Adrian and Twenty-three Companions

ON ST. ADRIAN AND TWENTY-THREE COMPANIONS, MARTYRS AT NICOMEDIA IN BITHYNIA,

LIKEWISE ON ST. NATALIA THE WIFE OF ADRIAN NEAR BYZANTIUM IN THRACE.

About the year CCCX.

PRELIMINARY COMMENTARY.

Adrian, martyr, at Nicomedia in Bithynia (S.)

Twenty-three companions, at Nicomedia in Bithynia

Natalia, wife of Adrian, near Byzantium in Thrace (S.)

BY J. S.

§ I. The various Greek Acts of these Saints, the chief of which have been published in Latin: the differing judgments of the learned concerning these Acts.

[ ] The Acts of St. Adrian and of his fellow martyrs are to be weighed the more diligently, the Acts of St. Adrian, long known in Latin, were written in Greek, the more the judgments of the learned differ about them. For some have held them to be genuine, others fabulous, and all, so far as appears, had believed those Acts to have been written in Latin, although they have a Greek author — a thing which is sufficiently gathered from the Latin diction, which not infrequently imitates the Greek phrasing. Hence, when in comparing the various Latin copies with one another I believed that I had detected not only the Greek origin of the Acts but also a diversity of translations, I investigated further whether the Greek Acts themselves were nowhere extant. I found in fact, in the Catalogue of the Royal Library of Paris, that four different Greek copies of the Acts of St. Adrian and his Companions are extant in that library, and that the beginning of all of these is Ἐγένετο ἐν τῇ δευτέρα περιόδῳ, which agrees with the beginning of the Latin Acts; although the Latin translators have not all rendered the Greek words into Latin in the same way.

[2] Further, one of the four codices in which I have said those Greek Acts of St. Adrian and his Companions are extant and they shall be given, rendered into Latin from the Greek codex: was most kindly transmitted to me, at my request through friends, by that most distinguished man, Master Claude Sallier, prefect of the Royal Library, that I might make the Acts public if it should seem worth the labor. This codex, brought into the Royal Library from the Colbertine, is now numbered 1453 among the Greek Manuscripts, and is believed to have been written in the twelfth century. The Acts of St. Adrian in this codex are written accurately enough, but in a hand which is difficult to read on account of certain letters unusual at this time, and because of frequent separations of words or inept joinings of several words together. Nevertheless, since I noticed that this difficulty could easily be overcome by the help of the accents everywhere added, and would cease altogether after a few pages had been copied out, and since I found the Latin versions less faithful, I believed it would be worth the labor if I transcribed the Acts from the codex and rendered them into Latin more faithfully, so that they might thus be inserted into our Work — as the studious reader will find has been done below. These Acts I judged should be published in preference to the others, because I do not doubt that they are older than those, and therefore also better. But how highly they are to be esteemed will presently be examined at greater length.

[3] We have other Greek Acts of St. Adrian from the Ambrosian codex of Milan, other Greek Acts, which are an abridgment of the former; copied out by the hand of our Papebroch. Their title is: Μαρτύριον τῶν ἁγίων μαρτύρων Ἀδριανοῦ καὶ Ναταλίας, The martyrdom of the holy martyrs Adrian and Natalia. In this title no mention is made of the other twenty-three anonymous Martyrs, although they are treated of in these Acts just as much as in the preceding, of which they present a sufficiently faithful abridgment. For that these shorter Acts are nothing but an abridgment of the longer ones, and not that the longer were composed and enlarged out of the shorter, is sufficiently discerned from a comparison of the two, and is further proved from the Martyrology of Ado, who inserted into the eulogy of St. Adrian various things from the longer Acts rendered into Latin, without any change of the words — but not from the shorter ones, except insofar as these agree with the longer. Wherefore I have not thought that these shorter Acts should be published, but only that a few things from them should be inserted into the Commentary. They have this beginning: Μαξιμιανοῦ τοῦ τυράννου τῶν τῆς βασιλείας σκήπτρων &c.

[4] a third likewise, or a briefer abridgment of the longer Acts. A third copy of the Greek Acts, or a second abridgment of the longer Acts, we have from the Imperial Library of Vienna. Lambecius mentions these Acts in his Commentaries on the Imperial Library, book 8, page 214, where he lists the writings of the fourteenth codex, in which is contained the month of August of the great Menology of the Greeks, as he had said at page 100. But these Acts

after the assigned day of XXVI August, on which the Greeks venerate St. Adrian with his Companions, bear this title: Τοῦ ἁγίου μάρτυρος Ἀδριανοῦ, καὶ Ναταλίας, καὶ τῆς συνοδίας αὐτῶν — that is, Of the holy martyr Adrian, and of Natalia, and of their Companions; and then they begin thus: Ὁ ἅγιος μάρτυς Ἀδριανὸς, καὶ Ναταλία ἡ σύμβιος αὐτοῦ, The holy martyr Adrian and Natalia his wife. They are briefer than the preceding, and agree with them and with the longer Acts in such a way that there is no doubt that they are an abridgment of the first Acts, since they not seldom agree with them in the very words, and contain the same order of events. A eulogy of Adrian and his fellow Martyrs is also extant in the printed Menaea at the XXVI of August, and in various manuscript Menaea. But since all those eulogies and abridgments of the Acts have flowed from the earlier Acts, which we shall publish, as from a fountain, we have no need at all of them; or at least it is not necessary to transfer them here entire.

[5] Wherefore I return to the longer and at the same time older Acts of St. Adrian, in order to examine their authority, after I shall have made a few observations about the various Latin copies. the longer Acts are extant in various Latin codices: For although the Acts were first composed in Greek, they are now extant in more places in Latin than in Greek, and the Latin Acts have become better known to the learned than the Greek. Besides other copies which we know to be extant in various libraries, and besides two transcripts, one from the Fulda codex, the other from the Rebdorf, formerly sent to our Elders, we have six copies of these Acts in our own codices. To these are added two editions, namely the Mombritian, in which the style of the ancient translator is read without alteration, but not without some faults; and the Surian, in which the style is somewhat polished. Further, of our codices in which these Acts are extant, some seem to have been written in the ninth or eighth century, others are more recent and were written in the thirteenth or fourteenth. But it is not worth lingering over these, since the Greek is to be preferred to all the Latin: for the Latin translators could not emend the Acts, but from time to time corrupted them in one way or another, or at any rate did not everywhere express the sense of the Greek author, as I shall observe in the Annotations, when it shall seem worth the labor. Now the various judgments of the learned concerning the Acts of St. Adrian are to be diligently weighed.

[6] Baronius in his Annotations on the Roman Martyrology, at the IV of March, has this of these Acts, seen only in Latin: the various judgments of the learned concerning them, seen only in Latin: Their Acts are extant, and indeed genuine. Florentinius in his Annotations at the VIII of September praises the same Acts without any censure, and calls them very moving. Tillemont, in volume 5 of the Monuments of the Church, note 66 on the Persecution of Diocletian, passed a more severe judgment on the Acts of St. Adrian, and has Baillet, as usual, agreeing with him, in the Critical Table and in the Life of St. Adrian at this day. Those rigid censors do not hesitate to assert that those Acts seem the offspring of an idle man who wished to exercise his pen. But the arguments of Tillemont and Baillet do not seem to be of such weight that I should be compelled to lay this down without hesitation concerning Acts which are ancient, and which pleased Ado, and the Latin translators older than Ado — as is gathered from Ado's lengthy eulogy, which was drawn from the Latin Acts.

[7] Wherefore it is worth weighing the arguments of Tillemont, the censors of the Acts err more clearly than the Acts anywhere do. and meanwhile warning the studious reader that in these Acts there is assuredly no error so manifest as is the error of Tillemont himself, by which in article 60 he affirms that the hands and feet of St. Adrian and his twenty-three Companions were cut off, and their thighs broken upon an anvil. Baillet perhaps believed that Tillemont could not be mistaken, since he not only adopts his error but even attributes it to the Acts, writing thus in French: They (the Acts) have it that his (Adrian's) feet and hands were cut off, that his legs and thighs were broken upon an anvil, and that the other twenty-three Martyrs were treated in the same way. Let the reader consult the Acts, to be given in Greek and Latin, at numbers 29 and 30, where the martyrdom of them all is reported, and he will see that of Adrian alone is one hand said to have been cut off, not his hands; while of the hands or feet of the other Martyrs being cut off not a word is read in the Acts. Now if those censors so plainly go astray in narrating the death of the Martyrs, although they have seen the Acts and cite them, we shall rightly doubt whether they were more accurate in passing censure. This, therefore, I shall begin to examine.

§ II. The first argument, which Tillemont wrongly employs against various Acts of martyrs, is weighed and refuted.

[ ] the Acts are not to be wholly rejected on account of lengthier speeches: Tillemont's first argument is drawn from the lengthier speeches which are inserted into these Acts: for these alone, he says, show that they were composed at leisure \. Besides, he says, those speeches are frequently full of insults against the emperor himself: which is a bad sign. I answer that I have no wish to contend that all the sayings reported in the Acts were uttered in precisely the same way by each of those to whom they are attributed. The writer may have taken some pains to assign to each those words which he heard that they had for the most part used, or at any rate believed they could have used according to the circumstances. But I deny that on that account credit is to be withdrawn from the deeds which are reported. For St. Basil, St. Chrysostom, and other Fathers, whom Tillemont admits as the best of writers, attribute to martyrs not a few discourses of the same kind; nor do those lengthier speeches nevertheless prevent the deeds of the martyrs reported by the Fathers from being admitted as true. Many other Acts of Martyrs likewise are admitted as genuine by Tillemont, although they contain discourses equally lengthy, as may be seen in Ruinart's Genuine and Select Acts of the Martyrs*. Wherefore the first reason for wholly denying credit to the Acts is inept.

[9] the reason drawn from harsher words, The second reason appears to me not only inept, but false as well and plainly ridiculous. Those discourses, if we believe Tillemont, are frequently full of insults against the emperor himself. I answer that this is utterly false, and that an injury is rather done to not a few holy Martyrs if we admit these words of Tillemont as true. I show this briefly. That writer, on SS. Tarachus, Probus and Andronicus, confesses that no Acts can be had more authentic than the Acts of those Saints, published in the aforesaid Ruinart at page 422 of the second edition; nor does he doubt that they are the very words of those martyrs which have been inserted as such into those Acts. And yet no one can deny that the words with which those martyrs often answered the judge are harsher, or at any rate equally harsh, as those which in our Acts are attributed to St. Adrian and his Companions. If, therefore, anyone should conclude from what has been brought forward, according to the laws of dialectic, that the holy Tarachus, Probus and Andronicus were, by the words given, insulting toward their judge and their emperor — will he not also be able, by a further reasoning, rightly to infer that an injury is done by the words of Tillemont to the holy martyrs, in that he preferred to condemn freer sayings as insulting, rather than to confess, as he ought to have done, that it was by no means necessary for the martyrs to show to judges and emperors the reverence otherwise due, when these were in every way inviting and compelling them to evil; but that it was frequently even better that they should rebuke their impiety with Christian liberty?

