately composed and published by the care and diligence of Pedro Sainz de Baranda, mention is made of the holy Martyrs in two places. First on the Kalends of April: The invention of the bodies of the saints Lucian and Marcian, martyrs, made at Vich in the year 1050; and it is celebrated in the whole diocese. Likewise on the 26th of October: Of SS. Lucian and Marcian, martyrs, whom the holy church of Vich venerates as its own [Coleccion de documentos ineditos, vol. XXII., Clave de la España Sagrada, pp. 315 and 429. Madrid, 1853.]. I pass over speaking of the church of St. Saturninus, now of the Piety, where the holy pledges were placed and have been venerated for many past centuries; of the processions etc.; since sufficiently prolix mention has been made of these above. But it will not be beside the point to add the proper hymns, which not so long ago (in the year 1824) the often-cited Jaime Ripoll had printed, and which he testifies were transcribed from an ancient breviary of Vich, and in which, moreover, poetic excellence is lacking; the diction is for the most part barbarous, and scarcely any other indication of bound speech occurs than the number of syllables (and this is not accurately kept everywhere), no account being taken of quantity or metre.
[36] Hymns at Vespers, On the feast of SS. Lucian and Marcian at Vespers, Hymn:
The limbs of the glorious Martyr Lucian shine Within the sacred city of Vich Now pleasing to God; There shine also the wondrous Pledges of St. Marcian.
They, despising once the orders Of the consul Sabinus, Having forsaken the worship Of idols and of demons, Consumed with fires the books Of the accursed law.
Illumined by exceeding brightness After baptism, Confessing the name of Christ With all confidence, They were plunged by the wicked Into a dark burning.
O truly blessed precious Martyrs of Christ, Who, tried as gold, After sentence was given, Merited a share In the passion of our Lord.
From on high you sent forth A saving angel, The herald who showed * the tomb To the brethren and its title, That being cleansed by it they might merit To have a remedy.
Now as citizens you have flown To the golden stars of the sky, Where, made as the celibates, We earnestly beg That by your prayers you lift us up Together to that place.
Glory and honour.
[37] at Matins, At the Night Office, Hymn:
Why, savage, wicked Sabinus, do you rage against Christ with bloody tooth? For your wrath, a harmful punishment, Oppresses the guiltless.
Coming to Vich the great Lucian And Marcian, confirmed in faith, Sent into the fire, were burned together, While you raged.
These, forsaking the public error, Follow Christ, swerving in nothing, And with pure mind desiring to die They make ready their bodies.
Since these holy Comrades will not be turned back By you, first and most wicked of men; But are despising the torments Which you give them.
In ardour for the Prince of all things They now leave human nature, And to Christ himself, for whom they now long, They commend their souls.
They give glory to the most high Creator, And to his Son, and to the Holy Spirit, Who, one and three, governs all things Under a sure end. Amen.
[38] at Lauds. Now the sun from Olympus with golden chariot Has begun to scatter light, and illumines This so great day of your Martyrs, O kindly Christ.
On which the fierce hydra, after many had been slain, The unhappy Sabinus, was sent in swift course Searching through the world to butcher Those who believe in you.
Among whom, by your disposing, these Holy martyrs in the city of Vich, That they might guard it, he caused To be racked with grievous torments.
In his rage with bitter hatreds He sent them back to you purged in the furnace, Whom you crowned as true athletes With splendid countenance.
We pray, then, you who gave them to us As guardians, that by their prayers, When the late day shall have come, We may reign with them with you.
Grant this to us, holy loving Jesus, Who with the most high Father and the Holy Spirit In Trinity rule and govern All the ages. Amen.
[39] Of two Breviaries of Vich. Ripoll points out that the breviary from which the Hymns were copied shows neither the year nor the place in which it was printed. Some folios are moreover lacking. It is preserved at Vich in the archive of the praetorial building. Villanueva errs Vol. VI, p. 114. where he asserts, in
the Lessons of this Breviary (which is in the archive of the praetorial building), that the holy Martyrs are called Citizens of Vich; having slipped from the fact that he saw another breviary in the keeping of the Fathers of the Oratory of the same city, printed in the year 1557; whose proper Lessons begin: Lucian and Marcian, citizens of Vich. The new rite, which by licence of the apostolic see the bishop of Vich, Don Moya de Contreras, introduced, is employed in this breviary, published at Lyon in Gaul by the press of Thibaud Payen, in the aforesaid year 1557. The Hymns, a few things being changed, are the same as in the former. Moreover both breviaries note the feast of our holy Martyrs on the first Sunday after the octave of St. Michael, who is celebrated in the month of September (namely on the 29th day).