[10] whose emptiness is shown elsewhere by many examples, It is worth declaring this a little more fully against an objection most frequently repeated by Tillemont, so that the emptiness of the argument, so often brought forward against the Acts of the Martyrs, may become more clearly apparent. Honoré de Sainte-Marie, in his Animadversions on the Rules and Use of Criticism, dissertation 4, article 8, shows well enough by various examples that that argument is of no force which is twisted out of harsher words against the genuineness of the Acts, since answers of that harsher kind are found in most Acts of Martyrs, and in those most highly approved. Tillemont himself, when he found sayings of that kind in Acts of Martyrs which he believed genuine, answered that objection abundantly in various places; nor did he for all that cease to twist the same objection against others, as though it had great force. Wherefore I shall no longer refute the objection by examples from other Acts, but shall examine the very foundation of the objection.

[11] The whole reasoning of Tillemont comes down to this: that modesty and gentleness, [it rests indeed on the authority of Scripture, but badly applied against the Saints,] according to the precept of Christ and the doctrine of the Apostles, are to be observed by Christians, and that honor is to be paid to princes and to the powers ordained by God. For the Apostle, in Romans chapter 13, inculcates these things in weighty words, writing thus: Let every soul be subject to the higher powers: for there is no power but from God: and those that are, are ordained by God… Render therefore to all their dues: tribute to whom tribute is due; custom to whom custom; fear to whom fear; honor to whom honor, etc. The Apostle writes similar things to Titus, chapter 3. For which reason there can be no doubt that Christians owe to their princes not only subjection and obedience, but reverence and honor as well. But just as a Christian does not sin against the obedience otherwise due when he refuses to obey a prince commanding a sin, because it behoves to obey God rather than men, so there will not be lacking certain occasions on which harsher words hurled against a prince gravely sinning, or leading others into sin, are not to be reckoned as contrary to the Apostle's command about the honor to be shown to princes. Certainly we do not condemn John the Baptist for having rebuked the sinning Herod; we do not condemn the holy Maccabean brothers for having hurled certain harsh words against Antiochus; we do not condemn St. Stephen for having, in Acts 7, censured the Jews in weighty words before the prince of the priests; we do not condemn many other Saints of the Old and New Testament for having spoken somewhat harshly to impious princes and kings, or to such as had fallen into some grave sin — but rather we praise and admire their fortitude.

[12] But if there can be any just cause for addressing or rebuking a prince harshly, since nowhere is it forbidden to rebuke princes for a just cause, I should scarcely believe that any could be juster than that of the holy martyrs: for by speaking thus they showed that they did not fear the unjust threats of the judges, and at the same time taught the reasons why they neither obeyed the commands of princes, nor could nor ought to obey them. Let us run through these very Acts which Tillemont attacks. At number 2 the Martyrs, brought before Maximian, are accused of having neglected the emperor's command, and are asked whether they knew the penalty appointed for Christians. Neither could they deny; no more could they say that the emperor's command did not concern them. In what way, then, could they call that command just, or acknowledge that the penalty against Christians had been rightly and wisely decreed? Rather, in no other way could they show that they had not sinned by transgressing that command, nor deserved punishment, except by accusing the command itself, and consequently the author of the command. Rightly, therefore, did they answer that that command of the emperor was foolish,

and that the emperor himself, in commanding such things, was out of his mind and a prince of the sons of perdition. For they spoke both truly and usefully, both because they declared their innocence before all who were present, and because they rebuked the impiety of the prince for a just cause.

[13] and a just cause for rebuking them was not lacking to the martyrs: Then at number 3 the Martyrs call Maximian an enemy of God, a tyrant, an enemy of the truth; at number 4 most impious, a drinker of blood, a son of the devil; at number 5 they name him out of his mind, and foretell the punishments to come upon him. Similarly Adrian at number 21 called the emperor a tyrant, and at number 23 most impious. These are those insults with which Tillemont said the speeches inserted into these Acts were full. But now, if we compare what is reported of the seven holy Maccabees in 2 Maccabees 7 with these, we shall easily see that the Maccabees spared Antiochus no more than our Martyrs spared Maximian. For they call him most wicked, a butcher, the inventor of all malice, a criminal and the most flagitious of all men. Let us hear also other things said by the Maccabees to Antiochus. The fourth brother, at verse 14, says to the king: For to thee there shall be no resurrection unto life. The fifth, at verse 17: But do thou bear it patiently, and thou shalt see His great power (that is, God's), how He will torment thee and thy seed. The sixth, at verse 19: But think not thou that it shall go unpunished with thee, that thou hast attempted to fight against God. The seventh, finally, at verse 31: But thou, who hast been made the inventor of all malice against the Hebrews, shalt not escape the hand of God. And at verse 34: Be not lifted up in vain with empty hopes, inflamed against His servants; for thou hast not yet escaped the judgment of the almighty God who beholdeth all things. And presently at verse 36: But thou by the judgment of God shalt pay the just penalties of thy pride, etc. If anyone should be willing to compare these carefully with the answers of our Martyrs, he will easily perceive that the same spirit was in both.

[14] hence St. Gregory Nazianzen on the Maccabees, It is worth weighing now what that most wise Father St. Gregory Nazianzen judges concerning the contest of the Maccabees, whose praises he celebrated in Oration 22. But indeed, he says, in the answers of the sons (the Maccabees) to the tyrant there was so much wisdom and greatness of soul, that even the illustrious deeds of all others, gathered into one place, must needs seem very small and slight beside their constancy and fortitude; and again, the praise of their fortitude and constancy would be small, if it were compared with their most wise discourses; so that this is their peculiar praise, that they both so endured torments and exercised so great wisdom in their answers to the persecutor's threats and to the terrors of the torments held over them. These words of St. Gregory are surely as far removed from the trifles of Tillemont, by which the brave answers of the Martyrs are called insults against princes, as sound judgment is from imprudent censure. Nor let anyone here say that greater gentleness and modesty is required under the New Law than under the Old. For that does nothing to the present matter, since Nazianzen presently sets forth the discourses of the Maccabees, which he again calls beautiful and most beautiful, for Christians to imitate, writing thus: That you may have an example, as of the contest, so also of the discourses that befit martyrs, if you should fall upon the same times.

[15] These things can be confirmed by the testimonies of many Fathers; but for me the words of St. Augustine on Psalm 39 will suffice, because Tillemont himself brought them forward in part in his account of SS. Tarachus, Probus and Andronicus: We celebrate the birthday, and St. Augustine, praising that liberty in other martyrs. he says, of the martyrs; we set before ourselves the examples of the martyrs; we attend to their faith — how they were found, how they were dragged forth, how they stood before the judges… Patient in torments, faithful in confession, truthful in speech. For they hurled the arrows of God into the faces of those who questioned them, and wounded some unto wrath, but wounded many also unto salvation. All these things we set before ourselves, and we gaze upon them, and we desire to imitate them. Thus St. Augustine, praising not only the faith, patience, and constancy of the martyrs, but also their holy liberty in speaking, by which they wounded some unto wrath, beyond their own intention, but many others unto salvation — if not the tyrants themselves, at any rate frequently not a few of those present. Besides, they thus raised up the spirits of the Christians, and dismayed the minds of the persecutors with fear and terror, as Nazianzen, just now cited, observes. Let this most inept objection be gone, then, and let us not grant so much to the impious and to the enemies of God as to drag the holy Martyrs into the suspicion of having done an injury to tyrants.

[16] Let us rather hear the most learned Cardinal Lambertini, Wherefore the liberty of the martyrs is not to be disapproved, now Benedict XIV, who in his Work On the Canonization of the Servants of God, book 3, chapter 17, number 3, speaks thus most rightly: For who could ever accuse a martyr who, placed in the power of a tyrant, and either subjected to torments or about to be subjected to them presently, rebukes his iniquity; who, set in chains for the faith of Christ, announces the Gospel, condemns the iniquitous sects which he abhors; who, when incited to desert the faith, is inflamed with zeal; and who, hearing the name of the Lord blasphemed, curses the blasphemers and their idols? Wherefore he favors impious princes too much who judges that they cannot be justly rebuked and refuted even then, when they invite men to sin and compel them to sin so far as they can. Neither Christ nor the Apostle taught us this, even though they most highly commended gentleness and meekness to all Christians.

[17] And so I do not see by what right anyone can prescribe such a law to the Martyrs in whom the Holy Spirit speaks. which the Lord did not prescribe to them. Rather, Christ promised in Matthew 10 that words would not be lacking to the martyrs before tyrants, saying: But when they shall deliver you up, take no thought how or what to speak: for it shall be given you in that hour what to speak: for it is not you that speak, but the Spirit of your Father that speaketh in you. The studious reader will pardon me if I have lingered over these matters longer than the most inept objection deserves: for I believed this must be done, because it is very often repeated against other Acts as well. This, however, I wish to be noted: that I do not wish to deny that from time to time, in Acts of no credit, certain words are attributed to martyrs which are not to be judged to have been uttered by them, since they seem not only to conflict with Christian meekness, but also to have been inserted into the Acts without reason and judgment. But such things are not found in these Acts; and, as I have already noted, I by no means contend that all the speeches are certainly to be attributed to the Martyrs.

\ a loisir*

§ III. Tillemont's other arguments are examined and refuted: the Acts are approved, not indeed as original, yet as probable and useful.

[ ] Tillemont thinks incredible what is narrated of Adrian's going out from prison, After the argument now refuted, Tillemont attacks the Acts of St. Adrian and his Companions on another ground. At number 13 in the Acts, Adrian is said to have obtained by money from the keepers of the prison that he might be allowed to go out of the prison and visit his wife, security however being given for his return, the remaining martyrs being appointed as sureties. Tillemont says that this is ridiculous, and can in no way be defended, since the keeper of the prison would have exposed his own life to danger if the thing had become known: And yet, he says, this is done altogether publicly, since a great many come to announce the same thing to his wife. I gladly confess that this whole story is very astonishing; but that it is as ridiculous as Tillemont will have it, and can in no way be defended, I do not yet perceive; nor did St. Ado of Vienne perceive it, since he inserted that deed into the eulogy of St. Adrian, although other things were not lacking to be commemorated in praise of that same Saint, and therefore he could easily have omitted that going out from prison, and the whole conversation then held with St. Natalia, if they had seemed to him ridiculous and fabulous.

[19] and he wrongly asserts that he went out publicly: Wherefore let us inspect the argument more closely. The life of the keeper of the prison was at stake, he says. Let us suppose this to be certain: he would not have been the first who, for love of money, exposed his life to danger, since not a few men frequently do this, and many also on a like occasion. And so, if the keeper had really consented at the risk of his own life, he would only have done what many others have often done. The keeper of the prison could hope that Adrian's going out would remain hidden, or that, if beyond hope it should come to light, he would preserve his life by swift flight. But, says Tillemont, he walks along the road altogether publicly, because a great many announce it to his wife. I answer that neither of these is read in the Acts: for nowhere is Adrian said to have gone out of prison in broad daylight, nowhere is he said to have been recognized by a great many. One of the citizens saw him, and recognized a man otherwise well known to him; and likewise one of the household servants. On this foundation rests that public going out so confidently asserted. And yet, if he went out in the evening at the first darkness, he could easily be recognized by two persons who knew him very well. In what way, then, shall we carve a public going out out of this? Nay rather, we ought to judge that the thing was done secretly, since it does not appear to have become known to the judges, and since Adrian is not said to have been seen except by two men, from whom nothing was to be feared. But Tillemont, in order to prove his conjecture, has not very faithfully invented a great many out of two.

[20] Tillemont's other petty reasons against the said going out Besides, if it were established how far the power of the keepers of the prison extended for relaxing the custody of the accused, perhaps the whole objection would collapse. This is certain: that many things were permitted by keepers to captives after money had been received, which otherwise would have been refused. It is equally certain that not all captives were always detained in prisons. Paul was bound, in Acts 28, and yet was not in prison, nor detained in one place. Other accused persons, sureties having been appointed, were compelled to appear at a fixed time, and yet were not kept under guard. Who, then, could infer with certainty that it was not permitted to the keeper of the prison to let Adrian go — a man who had of his own accord offered himself for chains — for an hour or two, provided he took a sufficiently certain security? Wherefore let us hear the rest, by which Tillemont attacks that going out of Adrian. St. Adrian, he says, did this for the sole purpose of warning his wife that he was to be led before the emperor. And yet he was not led thither until after seven days. But why did he not see to warning her by another, since according to the Acts the Christians then enjoyed full liberty of visiting the Christians in prison? These are trifles: for Adrian does not seem to have known exactly the day on which he would be interrogated, but had heard that it was near. Perhaps also no Christian came to the prison whom he might send. And so he could go himself, both for reasons unknown to us, and in order that by his example he might stir up St. Natalia to rouse other women to serve the Martyrs, and might by his money obtain access to them.

[21] Tillemont seems to suppose that the Christians always had the same liberty of approaching these Martyrs. and the Acts themselves Certainly he argues thus: It is also very astonishing that St. Natalia his wife, when there was that liberty of approach, abstained for many days from visiting him… But that very liberty little

is credible, if other Acts of the martyrs of that time are weighed, and these very Acts, where men are said to have been appointed to seek out Christians in hiding. Besides, I do not see in what way this can be reconciled with what St. Natalia did when her Husband was interrogated. She could not more openly have declared herself a Christian, and that in the sight of Maximian himself and of his chief ministers. The censor of the Acts has here entangled many things at once; and for that reason the difficulty will seem great to all those who have not considered the Acts of the martyrs attentively. But it will not be difficult, provided we consider the several points, to show the weakness of the whole objection.

[22] First, what is objected concerning Natalia is false. the several points She ran to her Husband at once, as soon as she had learned that he was bound for the faith of Christ, as the Acts have it at numbers 8 and 9. After that first conversation she is said to have kept herself at home for some days — three or four perhaps, out of which Tillemont has fashioned many — having been asked by Adrian to do so. Second, the liberty of visiting captives in prison, such as is supposed in the Acts to have existed, is not so great as to be incredible, when these Acts and those of other martyrs are considered. Let studious readers consult the Acts of SS. Perpetua and Felicity at the VIII of March, the Acts of SS. Montanus, Lucius, etc., at the XXIV of February, and not a few others which are admitted by all as genuine; and they will find a greater liberty of visiting captives indicated in those than in the Acts of Adrian. For here at number 26 Maximian is said to have forbidden that women should any longer be allowed to come to the Captives, so that thereafter they could not enter the prison except in men's clothing. Wherefore from that time both St. Natalia and the other women seem to have been admitted to the prison secretly, or not so openly that the matter should become known to many, lest the deceit of the garments should be detected. Take a more astonishing example from Acts approved by Tillemont. The holy Montanus and his companions, as is read in their Acts at number 6, were tormented in prison by hunger and thirst; and yet not even so was all access to them shut off: for at number 9 they received sufficient food and drink through Herennianus the subdeacon and Januarius the catechumen, after they had remained fasting on the previous day. These things are surely more to be wondered at than that the wife of a captive, and some women, should be allowed to enter the prison in order to serve a nobleman such as Adrian was, and on that occasion the rest as well.

[23] are examined, Third, that St. Natalia so bore herself that she could arouse suspicion concerning her faith, is most true, especially in the prison and at the time of the martyrdom. That she openly declared herself a Christian, and that before Maximian and his ministers, Tillemont indeed said, as he said other things now refuted; but this will never be proved from the Acts. Nay rather, we may doubt whether she ever came so near to Maximian as to be seen by him. As for the suspicion which she gave of herself to those present in the prison, that compelled no one to accuse a noblewoman as a Christian. No more was a suit necessarily to be brought against her for the things she did while Adrian was before Maximian: for if the emperor did see and recognize her at all, he could attribute everything to a Wife's love for her Husband. This one thing, therefore, remains to be considered: how all these things which are narrated concerning the liberty, such as it was, of Christians visiting the Martyrs, and concerning certain deeds of St. Natalia by which she could become suspect of the Christian faith, are consistent with these very Acts, according to which Christians in hiding were being sought out.

[24] and dissolved; I answer that it is not said that Christians were so sought out that any suspicion whatever sufficed for arresting them; nor that those who sought out Christians were present everywhere. Then, grave penalties had been decreed in the Roman empire against false informers. Hence all could fear to accuse anyone of the Christian faith at their own peril, unless they had certain proofs by which they could establish it. That danger to informers was the greater in proportion as the person accused was more noble and more powerful; since in this case the informer could fear not only the laws established against false informers, but also the hatred of the friends and kinsmen of him whom he accused. Besides, the name of informer was always odious and infamous; nor were all the heathen so exasperated against the Christians that they wished to bring infamy and hatred upon themselves by informing against them. And so it is not to be wondered at that St. Natalia was not accused of the Christian faith, especially since she had previously concealed her faith. Still less can we wonder that she dared to do what is read in the Acts: for everything suggests that the Saint burned with a desire for martyrdom.

[25] and it is shown that not everything which the censor attributes to the Acts That whole argument of Tillemont, therefore, twisted together with so much effort, collapses. For this reason he could have omitted the following words: But all those absurdities were necessary for contriving that fabulous circumstance which is afterwards narrated concerning Natalia, who, suspecting that her Husband had renounced the faith, shuts the door against him, ready to kill herself. Tillemont thinks these things more like a fable than like history. Perhaps he would have said the same of what is read in Acts 12 concerning St. Peter, led out of prison by an angel and standing before the door, had it not been inserted into the Sacred Writings — because at verse 14 the girl for gladness did not open the door, and because there were differing opinions about Peter knocking at the gate. And yet these things would nonetheless be true; nor do I see for what reason what is here reported of St. Natalia is to be held fabulous. Certainly, if she suspected that Adrian, most recently converted, had with youthful levity renounced the faith, she could with reason be indignant, and make herself sure of his faith before she admitted him into her house and continued to hold him as a husband. No one will wonder that this was done by a pious woman, provided he knows how greatly pious Christians are wont to shudder at apostates. Wherefore that shutting of the door has not so great a difficulty that it must be rejected as a fable.

[26] But, if we believe Tillemont, she was ready to kill herself. Not even the Latin Acts have this, much less the Greek. Surius, whom alone Tillemont followed, has only this: Depart from me: otherwise I shall kill myself, that so at least thou mayest be satisfied. And so here again that severe critic attributes to the Acts a worse sense than they have, in order to attack them more forcibly: for how great a difference there is between a threat uttered to strike terror and a will to do something, no one is ignorant. If some father should say to his son: Obey me: otherwise I shall break thy head — would it be rightly said of him, He was ready to break his son's head? By no means. Wherefore Tillemont has also corrupted the words of Surius. But neither do the words of Surius accurately agree with the Greek text, as may be seen in the Acts at number 15, where in the Annotations I shall show that the Greek words can rightly be expounded in another way, and are more probably to be so expounded, namely that Natalia only said to Adrian that she was unwilling thereafter to acknowledge him as her husband, but would herself take care of herself. If, however, anyone should prefer to understand the Greek words of her own slaying, as indeed they can be expounded, it would be a grave threat, but not altogether incredible in an angry Woman. Besides, I have already noted before that I do not wish to contend that all the speeches inserted into the Acts were uttered in the same way; but rather I judge that most are to be attributed to the writer of the Acts, who wished in some fashion to set forth by them the inward feelings of each, or amplified them in his own style if he found anything written about them. I should not therefore deny that most of the sayings of Natalia to Adrian when he had gone out of prison may with reason be cut away as too wrathful; and that other sayings of hers, as pious, can indeed be retained; but that it is less likely that all were so uttered by her.

[27] Tillemont's last objection is that the baptism of St. Adrian is nowhere read as expressly stated. [the last objections are of little weight. From what has been said it is concluded,] This is a trifle: for nearly everything else also which took place between Adrian and the other Martyrs in prison, when Natalia was not present there, was omitted. Finally Tillemont says that many other things could be objected against these Acts, but he omitted them. Perhaps he wished to hint at certain visions, and certain other marvels reported toward the end of the Acts. But in most authentic Acts of the martyrs various visions and other marvels are narrated, and especially such as tended to the preservation of the martyrs' relics — the very kind that are inserted into these Acts too. All these things considered, I do not hesitate to assert that the Acts of St. Adrian are not so improbable as Tillemont wished to make them. For if they labor under certain difficulties, which I have examined, that praised writer might have considered that even the most authentic Acts are for the most part not without great difficulties — as he himself observed a little later, in note 1 on St. Theodotus, whose Acts, liable to no fewer difficulties, he undertook to defend as those of a contemporary writer.