[40] Notice of the city Mention of the Ausetani and their city occurs in Livy at the year, as is generally noted, 534 from the foundation of the City, 218 before Christ (Sigonio has the following year In fastos commentarius. Works, vol. I, cols. 281 and 82. Milan, 1732.). Hannibal, about to advance from Spain into Italy, led across the Ebro ninety thousand foot and twelve thousand horse. Then he subdued the Ilergetes and Bargusii and the Ausetani and Lacetania, which lies under the Pyrenean mountains; and he placed Hanno in charge of all this coast. So Livy Bk. XXI, ch. 23. Vol. III, p. 32. Paris, Barbou, 1775.. Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio, when affairs in Italy were labouring severely, was sent into Spain with a fleet and an army to hold apart the enemy's attacks … Beginning from the Lacetani, he brought all the coast as far as the river Ebro … under Roman dominion Ibid, ch. 60, p. 83.. After these things he returned to Emporiae. He had scarcely departed when Hasdrubal (to whom Hannibal had committed the province beyond the Ebro) arrived, and, the people of the Ilergetes having been driven … to defection …, he laid waste the lands of those faithful to the Romans. Scipio a few days later, having again repressed the Ilergetes, received them into his law and dominion. Thence he advanced against the Ausetani near the Ebro, themselves also allies of the Carthaginians; and having besieged their CITY, he caught in an ambush by night, not far now from the city, as they wished to enter it, the Lacetani bringing help to their neighbours … Finally when Amusitus, their prince, had fled to Hasdrubal, they surrendered on terms of twenty talents of silver Ibid., ch. 61, p. 86.. Similarly Pliny mentions the Ausetani: After them (the Indigetes), in the order in which they will be told, withdrawing inland at the root of the Pyrenees, the Ausetani, the Lacetani Hist. nat., bk. III, ch. 3. Harduin, vol. I, p. 141 in folio.. Harduin struck out (and in my opinion rightly, although Flórez resists somewhat España Sagrada, vol. XXVIII, pp. 10 and 11.) the word Itani, which before him was read in the middle between Ausetani and Lacetani Pliny, vol. I, p. 183.. Harduin notes besides Ibid., p. 141.: Livy mentions these (the Ausetani). Αὐθητανοι in Ptolemy. The town of Ausa and Vicus Ausae, “Vic d'Osona” and more frequently “Vich,” between Gerona and Manresa. But Pierre de Marca De Marca Hispanica, col. 190., from the fact that Livy places the Ausetani near the Ebro, supposes that the Ausetani in Livy are different and far removed from the Ausetani of Pliny; and elsewhere he asserts Ibid., col. 132. that the Ausetani of Pliny are two days' journey distant from the Ebro. This opinion by no means pleases Flórez, who contends España Sag., vol. XXVIII, p. 3. that from the words Near the Ebro it is wrongly inferred that two peoples of the same name inhabited one and the same province. Indeed, he says, Livy himself teaches the contrary, since he expressly places the Ausetani between the Ilergetes and the Lacetani; and these (the Ausetani) are therefore the same as those whom Pliny and Ptolemy indicate. Moreover authors are accustomed to define the boundaries of regions as they hold in their own age; and it happens that territory which once belonged to one region later pertains to another. And Livy mentions the Baragusii, of whom in later writers there is no mention, because they had already yielded to a neighbouring people. So much in general of the Ausetani and their city Ausa *. Ausa, as Pierre de Marca has it Marca Hisp., cols. 191 and following., was then called Ausona by the lengthening of one syllable (namely Ausona from Ausa). That this held while the kingdom of the Goths stood is shown by the subscriptions of the councils of Spain, among which are found the names of very many bishops of Ausona … The city, overthrown by the Moors or Saracens and restored by the emperor Louis the Pious, since it had lost much of its former extent, acquired the name Vicus of Ausona. This was the surname of overthrown cities, as is clear in the town of Illiberis, which for that reason was afterwards called Vicus Illiberi by Mela and Pliny etc. Hence, since Ausa is often read as overthrown, some have supposed that the name of Vicus had already been given to it while the Roman state stood; but wrongly: for, as Flórez rightly observes España Sag., vol. XXVIII, p. 12., Pliny and Ptolemy speak not infrequently of Ausa or the Ausetani; nor did the Goths call it Vicus either, since in their time the city was notable and distinguished by an episcopal see. It remains, then, that the name of Vicus gained strength after the ruin brought on by the Saracens. Yet the ancient appellation remained in the suburban territory, which today is commonly called “Osona,” and indeed in the town itself, since it is called Vicus of Ausona in old parchments and is also today commonly called “Vic de Osona.” So Pierre de Marca in the place cited. Then he adds: The city partly sits on a gentle little hill, partly hangs down the slopes into the suburban countryside, productive of wheat etc. Today it has twelve thousand inhabitants De Rienzi, Dictionnaire de géographie..