[28] I should not indeed wish to pronounce that the Acts of St. Adrian ought to be defended as much as the Acts of St. Theodotus: for the case is unequal, that the Acts are not improbable, yet not of altogether certain credit, because the latter were written by an eyewitness, but not so the former, whose author is unknown. If Tillemont had said that the credit of these Acts was doubtful to him or less clearly established, he would not have had me strenuously opposing him, since they do not appear to be the work of a contemporary writer, although they are otherwise ancient, and probably were written in the fifth century. Certainly that these Acts were written long before Metaphrastes is proved by several Latin codices, and by the eulogy of Ado drawn from them, since Ado is older than Metaphrastes, and probably the codices cited are so too. Banduri in his Constantinopolitan Antiquities, page 648, assigns the same Greek Acts to a parchment codex of Bernard de Montfaucon, which is believed to have been written in the ninth century, that is, before Metaphrastes. It is certain, therefore, that the Acts of St. Adrian are much older than Metaphrastes.

[29] [because they are not the work of a contemporary writer, but perhaps drawn up in the fifth century.] But if we should wish to judge of the antiquity of these Acts from the Greek style, we shall be able to refer them to the fifth century, but not to the fourth, in which the Saints suffered. For the style is almost pure and simple, with the exception of only two or three words that are in some degree barbarous. And yet that the Acts were not written, such as they are now found in the Greek codex, before the fifth century, is proved by the name Argyropolis, which was imposed upon the place at the beginning of the fifth century, as I shall observe in the Annotations on chapter 5, letter ^d. Wherefore it is likely that the Acts were composed one century after the martyrdom of the Saints, and probably from some older writing. Hence what is narrated in them is only probable;

and not so certain as what we have reported by contemporary writers.

§ IV. Today's St. Adrian is more probably distinct from the Adrian who is venerated on the XXVI of August.

[ ] Of the two Adrians whom the Greeks venerate, some make one: The Greeks on the XXVI day of August venerate two Adrians, of whom one has been inserted on that same day into the Roman Martyrology, and the other has been referred in the same Martyrology to this day. Tillemont, in volume 5 of the Ecclesiastical Monuments, note 1 on the Persecution of Licinius, believed that those two martyrs could be held to be one; but he alleges no reasons of great weight, and our Pinius has already briefly refuted them in his treatment of that Adrian of whom he treated at the XXVI of August. But Baillet, in the Adrian who is ours, of whom he treats at the VIII of September, wished to confirm and follow the opinion of Tillemont by new reasonings. Hence he mixed the Acts of both Adrians at his own pleasure, and composed the Life of a single Adrian with as much liberty as I have never detected in Metaphrastes. He dared partly to adopt the trifles of Pseudo-Dorotheus, partly to mix them with the Acts of our Adrian, so as to make, against Pseudo-Dorotheus himself, one Adrian out of two, whom he determined to have been slain under the reign of Maximian at the bidding of Licinius. And yet Pseudo-Dorotheus distinguishes two Adrians in the plainest words, and that repeatedly. Wherefore he ought to have abstained from the ill-cohering little fables of Pseudo-Dorotheus; or else he should have adopted also that which he holds in common with other Greek writers concerning the different Adrians.

[31] Take note, studious reader, in how many ways the one Adrian is distinguished from the other by Pseudo-Dorotheus, published in Du Cange after the Paschal Chronicle, page 431. but Pseudo-Dorotheus himself, whom Baillet cites, stands in the way, The one Adrian is called by him the son of Probus, the other the husband of Natalia, and this by way of distinction, although otherwise the same man could have been the son of Probus and the husband of Natalia. The first he says was slain by Licinius, and asserts that his body was translated by Metrophanes, bishop of Byzantium, who was in fact bishop of Byzantium under Licinius and continued to be so under Constantine alone. But the other Adrian, that is, the husband of Natalia, he affirms to have been crowned under Maximian (as the Greek text has it, although in Latin Maximinus is read), and says that his body was laid by Bishop Titus in that place to which he asserts the body of the Adrian who suffered under Licinius was afterwards translated. I transfer his very words here: When he (Adrian) had been put to death in this confession (by Licinius), Metrophanes, who had lately entered upon the episcopate (of Byzantium), taking Christian companions with him, came to Nicomedia, and secretly carried off the relics of the martyr Adrian, and laid them in the first church built by them, which now lies next to Byzantium, in the place which they call Argyropolis, where Titus also, who was the first bishop of Constantinople, laid the relics of that Adrian who underwent martyrdom under Maximinus (in Greek, Maximian), and those of Natalia his wife, and of the rest who with them ended their life by martyrdom.

[32] Treating of the bodies at page 432, he again distinguishes two Adrians, whose arguments are not only weak, writing thus: Their bodies were buried here in stone sepulchres, as also the body of Natalia, and of that Adrian who afterwards (namely under Licinius) underwent martyrdom. But in another vault, then hastily made, the relics of thirteen martyrs were laid; and in a leaden chest Adrian the husband of Natalia was laid alone: which sepulchres indeed all stand to these very times in an underground cave, in which the apostle Andrew erected an altar. Thus far Pseudo-Dorotheus. But whether we believe him or withhold credit from him, it will always remain more probable that there were two Adrians: for both the Fasti of the Greeks list two, and distinguish them by their deeds and their times, and so does that counterfeit Dorotheus, whose Synopsis is now believed to have been struck off in the sixth century. But, says Baillet, almost nothing is said of the one which does not fit the other. Both are commanders in the Roman army under Galerius Maximian and Licinius: both converted to the faith upon seeing and considering what the Christians suffered: both were crowned with martyrdom in the city of Nicomedia; both after death translated to Argyropolis near Byzantium; both finally venerated among the Greeks on the XXVI day of August.

[33] So that critic reasons, in order to make one Adrian out of two, but even full of errors: adding that what Pseudo-Dorotheus narrates concerning Adrian the son of Probus is far more probable than are the Acts of Adrian the husband of St. Natalia. But I cannot acquiesce in a judgment of this kind, since Pseudo-Dorotheus teems with fables and contradictions — which will be said rashly of the Acts of our St. Adrian, and will never be proved. Nay, I should venture to affirm without hesitation that there are far more open errors in those few things which Baillet wrote concerning St. Adrian than can be assigned in the longer Acts of St. Adrian: for in these some things seem improbable to the more severe critics, but in the Life which Baillet patched together various errors are manifest, and there are more improbabilities. Let us examine the words just given, by which he wished to prove a single Adrian. In them it is false, first, that both are said to be commanders in the Roman army: for this is said of the husband of Natalia alone, nowhere at least clearly of the son of Probus, as they will have it. It is false, second, that both are said to be commanders under Galerius Maximian and Licinius: for the first suffered under Galerius, the other under Licinius. It is false, third, that both are said to have been converted upon seeing the torments of the Christians: for this is nowhere asserted of the Adrian who suffered under Licinius.

[34] [wherefore it does not seem doubtful that those two Adrians are to be distinguished,] Wherefore the whole likeness comes down to this, that both are said to have suffered at Nicomedia and to have been translated to Argyropolis: for that both are venerated on the same day by the Greeks does not increase the difficulty, but rather lessens it, since an opinion about two men, if there was only one, could thus have gained strength with more difficulty than it otherwise could have, if one man were venerated on different days. But now, if we consider how many things concerning those Martyrs are reported in a different manner, we shall easily be able to believe that they were altogether different persons. For our Adrian suffered with many other Martyrs; to the other no companion is attributed. The first ended his life by the breaking of his legs, the other by the cutting off of his head. The first is said to have been recently converted, upon seeing the constancy of the Martyrs; the other is said in his own Acts to have been long a Christian, and to have preached the faith at Nicomedia. Finally, both in the Acts of each and in the eulogies of the Greeks they are distinguished by so many marks that they cannot be said to be the same, unless we abrogate every particle of credit both from the Acts and from all the Fasti of the Greeks.

[35] since in the Hieronymian copies also two Adrians are announced at Nicomedia. But the reasons of Tillemont and Baillet do not so press as to make me think that I can or ought to do this, especially since I find also in the Hieronymian Fasti that two Adrians suffered at Nicomedia, of whom the first, who is the Husband of Natalia, is announced in Florentinius at the IV of March; the other is joined with certain others at the VI and VII of November. A third Adrian also is assigned to Chalcedon in the same Fasti. This last could also easily have been translated to Argyropolis, and by an error of the Greeks ascribed to Nicomedia. But since two Adrians are read in the Hieronymian Fasti as having suffered at Nicomedia, it is not necessary to bring in another from a neighboring place; since it is easy to suspect that the memory of the second Adrian was celebrated by the Greeks on the same day on which the festival of the first was celebrated, so that those who had been translated to the same place might be venerated together. I have wished to draw out this disputation somewhat, so that it may be plain to the learned reader that for slight reasons one is not at once to depart from what is handed down in the Fasti of the Greeks, especially while their Fasti rightly agree with one another.

§ V. The memory of St. Adrian is ascribed in the Fasti to various days: the day of his martyrdom is not altogether certain: his chief cult is on the VIII of September, after his body was brought to Rome.

[ ] The memory of Adrian and his Companions in the most ancient Fasti: The cult of St. Adrian is most ancient and most celebrated in many places; but his memory has been inserted into the Fasti on days so various that it can with difficulty be assigned on which day he passed by a happy death to heavenly Glory. The Hieronymian codices in Florentinius announce St. Adrian with his fellow martyrs at the IV of March in this manner: At Nicomedia, the passion of holy Adrian with thirty-three others in number. That an error has crept into the number, although the following codex presents the same, I shall presently prove. The Corbie codex, in the Annotations there, has it thus: At Nicomedia, the passion of the holy Adrian with thirty-three others. More correctly does the most ancient Echternach codex, otherwise called the Antwerp, express the number in the same place: At Nicomedia, of Andrian with twenty-three others. In the codex of the Queen of Sweden, published by us after volume VII of June, the Companions are written as thirty-four. In the Corbie Calendar, in Martène, volume 3 of the Anecdota, only twenty-two others are read. But these are faults of the transcribers or of the printers. For the rest, in many more abridged codices also, both among us and in Martène, volume 6 of the Fullest Collection, at the same day the memory of Adrian occurs, sometimes without Companions, sometimes without a determined number of Companions.

[37] But concerning the number of Martyrs there seems to be no doubt, since Bede, [Adrian's Companions were twenty-three: they are believed to have suffered on the 4th of March:] Ado, and Usuard, together with the Greek Fasti and with the Acts themselves, constantly attribute twenty-three Companions to Adrian, so that the Hieronymian Martyrology also without doubt presented the same number of Martyrs, although certain copies afterwards contracted a fault. Baronius too did not doubt that St. Adrian suffered with the Companions mentioned on the IV day of March; and for that reason he inserted at that day these words about them into the Roman Martyrology: At Nicomedia, of holy Hadrian the martyr, with twenty-three others: who all under the emperor Diocletian consummated their martyrdom by the breaking of their legs: whose memory is chiefly kept on the sixth of the Ides of September, when his body was translated to Rome. And yet the day of the martyrdom is not so certain as the number of the Martyrs, as we shall see below. Baronius believed that Adrian with his Companions was celebrated by Bede also on the same day; but that most learned Cardinal did not know the genuine Martyrology of Bede; and thence it came about that he everywhere cited under Bede's name the supplements inserted into Bede's Martyrology.

[38] The Martyrology of Bede, published by us before volume 2 of March, yet by many martyrologies he is announced on the VIII of September, has this of Adrian and his Companions at the VIII of September: On the same day at Nicomedia, the birthday of St. Adrian the martyr with twenty-three others. On the same day the old or little Roman Martyrology, published by Rosweyde, adds Natalia in this manner: And of Adrian the martyr with twenty-three martyrs. And of Natalia. Ado followed, weaving a very long eulogy out of the Acts, into which he inserted Natalia also; and at the end he has: The passion of these Martyrs is celebrated on the sixth of the Ides of September. Rabanus, Notker, and Usuard commemorate Adrian with his twenty-three Companions on the same day. Wandelbert is silent about the Companions, and announces Adrian at Rome thus: Adrian the martyr too then adorns Rome with his blood. Many other Martyrologies, in which the birthday of St. Adrian is announced at this day, have been enumerated among the Passed Over

at the IV of March. The more recent ones I do not enumerate, because their authority can here be of no weight. Wherefore I only add that in the Hieronymian copies the birthday of Adrian is indeed noted on this day, but without Companions and without the place of martyrdom, in this manner: And the birthday of holy Adrian. Hence I suspect that this commemoration of Adrian was added to the Hieronymian copies after his body was translated to Rome. Baronius without doubt believed the same, who links the translation to this day, writing thus in the Roman Martyrology: At Nicomedia, of holy Hadrian the martyr with twenty-three others, who all after many torments under the emperors Diocletian and Maximian consummated their martyrdom by the breaking of their legs, on the fourth of the Nones of March. Their relics, carried by Christians to Byzantium, were buried with reverent honor: thence afterwards the body of St. Hadrian was translated to Rome on this day, on which his festival is chiefly celebrated.

[39] but by the Greeks on the 26th of August, The Greeks in the Menologies, the Menaea, and other Fasti celebrate Adrian with his Companions and Natalia at the XXVI of August, as we said among the Passed Over at that day, on which the Muscovites also venerate him together with Natalia. Baronius in his Annotations on the Martyrology attempts to give reasons, and believes that the IV day of March is the birthday, that on the XXVI day of August the translation of the body to Byzantium took place, and finally on the VIII day of September the translation from Constantinople to Rome. Florentinius subscribed to this opinion in some fashion. Tillemont, in note 67 on the Persecution of Diocletian, also disputes about these matters, but more hesitantly. Our Elders too were in doubt at the IV of March, and referred the Life of St. Adrian hither, not because they determined that this was the birthday, but because he is chiefly venerated on this day among the Latins. Sollier, in his Observations on Usuard at this day, did not lay aside his doubt, but wrote as follows: For the rest, Ado is blamed by Baronius for affirming that the passion of Adrian is celebrated today; in which I do not see what so great an offense occurs. Further, whatever be the case as to the true day of the martyrdom — which is not sufficiently drawn even from the Acts themselves (the Latin ones, which alone were then seen) — it is certain that the festival of Adrian is more solemnly kept on this day, whether this prevailed from the first or the second translation, or from the dedication of the basilica, or finally from some other cause.

[40] so that the day of the martyrdom does not seem altogether certain, But now, the more I consider the conjectures put forward by Baronius, the less do I find anything certain about the day of the martyrdom. Tillemont indeed observes that in the Hieronymian copies Adrian is announced at this day without any Companions, but with Companions at the IV day of March, where also Passion is read, whereas today Birthday is said. But these observations do not make the matter certain: for the second could be omitted, since in the Corbie codex passion is read today as well; the first is indeed better, but only proves that the Hieronymian codices favor the fourth day of March more than today's. Yet against the Hieronymian copies may be set Reda, Rabanus, and the other martyrologists already cited, who refer Adrian with his Companions to the VIII of September. Besides, the Greeks are opposed to both days, who believe that Adrian with his Companions suffered on the XXVI of August, as is asserted in express words in the Greek Acts to be published below, although this is everywhere omitted in the Latin.

[41] [but it may be doubted whether they were crowned on the 4th of March or the 26th of August.] If now we consider that these Saints suffered in Greece, and were there constantly venerated, and that everything which has become known to us about their martyrdom seems to have been drawn from the Greek Acts, we shall easily see that nothing can be said about the day of the martyrdom which is altogether certain. For according to the Acts the XXVI day of August cannot be that of the first translation, if the Saints were crowned on the IV day of March, since the first translation happened some days after the martyrdom, and therefore a far smaller interval ought to be set between the martyrdom and that translation than there is between the IV of March and the XXVI of August. For which reasons I think that nothing certain is to be determined about the day of our Saints' martyrdom: for I find nothing in favor of the IV day of March except the Hieronymian Fasti, deserted by all the martyrologists of the Middle Ages, yet not to be altogether neglected; while for the XXVI day of August we have the Greek Fasti together with the Acts. I suspect that Adrian with his Companions suffered on one or the other day; not on the VIII day of September, although on that day his cult was fixed at Rome and in the Latin Church, as I now proceed to relate.

[42] It can scarcely be doubted that the cult of St. Adrian was begun at Rome after the Saint's body was translated thither. [The cult of St. Adrian seems to have begun at Rome after his body was translated thither:] But of the time of that translation nothing is established. Ado, at the end of his eulogy, having reported the first translation of all the Martyrs, which is read more fully in the Acts, chapter 5, adds the following concerning the second translation of Adrian alone: Not long afterwards the body of blessed Adrian was translated also to Rome, and was adorned with an honorable temple as well. I do not, however, think that the Saint's body was brought to Rome as quickly as the words cited suggest. Certainly nothing is read in the Acts about this translation; and the editor of Pseudo-Dorotheus, Procopius the priest, who makes mention of the consuls Philoxenus and Probus, when John the bishop of Rome came to Constantinople — which happened in the year 525 — asserts that the body of St. Adrian was in his own time still preserved at Constantinople. That fabler indeed deserves little credit; but from other sources also it is likely that the translation did not happen before the sixth or seventh century. For no memory of St. Adrian is found in the Sacramentary of St. Leo the Pope, lately published before volume 4 of Anastasius the Librarian; nor in the Sacramentary of Gelasius, published by Thomasius; so that we may easily believe that the festival of St. Adrian was not yet celebrated at Rome in the times of St. Leo and St. Gelasius, who both flourished in the fifth century.

[43] In the Sacramentary of St. Gregory the festival of St. Adrian is noted at the VIII of September, but this translation seems to have been made in the 6th or 7th century: so that it becomes likely that the translation was made before the end of the sixth century; nor yet can this be gathered with certainty from that Sacramentary, since some things were added to it after the times of St. Gregory. Thus I have already observed that the announcement of St. Adrian on the VIII day of September was added to several Hieronymian codices, so that from those too nothing can be gathered toward attributing a more ancient origin to the Roman festival of St. Adrian. And so I judge that the translation of the body, and the festival of the Saint established at Rome, are to be fixed in the sixth century already well advanced, or perhaps in the seventh century when it had just begun. Certainly Anastasius the Librarian writes thus in his life of Honorius I: He made a church for blessed Adrian the martyr in the Three Fates, which he both dedicated and to which he offered many gifts. Honorius sat in the time of the emperor Heraclius, from the year 626 to 638. But it is not likely that the church of St. Adrian was built by Honorius before his body had been brought to Rome. Wherefore the translation was most probably made in the sixth century, or in the seventh not far advanced, as I have already noted. Hence in the monuments of the following centuries — such as the Calendar published by Fronto, the Roman Ordo, together with the Martyrologies of the Middle Ages enumerated above — the memory of St. Adrian is celebrated on the VIII day of September, and in some of them at Rome as well. In the Calendar of Fronto, however, it is referred, together with the Nativity of the most blessed Virgin, to the IX, by the error of I know not whom; but I judge it altogether to be an error.

[44] the church of St. Adrian at Rome: As for the church of St. Adrian just mentioned, Anastasius the Librarian frequently mentions it under various names. In his life of Sergius I: He appointed, moreover, that on the days of the Annunciation of the Lord, and of the Nativity, and of the Dormition of the holy Mother of God, a Litany should go out from St. Adrian's, and that the people should assemble at St. Mary's. In his life of Adrian I he narrates that many things were restored in the basilica of St. Adrian by that Pontiff, and that new ornaments were made there, calling it now a basilica, now a diaconia, because it is the title of a Cardinal deacon. Of the same he makes mention again in his life of Leo III, on account of certain ornaments given there by that Pontiff; and likewise in his life of Gregory IV for the same cause; and lastly in his life of Leo IV, on account of a supplication established there according to custom on the feast of the Assumption of the Virgin. Martinelli in Roma sacra, page 109, observes that this church is in the Forum Boarium, and was once called in the Three Fora, for which Anastasius in the last edition has in the Three Fates; and that it was also called on the Sacred Way.

[45] other places dedicated to him: He attributes another restoration of the same church to Cardinal Jean du Bellay; and finally he enumerates not a few relics of the same church, and among them the body of St. Adrian, which Piazza also ascribes to the same church in the Sacred Diary of the City of Rome at the VIII of September, asserting that the translation of the Saint is solemnly celebrated there. Of the monastery of St. Adrian, which is placed next to the Manger, the aforesaid Anastasius makes mention also in his life of Adrian I; but Martinelli affirms at page 361 that it was afterwards destroyed. Besides, of an oratory and altar of holy Hadrian the martyr in the old Vatican basilica, Romanus the Canon makes mention in his Description of the Vatican, page 43.