[41] and of the see of Ausona The see of Ausona is ancient. Its first bishop who is known is read as having subscribed to the council of Tarragona, celebrated on the 6th of November 516 Flórez, where cited above, p. 53.. Aguirre reports the subscription in these words Concilia Hispan., vol. III, p. 125.: Camidius (otherwise Cinidius), in the name of Christ bishop of the Ausonitan (otherwise Ausonensian) city, have subscribed. Flórez notes that the name of the bishop, which is found written in various ways, is commonly given as Cinidius; and the see is called Ausonitana, Ausonensis, Ausona, which words indicate that Ausona had already by then arisen from Ausa, by the lengthening or addition of one syllable, as Pierre de Marca expresses it. After Cinidius, who is established to have sat at least in the year 516 and the following, Flórez Where cited above, p. 60. and Villanueva Viage, vol. VI, p. 120. cite Aquilinus, who is proved from the councils to have presided in the years 589 and 599; Stephen, in the years 614 and 633; Domninus, in the year 638; Guericus, in the years 643 and 653; Wisefrid, in whose place Flórez asserts that a vicar named Ciexa, Cixilla or Cixa subscribed to the 13th of Toledo (year 683); Villanueva seems to dissent, since he indicates only the years 688, in which the 15th of Toledo was celebrated, and 693, in which the 16th of Toledo was held. Each of these years Flórez likewise records. I should think that Villanueva therefore struck out the year 883 because the name of Wisefrid is lacking in the 14th of Toledo, of the year 684. Thereafter the Saracen plague ran riot through the Spains, under which the city of Ausona was all but wholly levelled to the ground. And so the diocese of Ausona was attached to the diocese of Narbonne, though separated by a long distance, until it could have its own bishop; and the care of instituting one, when opportunity should arise, was delegated to the archbishop of Narbonne. These things were done about the year 690 Marca Hisp., col. 343.. The matter remained in almost the same state until about the year 886, in which Theodard, archbishop of Narbonne, consecrated Gotmar bishop of Ausona Ibid., col. 344.. Flórez España Sag., vol. XXVIII, 70. and Villanueva Viage, vol. VI, p. 121. agree; according to both Gotmar sat from the year 886 to the year 898. It will be of use to add one thing further: namely that in the hortatory letter of Bishop Berengar, given in the year 1326, it is asserted that the church of Ausona for the space of three hundred and ninety years … was a metropolis, and held the primacy of the church of Tarragona Viage, vol. VII, p. 262.; which Villanueva charges with manifest error, as we saw above at n. 14; and not undeservedly. Let us hear Pierre de Marca again: in the same year, he says Marca Hisp., col. 403., 970, Borrell, count of Barcelona … having set out for the thresholds of the apostles Peter and Paul with Hatto, bishop of Ausona, and Gerbert, a monk of Aurillac, obtained from John XIII that, since Tarragona, the metropolis of the province, was in the power of the Saracens, and no hope shone of recovering it, its metropolitan right should be transferred to the church of Ausona, and that the suffragan bishops of the church of Tarragona should honour the bishop of Ausona as metropolitan … So Hatto, bishop of Ausona, by the same pontifical letters was raised to the dignity of archbishop. But … that ambition either of Count Borrell or of Bishop Hatto lacked effect. For neither did Hatto ever call himself archbishop nor Fruianus his successor; and Caesarius, abbot of St. Cecilia, who at those times procured his own ordination to the title of the church of Tarragona, would not have dared to attempt this, to the injury of that church which had been adorned with the metropolitan privilege by the recommendation of the prince who held the province. Flórez reports the same things, but unfolded much more broadly Where cited above, p. 92 and following., expressly asserting also that the people of Ausona did not receive the fruit of the concession obtained Ibid., p. 98, number 19.. Compare Villanueva under Hatto Where cited above, p. 152 and following.. And these are the chief vicissitudes of that ancient See, which endures to this day and is suffragan to the metropolis of Tarragona. In the year 1848 the Most Reverend Lucià Casadevall, born at Vich in the year 1785, was created bishop of Vich [Gerarchia della santa Chiesa cattolica apostolica Romana in tutto l'orbe ed in ogni rito. Rome, 1851.].