[46] the Adrian who is venerated at Rome is the Nicomedian himself. From what has been said about the cult of St. Adrian, begun at Rome in the sixth or seventh century, it may easily be gathered that a certain suspicion of Tillemont's is wholly without foundation — as though that St. Adrian had suffered at Rome and were another than the Nicomedian Martyr, because Wandelbert said: Adrian the martyr too then adorns Rome with his blood. For first, if he had suffered at Rome, he would probably have been venerated there earlier. Second, that the Adrian whose cult began at Rome in the sixth or seventh century is the Nicomedian, is proved from the little Roman Martyrology, whose author was near to those times; likewise from Bede, Rabanus, Ado, Usuard, and Notker, who all at the VIII of September announce Adrian of Nicomedia with his Companions. From these I further gather that there seems to be no room for doubt about the translation of the body, although its time, like its author, is unknown; since the translation is asserted without hesitation by Ado, and alone appears to have furnished the cause of the festival established. But just as we cannot prudently doubt that the body was brought to Rome, so hardly any doubt seems to remain that it was thence carried away, for the greater part, by a third translation, of which we must treat afterwards.

ACTS

by an anonymous author.

From a manuscript codex formerly Colbertine, now of the Royal Library of Paris, 1453; J. Stilting, translator.

Adrian, martyr, at Nicomedia in Bithynia (S.)

Twenty-three companions, at Nicomedia in Bithynia

Natalia, wife of Adrian, near Byzantium in Thrace (S.) ^a

By an Anonymous Writer.

CHAPTER I.

Twenty-three Christians are set before Maximian as he promotes idolatry at Nicomedia: these, having steadfastly professed the faith, are subjected to various torments.

ἘΓένετο ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ περιόδῳ τοῦ τυράννου Μαξιμιανοῦ, εἰσελθόντος αὐτοῦ εἰς τὴν Νικομηδέων πόλιν, ἀνελεῖν πάντας τοὺς εὑρισκομεύους

Χριστιανοὺς, ὁρμήσαντος δὲ αὐτοῦ εἰς τὸν ναὸν, καὶ προσκυνήσαντος τοῖς θεοῖς· ἐκέλευσε πρότερον αὐτοῦ τὰς θυσίας εἰσενεχθῆναι, καὶ τότε τὰς τῆς πόλεως. Ἅπαντες οὖν ὑποκύπτοντες τῷ ἀσεβεῖ καὶ μιαρῷ προστάγματι αὐτοῦ, προσέφερον, οἱ μὲν ταύρους, οἱ δὲ μόσχους, ἕτεροι δὲ πρόβατα, οἱ δὲ χιμάρους, οἱ δὲ ὄρνεα· κατείδωλος γὰρ ἦν ἡ πόλις· καὶ ἔθυον κατὰ πάντα τόπον καὶ ῥεγεῶνα, ἔντε τοῖς οἴκοις καὶ ἐν ταῖς πλατείαις· ὡς πᾶσαν τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὴν περίχωραν ὄζεσαι ἀπὸ τοῦ καπνοῦ καὶ τῶν θυμάτων. Κήρυκες δὲ πανταχοῦ περιήεσαν θύειν παρακελευόμενοι καὶ σπένδειν τοῖς ματαίοις· τιμωρεῖσθαι δὰρ ἐκέλευσεν ὁ βασιλεὺς τοὺς μὴ βουλομμένους θύειν, καὶ πάντα τὸν εὑρισκόμενον Χριστιανὸν πυρὶ ἀναλίσκεσθαι. Ἐτάγησαν οὖν καὶ φάνεροι ἄνδρες περιεργάζεσθαι τοὺς ῥεγεῶνας καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν πόλιν, ὅπως, εἴ τινας εὕροιεν ἄνδρας τε καὶ γυναῖκας πεπιστευκότων τῷ Χριστῷ, συλλαβόμενοι παραστήσωσι τῷ τῆς ἐπαρχίας ἄρχοντι, ὑποστησομμένους τὴν διὰ βασάνων πικροτάτην τιμωρίαν. Οἵτινες καὶ χρήματα ἐδίδουν τοῖς μηνύουσι. Γείτονες οὖν παρεδίδουν γείτονας, καὶ φίλοι φίλους, καὶ συγγενεῖς τοὺς συγγενεῖς, τῇ δόσει τῶν χρημάτων ἑλκόμενοι· ἕτεροι δὲ διὰ τὸν τοῦ βασιλέως φόβον τοὺς ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων πεπιστευκότας κατεμήνυον· τιμωρία γὰρ ὤριστο κατὰ τῶν ἀποκρυπτόντων Χριστιανούς.

[2] Τότε μηνύεται τοῖς τὴν ζήτησιν ἐπιτεταγμμένοις ποιεῖν, ὅτι εἰσὶ τινὲς Χριστιανοὶ ἔν τινι σπηλαίῳ κρυπτόμενοι· ἤκουσαν γὰρ ἐν νυκτὶ ψαλλόντων αὐτῶν οἱ πέλας, καὶ ἐγνώρισαν τῷ βασιλεῖ. Καὶ εὐθέως παραλαβόντες πλῆτος στρατιωτῶν, ἐπέστησαν τῷ σπηλαίῳ· συλλαβόμενοί τε αὐτοὺς ἤγαγον εἰς τὴν πόλιν, ἔντα ὁ βασιλεὺς διέτριβεν· ἔγενέτο δὲ ἥνικα ἐξῆλθεν ὁ βασιλεὺς προσκυνῆσαι καὶ ἐπιθῦσαι τοῖς ναοῖς, προσήνεγκαν αὐτοὺς αὐτῷ, λέγοντες· Βασιλεῦ, πᾶσαν τὴν πόλιν, καὶ τὴν περίχωραν περιελθόντες, πάντας εὕρομεν θρησκεύοντας τοῖς θεοῖς, καὶ πειθαρχοῦντας τῷ δόγματί σου· μόνοι δὲ οὗτοι ἠπείθησαν τῷ θείῳ προστάγματί σου, καὶ ἐνύβρισαν τοὺς θεούς. Καὶ ἰδὼν αὐτοὺς ὁ βασιλεὺς, εὐθέως ἔστησε τὸ ἅρμα, καὶ προσκαλεσάμενος αὐτοὺς πλησίον, ἔφη πρὸς αὐτούς· Λέγετέ μοι, πόθεν ἐστὲ ὑμεῖς, ἐθάδιοι ἠ ἀλλογενεῖς; Οἱ δὲ ἅγιοι πρὸς αὐτὸν εἶπον. Ἐθάδιοι ἐσμὲν τῷ γένει, γαλιλαῖοι δὲ τῇ πίστει. Ὀ βασιλεὺς εἶπεν· Οὐκ ἔγνωτε οὖν οἷα τιμωρία ὥριστο κατὰ τῶν ἐν τῇ πίστει ταύτῃ εὑρισκομμένων, καὶ οἵῳ τέλει ἐχρήσαντο οἱ ἐμπεσόντες; Οὑ δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν εἶπον. Ναὶ ἔγνωμεν καὶ κατεγελάσαμεν τοῦ μωροῦ προστάγματος καὶ τῆς ἀνοίας σου· κατεγελάσαμεν δὲ πλέον καὶ τοῦ σατανᾶ, τοῦ ἐνεργοῦντος εἰς τοὺς υἱοὺς τῆς ἀπωλείας, ὧν ἔξαρχος εἶ σύ.

[3] Ὁ βασιλεὺς εἶπε· Μωρὸν ἐτολμήσατε εἰπεῖν τὸ ἐμὸν πρόσταγμα; Μὰ τοὺς μεγίστους θεοὺς, βασάνοις πικροτάταις τιμωρουμένους ὑμᾶς ἀναλώσω· ταῦτα εἰπὼν, ἐκέλευσε τείνεσθαι αὐτοὺς καὶ τύπτεσθαι ξύλοις ἀγρίοις, λέγων· Ἔλθοι ὁ Χριστὸς αὐτῶν, καὶ ἐξελεῖται αὐτοὺς ἐκ τῶν χειρῶν μου. Καὶ μετὰ τὸ ἱκανῶς τυφθῆναι, προσέταξεν ἄλλοις δορυφόροις προσελθοῦσι, ῥοπάλοις τύπτειν αὐτούς. Οἱ δὲ ἅγιοι τοῦ Χριστοῦ μάρτηρες βασανιζόμενοι, ἔλεγεν· πρόσθες, εἰ ἔχεις, καὶ ἄλλους βασανιστὰς, ὦ θεομάχε· ὅσῳ γὰρ πλεονάζεις ἡμῶν τὰς βασάνους, τοσούτῳ πληθύνεις ἡμῶν τοὺς στεφάνους. Ὁ δὲ τύραννος πρὸς αὐτοὺς εἶπεν· Ἄθλιοι, ἄρτι τὰς κεφαλὰς ὑμῶν αἴρω, καὶ στεφάνους προσδοκάτε; ἀρνήσασθε ταύτην ὑμῶν τὴν γνώμην, καὶ μὴ μάτην ἑαυτοὺς ἀπόλλυτε. Οἱ δὲ ἅγιοι εἶπον πρὸς αὐτόν· Εἰς ἀπώλειαν αὐτὸς μέλλεις χωρεῖν, τύπαννε καὶ ἐχθρὲ τῆς ἀληθείας, ὅτι τοὺς δούλους τοῦ θεοῦ μηδὲν κακὸν πεποιηκότας οὕτως πικρῶς βασανίζεις. Ὁ δὲ παράνομος βασιλεὺς μανεὶς σφόδρα, κελεύει λίθοις σφαιροείδεσι θλάσαι αὐτῶν τὰς σιαγόνας.

[4] Οἱ δὲ ἅγιοι πρὸς αὐτὸν εἴπον· Ἀσεβέστατε καὶ Θεοῦ πολέμιε, ὡς ἐπὶ ἀτοπήμασιν ἅλοτας ἡμᾶς τῇ πικρᾷ ταύτῃ καὶ ἀνηλεεῖ ὑποβληθῆναι βασάνῳ ἐκέλευσας· τύψει σε ὁ τοῦ Θεοῦ ἄγγελος, καὶ πάντα σου τὸν ἀσεβῆ οἶκον. Τύραννε καὶ αἱμοπότα, οὐκ ἠρκέσθης ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἐπήγαγες ἡμῖν κολαστηρίοις, οὐδὲ ἠκηδίασας ἐν τοσαύταις ὥραις ἐπιτείνων ἡμῖν τὰς βασάνους, οὐδὲ ἐνεθυμήθης ὅτι σῶμα περιβεβλήμεθα ὡς καὶ σὺ, εἰκαὶ τὸ μὲν σὸν ἀσεβέστατόν ἐστι καὶ παράνομον, τὸ δὲ ἡμέτερον ἔντιμον καὶ καθαρόν; λίθους γὰρ ἀκροτόμους οὐκ ἀν συνέτριψαν αἱ τοσαῦται βάσανοι, υἵε διαβόλου; Θυμωθεὶς δὲ ἐπὶ τούτοις ὁ βασιλεὺς λέγει. Μὰ τοὺς θεοὺς τὰς γλώσσας ὑμῶν ἀποτεμῶ, ἵνα ἐξ ὧν ὑμεῖς πάσχετε μάθωσιν οἱ ἄνθρωποι μὴ ἀντιλέγειν τοῖς δεσπόταις αὐτῶν. Οἱ δὲ ἅγιοι εἶπον τῷ βασιλεῖ· Καὶ ὅλως μισεῖς τοὺς ἀντιλέγοντας τοῖς δεσπόταις αὐτῶν; Ὁ βασιλεὺς λέγει· Οὐ μόνον μισῶ, ἀλλὰ καὶ τιμωροῦμαι αὐτούς. Οἱ ἅγιοι μάρτυρες εἶπον· Κἂν σαὐτοῦ ἄκουσον, δυσσεβέστατε. Εἰ γὰρ αὐτὸς τοὺς ἀπειθοῦντας τοῖς κατὰ κόσμον κυρίοις αὐτῶν μισεῖς καὶ τιμωρῇ, πῶς ἡμᾶς ἀναγκάζεις παρακούειν τοῦ δεσπότου καὶ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, ἵνα μέτοχοι γενώμεθα τῆς ἡτοιμασμμένης σοι κολάσεως σὺν τῷ πατέρι σου τῷ διαβόλῳ.

[5] Ὁ τύραννος ἔφη· τί μοι ἡτοίμασται, κατάδικοι, εἴπατε. Οἱ ἅγιοι εἶπον. Πῦρ ἄσβεστον, σκώληξ ἀκοίμητος, βάσανος ἀτελεύτητος, κόλασις αἰώνια, λάκκος ἀπωλείας, σκότος ἑξώτερον, ὅπου ὁ κλαυθμὸς καὶ ὁ βρυγμὸς τῶν ὁδόντων, καὶ πολλὰ ἕτερα κολαστήρια, ὧν τὰ εἴδη ἐπίσταται ὁ ἐτοιμάσας ὑμῖν αὐτὰ θεός. Ὁ βασιλεὺς λέγει αύτοῖς· Μὰ τοὺς θεοὺς τὰς γλώσσας ὑμῶν κελεύω ἀποτμηθῆναι, ἵνα κἂν οὕτως παύσω ὑμῶν τὴν φλυαρίαν. Ὁἱ δὲ ἅγιοι εἶπον· ἄφρον, κἂν σωματικὸν ὄργανον ἐκτέμῃς, δύναται ὁ στεναγμὸς τῆς καρδίας ἡμῶν πλείονα βοᾶν πρὸς τὸν Θεόν· καὶ γὰρ τὸ αἷμα ἡμῶν τὸ μάτην ἐκχυνόμενον στόμα ἔχει μεγαλοφωνότατον σάλπιγγος βοῶν πρὸς τὸν Θεὸν, δι᾽ ὃν ταῦτα πάσχομεν. Τότε θυμωθεὶς ὁ βασιλεὺς λέγει· Σημειώσασθε ἑνὸς ἑκάστου αὐτῶν τὰ όνόματα· καὶ σίδηρα περιθέντες αὐτοῖς κατὰ παντὸς τοῦ σώματος, ἀπαγάγετε εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον, ἔνθα οἱ κατάδικοι, καὶ πᾶν εἶδος τιμωρίας προσάξατε αὐτοῖς· οὐ γὰρ μόνον τῆς διὰ ξίφεος τιμωρίας ὑπεύθυνοί εἰσι, ἀλλὰ γὰρ καὶ ἑτέρας μείζονος κολάσεως· χρὴ γὰρ δι᾽ αὐτῶν σωφρονισθῆναι πᾶσαν τὴν πατρίδα καὶ τὴν περίχωραν.

While Maximian wishes to compel all at Nicomedia to sacrifice, It came to pass in the second circuit ^b of the tyrant Maximian, when he had entered the city of Nicomedia to put to death all who were found to be Christians, and had gone forward to the temple and adored the gods, that he ordered his own victims to be offered first, and then those of the city. All therefore, submitting to his impious and wicked command, made offering: these of bulls, those of calves, others of sheep, others of he-goats, others of birds; for the city was a lover of idolatry. And they sacrificed in every place and quarter ^c, both in the houses and in the open streets, so that the whole city with the neighboring places stank with smoke and with the sacrifices. And heralds went about everywhere, bidding men sacrifice and pour libations to the idols; for the emperor had ordered that those unwilling to sacrifice should be punished, and that every Christian found should be consumed by fire. There were therefore also appointed men of note to search the quarters and the whole city carefully, so that if they should detect any men or women believing in Christ, they might arrest them and set them before the prefect of the province, to be subjected to the most bitter punishment of torments. Some also gave money to informers. Neighbors, therefore, betrayed neighbors, friends their friends, kinsmen their kinsmen, drawn on by the gift of money. Others, fearing the emperor, informed against believers among their own household; for a penalty had been appointed against those who concealed Christians.

[2] Then it was reported to those who had been appointed to make the search twenty-three Christians are set before him, whom, having professed the faith, that certain Christians were hidden in a cave: for their neighbors had heard them singing by night, and informed the emperor. Presently, taking a company of soldiers, they set upon the cave, and arrested them and led them to the city, where the emperor was. And it came about, when the emperor had gone out to adore and sacrifice in the temples, that they offered them to him, saying: Emperor, going about the whole city and its neighborhood, we found all serving the gods and obeying thy edict; but these alone have not obeyed thy divine command, and have offered insult to the gods. Seeing them, the emperor at once ordered his chariot to halt, and, having called them near to himself, said to them: Tell me, whence are you — natives or foreigners? And the Saints themselves said: We are natives by birth, but Galileans by faith. The emperor said: Do you not know, then, what penalty has been appointed against those who are found in this religion, and what end those had who fell into our hands? They replied: Assuredly we know, and we have laughed at thy foolish command and at thy madness. But still more have we mocked Satan, who works in the sons of perdition, of whom thou art the prince.

[3] he tries with various torments: The emperor said: Have you dared to call my command foolish? By the greatest gods, I will destroy you, tortured with the bitterest torments! And saying this, he ordered them to be stretched out and beaten with rough cudgels, saying: Let their Christ come and snatch them out of my hands. After they had been violently beaten, he charged other attendants to strike them with clubs. But the holy Martyrs of Christ said amid their torments: Add, if thou hast them, still other torturers, thou enemy of God: for by as much as thou multipliest our torments, by so much dost thou increase our crowns. But the tyrant said to them: Wretches, presently I shall take off your heads, and do you look for crowns? Renounce this opinion of yours, and do not destroy yourselves in vain. But the Saints said to him: Thou thyself shalt go into perdition ^d, thou tyrant and enemy of the truth, because thou dost so bitterly torture the servants of God, who have done no evil. But the impious king, raging violently, ordered their jaws to be crushed with round stones.

[4] but these remain constant, And the Saints said to him: Most impious one and enemy of God, thou hast ordered us to be subjected to this bitter and merciless torment as though we had been caught in crimes. The angel of God shall strike thee, and thy whole impious house. Tyrant and drinker of blood, art thou not yet content with the torments thou hast brought upon us? Hast thou not wearied of straining our torments more violently for so many hours? Dost thou not consider that we are clothed with a body as thou art, although thine is most impious and wicked, but ours honorable and clean? For would not these so many torments have crushed even sharp stones, thou son of the devil? But the emperor, inflamed with anger at these words, said: By the gods, I will cut out your tongues, so that from what you suffer men may learn not to contradict their masters. The Saints said to the emperor: And dost thou utterly hate those who contradict their masters? The emperor replies: Not only do I hate them, but I punish them. The holy martyrs said: At least hear thyself, most impious one. For if thou thyself hatest and punishest those who do not obey their lords according to the world, how dost thou compel us not to obey the Lord and Savior

our Jesus Christ, that we may become partakers of the punishment prepared for thee together with thy father the devil?

[5] and they answer freely. The tyrant said: What is prepared for me, you condemned men? Tell me. The Saints said: Unquenchable fire, a worm that knows not sleep, a torment never to be ended, an eternal punishment, the pit of perdition, the outer darkness where there is weeping and gnashing of teeth, and many other torments, the kinds of which He knows who has prepared them for you — God. The emperor says to them: By the gods, I order your tongues to be cut out, that so at least I may make an end of your importunate loquacity. The Saints answered: Madman, even if thou shouldst cut out a bodily member, the groaning of our heart can cry out more things to God: for indeed our blood, poured out without cause, has a mouth most sonorous, like a trumpet, crying out to God, for whom we suffer these things. Then the emperor, in anger, said: Note down the names of each one of them, and bind them with iron over the whole body and lead them away to the prison where the condemned are; and inflict upon them every kind of penalty: for they are worthy not only of the punishment of the sword, but of another and greater punishment as well. For it is fitting that by their example the whole country and neighborhood be corrected.

ANNOTATIONS.

CHAPTER II.

Adrian joins himself to the Martyrs, and is led with them into prison: Natalia his wife visits him there, and exhorts him to martyrdom; and is in turn visited by him.