Annotata* in Spanish toalla, the same as a neck-covering, a cloth.
* read immensis cantibus
* who?
* Ausa, today Vich.
THE ACTS OF THE SAINTS LUCIAN AND MARCIAN, MARTYRS,
From 2 manuscript Codices and Mombritius, in Ruinart, and here collated with the Spanish martyrology of Tamayo.
Lucian, martyr at Nicomedia in Bithynia. (S.)
Marcian, martyr at Nicomedia in Bithynia. (S.)
The Companions, martyrs at Nicomedia in Bithynia
BHL Number: 5015
aFROM RUINART.
Lucian and Marcian, magicians, I shall recount to you, brethren, the martyrdom b of Lucian and Marcian, that hearing it you may receive edification. For these, when they were held in the error of paganism, were at that time so given over to the demons that by persuasion they drew almost every soul to their sacrilegious sect. For both by magic arts c and by evil spells they defiled all with adulteries. They were the foremost authors in subversion, subverters in magic poisonings; so that all who sought to accomplish their wishes, or to harm certain persons *, ran together to them. But God who bestows grace on the ungrateful, and has deigned to lead those who do not know him to the knowledge of his name, showed in these men that he had turned d.
[2] when they had tried in vain to seduce a Christian virgin, There was a certain handmaid of God, chaste and faithful, despising marriage, guarding her virginity; beautiful in form and yet more lovely in soul, she loved nothing but God. She asked, with no one persuading her, but persevering, that he would deign to guard her e. Lucian and Marcian lusted after her; and when they had no means by which to obtain the shamelessness of their desire, having turned f they judged that in no other way than by demonic magic could they overcome her and obtain her by spells. When therefore they had displayed all things by their arts, and saw that nothing availed them, turned to fury, they raged because they could prevail in nothing. But she, serving God, passed the nights in vigils and prayer. And they, making certain magical apparitions, afflicted their Gods so that they might answer them g. And the demons answered them: Whatever souls not knowing God, who is in heaven, you have wished to subvert by invoking us, it has been most easy for us to accomplish. But because our contest is with this most chaste soul, we have indeed done many things, but have been able to make no headway against her. For she keeps her virginity unsullied for Jesus Christ, her lord and the God of all; who h was crucified for the salvation of all; he himself guards her and afflicts us. Therefore we can do nothing against her nor overcome her in anything. When these things were done publicly *, struck with stupor and fear they fell on their faces as if dead i.
[3] they are converted; After a little while, coming back to themselves, performing other magic rites, they dismissed the demons from themselves k. And they lamented to each other, saying: Since this Jesus Christ crucified, who rules over all, is very powerful, and overcomes the demons and all our magic arts and our poisonings, we must therefore turn to him, and fear and worship him, since he will be able to do more for us than those whom we have worshipped without cause. But where sin abounded grace did more abound. So immediately, carrying their books publicly into the middle of the city, they burned them in the fire. And all who saw these things were astonished. But they said to the crowds: Because the Lord has opened our understanding, that having freed us from the darkness and shadow of death in which we were held until now he might lead us to true salvation. For these things which we have done are vain and empty and invented by demons. But we know him to be the true God, and in him we place our hope. So also, going to the church, they confessed all that they had done.
[4] being baptized they preach Christ. And when they had been made Christians and afterwards baptized, flooded with light, leaving all things behind they sought secret places. And there throughout all the time, mortifying themselves and chastising their body, they confessed to the Lord all that they had done. They so afflicted themselves with fasts and prayers that every third day they received nothing but bread and water. But after these things they preached the word of God with confidence, and rebuked all the Gentiles because they were held by empty errors. And the crowd, hearing them, marvelled, saying: Behold, those who taught us and fulfilled our desires by their arts now preach that Crucified One whom before they fought against. But they said: Believe us, brethren; for if we had not known this to be better, we should never have been converted to him; wherefore be you also converted to him, that you may be saved.
[5] They are set before the proconsul; But they, filled with fury, seized them and led them to the proconsul Sabinus l: for at that very time persecutions of the Christians had been ordered by the emperor Decius. And when they had been presented to the proconsul, they said: Behold, what they formerly preached they now attack; and what they attacked they preach.
[6] they are questioned, Sabinus the proconsul said to Lucian: What are you called? He answered: Lucian. And the proconsul said: Of what kind are you? Lucian said: Once a persecutor of the venerable law; but now, though unworthy, yet I am its preacher. The proconsul said: And by what office do you act, that you should be a preacher? Lucian said: It is the custom of every soul to win his brother from error, by which he both brings grace to himself and frees the other from the devil's snares. The proconsul Sabinus said to Marcian: What are you called? Marcian said: A free man and a worshipper of the sacraments of God. The proconsul Sabinus said to Marcian: Who persuaded you, leaving the venerable and true gods, from whom you have gained many things, and when you had the love of the people, to transfer yourselves to one dead and crucified, who could not even save himself? Marcian answered: He gave it to us who also gave it to St. Paul; who when he was a persecutor of the churches, afterwards by his grace was made a preacher.
[7] they manfully confess Christ, The proconsul Sabinus said: Take thought for yourselves, and return to your former ways, that you may have both the venerable gods and the most unconquered princes propitious to you, and gain your life. Lucian said: You speak m as one of the foolish; but we insufficiently n give thanks to God, who has deigned to rescue us from darkness and the shadow of death and to lead us to this glory. The proconsul Sabinus said: How does he defend you, that he should now deliver you into my hands? Why does he not assist you, so that you may not incur death? Besides, I know that you, when you understood rightly, bestowed very many things on many. St. Marcian said: This is the glory of Christians, that by doing without this which you think to be life, persevering to the end, we may attain the true and everlasting life. For we desire that he may deign to give you such grace and understanding that you may know what and how great he is, and how much he bestows on those who believe in him. Sabinus the proconsul said: It is thus apparent how much he has bestowed on you, that he should now, as I said, deliver you into my hands. St. Lucian answered: We have already said that such is the glory of Christians and the promise of the Lord, that he who has faithfully contended with the devil *, and has despised threats and the fallen things that are present, attains the everlasting and future life. Sabinus the proconsul said: What you say are old wives' tales. Hear me and sacrifice to the gods, fulfilling the royal commands; lest, roused to fury, I apply to you new and exquisite punishments. St. Marcian answered: We are prepared for this, that you should apply to us whatever torments you will; rather than that, denying the living and true God, we should enter into the exterior darkness and the unquenchable fire which God has prepared for the devil and his ministers.
[8] Then Sabinus the proconsul, seeing their perseverance, they are condemned to the pyre, gave sentence against them, saying: Since Lucian and Marcian, transgressors of our divine laws, who have transferred themselves to the most vain Christian law, though exhorted and summoned by us to fulfil the commands of the most unconquered princes, sacrifice and be saved, in contempt have refused to hear; I order them to be burned up with flames.
[9] they bravely meet death. And when they had been led to the place, giving thanks to God as if with one mouth, they said: To thee, Lord Jesus, we say insufficient praises, who hast deigned to rescue us, wretched and unworthy, from the error of paganism, and to lead us to this supreme and venerable passion for thy name, and to make us partakers with all thy saints. To thee be praise, to thee glory; to thee also we commend our soul and spirit. And when they had completed the prayer, immediately the executioners o put the fire under them *. So also the venerable Martyrs, completing their contest, merited to share in the passion of the Lord.
[10] The time of the martyrdom. The most blessed martyrs Lucian and Marcian suffered on the 7th [p] before the Kalends of November, under the emperor Decius and the proconsul Sabinus [q], our lord Jesus Christ reigning, to whom be honour and glory, power and dominion for ever and ever. Amen.
ANNOTATIONS.
p. In the codex of La Sauve-Majeure 8 is indicated. See the Preliminary Commentary, n. 8, on the day and year of the martyrdom.
q. Tamayo has transposed the clause. First he adds what pertains to the burial, invention and translation of the bodies, and has been recited by us in the Preliminary Commentary, n. 9. Then he adds: Our lord Jesus Christ bestowing it, who with the Father and the Son lives and reigns for ever. Amen.
* Manuscript codices: quosdam certain ones; Mombritius: quosquam [any]
* peseveranter? perseveringly?
* Codex of La Sauve: quæcumque magica et phantasmata whatever magical things and apparitions
* Colbert codex: gerentur should be done
* Codex of La Sauve and Mombritius: contra diaboli minas against the devil's threats
* Mombritius: in suppositum ignem eos jactaverunt they threw them into the fire placed beneath.