ἈΔριανὸς δέ τις τῶν ἡγουμμένων τῆς τάξεως, ἰδὼν τὸ καρτερικὸν αὐτῶν, καὶ τὴν μεγαλοψυχίαν τὴν πρὸς τὰς βασάνους, λέγει αὐτοῖς· Ὀρκίζω ὑμᾶς τὸν Θεὸν ὑμῶν, ἵνα εἴπητέ μοι μετὰ ἀληθείας τίνα ἐστὶν, ὰ προσδοκᾶτε ἀντάξια τούτων, ὧν ὑπομένετε βασάνων· ἐοίκασι γάρ μοι μεγάλα εἶναι καὶ ταυμαστά. Λέγουσιν αὐτῷ οἱ ἅγιοι· Οὔτε τὰ στόματα ἡμῶν ἱκάνουσι διηγήσασθαί σοι ἀκριβῶς περὶ αὐτῶν, οὔτε πάλεν ἡ ἀκοή σου παραδέξασθαι δύναται. Λέγει αὐτοῖς ὁ Ἀδριανὸς· Οὐδὲν οὖν ὅλως ἠκούσατε περὶ αὐτῶν, οὔτε ἀπὸ νόμου, οὔτε ἀπὸ προφητῶν, οὔτε ἀπὸ ἑτέρας γραφῆς· Εἶπον αὐτῷ οἱ ἄγιοι· Οὐδὲ αὐτοὶ οἱ προφῆται ἔγνωσαν περὶ αὐτῶν, ὣς δεῖ γνῶναι· καὶ γὰρ καὶ αὐτοὶ ἄνθρωποι ἦσαν, καὶ ὅσα ἐχώρησαν δεξασθαι παρὰ τοῦ ἁγίου Πνεύματος, ταῦτα καὶ ἐλάλησαν· γέγραπται δὲ περὶ ἐκείνων· Ὅ τι ἃ ὄφθαλμος οὐκ εἶδε, καὶ οὖς οὐκ ἤκουσε, καὶ ἐπὶ καρδίαν ἀνθρώπου οὐκ ἀνέβη, ἅ ἡτοίμασεν ὁ Θεὸς τοῖς ἀγαπῶσιν αὐτόν.

[7] Ταῦτα ἀκούσας Ἀδριανὸς, εὐθέως εἰσεπήδησε, καὶ ἔστη εἰς τὸ μέσον, καὶ λέγει τοῖς ταχυχράφοις· Τάξατε, παρακαλῶ, καὶ τὴν ἐμὴν ὀνομασίαν μετὰ τῶν ἁγίων τούτων ἀνδρῶν· Χριστιανὸς γὰρ εἰμὶ κἀγώ. Ἰδὼν δὲ αὐτὸν ὁ τύραννος μέσον τῶν ἁγίων μαρτύρων ἰστάμενον, καὶ ὑπονοήσας ὅτι κατηγορίαν καταθέσθαι βούλεται κατ᾽ αὐτῶν, ἔφη· Γράψατε ταχέως καὶ τὴν παρὰ τοῦ καθωσιωμένου Ἀδριανοῦ ὑποβαλλομένην κατ᾽ αὐτῶν κατηρορίαν. Λέγουσιν οἱ ταχυγράφοι· Χριστιανὸν ἑαυτὸν λέγει εἶναι, καὶ ἀξιοῖ ταγῆναι αὐτοῦ τὸ ὄνομα μετὰ τῶν ἀπηγορευμένων τούτων. Ὁ δὲ τήραννος σφόδρα ὀργισθεὶς, ἔφη πρὸς αὐτόν· Αἴτησαι συγγνώμην παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ, καὶ εἰπὲ ἐπὶ πάντων, ὅτι κατὰ συναρταγὴ τὸ ῥῆμα ἐλάλησα, καὶ ἀπαλείψω σοῦ τὸ ὄνομα ἀπὸ τῶν κατακρίτων. Ἀδριανὸς εἶπε· Τὸν Θεόν μου ἀπὸ τοῦ νῦν συγγκοίμην αἰτῶ ἐπὶ τῷ πεφαυλισμένῳ μου βίῳ, καὶ ἐπὶ τοῖς προφθάσασί με ἀτοπήμασι. Καὶ θυμωθεὶς ὁ Μαξιμιανὸς ἐκέλευσε σιδηρωθέντα αὐτὸν ἀπενεχθῆναι εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον μετὰ τῶν ἁγίων, τάξας ἡμέραν ἐν ᾗ ἀκούσει αὐτῶν.

[8] Εἷς δέ τις τῶν οἰκέτων Ἀδριανοῦ, εὐθέως δραμὼν εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν ἀπήγγειλε τῇ γυναικὶ αὐτοῦ Ναταλίᾳ, λέγων· Ὁ κύριός μου σιδηρωθεὶς ἀπηνέχθη εἰς τὴν φυλακὴν. Ἡ δὲ ἀναστάσα διέρρηξε τὴν ἐσθῆτα αὐτῆς, καὶ ὠλόλυξε μετὰ φωνῆς, καὶ εἶπε κλαίουσα τῷ παιδί· Τίς ἡ αἰτία, δι᾽ ἣν ἐνεκλείσθη ὁ κύριός μου; Ἔφη πρὸς αὐτὴν ὁ παῖς· Τινὰς εἶδε βασανιζομένους ὑπὲρ τοῦ ὀνόματος τοῦ λεγομένου Χριστοῦ, καὶ μὴ βουλομένους ἐπιθῦσαι· καὶ μὴ ἀναγκασθεὶς ὑπό τινος, παρεκάλεσε τοὺς ταχυγράφους τάξαι αὐτοῦ τὸ ὄνομα μετὰ τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐκείνων, εἰπὼν· Ὅτι ἡδέως μετ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀποθνήσκω. Λέγει αὐτῷ ἡ γυνή· Καὶ οὐκ ἔγνως διατί ἐβασανίσθησαν οἱ ἄνδρες ἐκεῖνοι; Ἔφη αὐτῇ ὁ παῖς· Ἔρηκά σοι ὅτι ἐπειδὴ οὐκ ἐβουλήθησαν ἐπιθῦσαι, διὰ τοῦτο ἐβασανίσθησαν. Τότε περιχαρὴς γενομένη ἡ μακαρία Ναταλία, ἀναστᾶσα ἤλλαξε τὴν διαρραγεῖσαν αὐτῆς στολήν· καὶ δρομαῖα ὥρμησεν εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον πρὸς αὐτόν. Ἦν γὰρ γονέων πιστῶν θυγάτηρ, καὶ ἐφοβεῖτο ὁμολογῆσαι διὰ τὴν τότε ἐπικρατοῦσαν ἀσέβειαν.

[9] Καὶ εἰσελθοῦσα εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον προσπίπτει τοῖς ποσὶν αὐτοῦ, καὶ λέγει αὐτῷ, καταφιλοῦσα τὰ δεσμὰ αὐτοῦ· Μακάριος εἶ, κύριέ μου Ἀδριανέ, ὅτι εὖρες, ἃ μὴ κατέλιπόν σοι οἱ γονεῖς σου· ἀληθῶς οὑτῶς εὐλογηθήσεται πᾶς ἄνθρωπος ὁ φοβούμενος τὸν Κύριον. Νῦν κύριέ μου ἀμέριμνος ἀπέρχῃ εἰς ἐκεῖνον τὸν κόσμον, προαποτιθέμενος ἑαυτῷ πλούτον, ὃν εὑρήσεις ἐν καιρῷ τῆς χρείας, ὅταν οἱ πολυκτήμονες ἐνδεεῖς ὦσι, καὶ οἱ ἐνδεεῖς, πλούσιοι, ὅταν οὐκ ἔστι τοῦ δανείσασθαι καιρὸς, καὶ τοῦ ἐν χρήσει λαβεῖν, ὅτε οὐδὲν οὐδένα ρύεται ἀπὸ τὴς κόλασεως, οὔτε τίς τινι προστήσεται, οὐ πατὴρ υἱῷ, οὐ μήτηρ θυγατρί, οὐ πλούτος τῷ συνάξαντι αὐτόν, οὐκ οἰκέται τοῖς δεσπόταις αὐτῶν, οὐ φίλοι φίλοις· πᾶντες γὰρ τὰ ἴδια φορτία βαστάσουσι. Σὺ δὲ, κύριέ μου, τὰ σαυτοῦ μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ ἔχων πορεύῃ, κομιζόμενος τὰς ἐπαγγελίας. Νῦν ἀπέρχῃ τεθαρρηκώς, οὐδὲν τῶν μελλόντων δεινῶν φοβούμενος· ἀλλῶς χρέος τὸν μισθόν σου ἀπαιτήσεις παρὰ τοῦ δικαίου Κριτοῦ. Καταπεπάτηταί σοι τὸ πῦρ καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ κολαστήρια.

[10] Μόνον ἔμμεινον ἐν τῇ κλήσει, ᾗ ἐκλήθης· μηδὲν, κύριέ μου, τῶν κατὰ σὲ τὸν ἀγαθόν σου σκοπὸν ἐμποδίσῃ· μὴ γονεῖς, μὴ γένος, μοὺ χρήματα, μὴ κτήματα, μὴ παῖδες, μὴ παιδίσκαι, μὴ ἄλλό τι τῶν ἐπὶ γῆς· πάντα γὰρ ταῦτα παρέρχεται, πάντα φθείρεται, πάντα μειοῦται. Ἐκείνων μόνων ἀντιποιήθητι τῶν αἰωνίων καὶ μὴ παρερχομένων, ἃ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ ὄψει πρόσωπον πρὸς πρόσωπον. Μή σου τὸν τόνον τῆς ψυχῆς ἡ κολακεία τῶν φίλων ἐκλύσῃ· μὴ ὑποκλέψωσί σου τὴν πίστιν τοῖς μαλακοῖς καὶ ἀπατηλοῖς αὐτῶν λόγοις. Μίσησον αὐτῶν τὴν κολακείαν· ἄρνησαι αὐτῶν τὴν ἀσεβῆ συμβουλίαν· ἀποστράφηθι τὴν πονηρὰν αὐτῶν ἐγχείρησιν. Τούτους ὅρα τοὺς ἁγίους διαπαντὸς, κύριέ μου· μίμησαι αὐτῶν τὴν καρτερίαν· Ζήλωσον αὐτῶν τὴν ὑπομονήν. Μή σε ταράξῃ τοῦ βασιλέως ὁ θυμός· μηδὲ πτοήσῃ σε τῶν βασάνων τὰ εἴδη· μήτε μὴν θορυβήσῃ σε τὸ πῦρ τοῦτο τὸ πρόσκαιρον· ἀλλὰ καταφρόνησον αὐτοῦ τῆς φλογὸς, καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν βασάνων· καὶ ταῦτα εἰποῦσα ἡσύχασε.

[11] Τότε λέγει αὐτῇ ὀ μακάριος Ἀδριανός· Πορεύου, κυρία, εἰς τὸν οἶκον σου, καὶ ἴσθι ἐκεῖ· καὶ ὅτε ἐπιλνῶ εἰσαγώγιμον γίνεσθαι ἡμῶν τὴν δίκην, μεταπέμψομαί σε, καὶ ἐπιστήσῃ τῇ τελειώσει ἡμῶν. Καὶ ἀναστᾶσα ἡ μακαρία Ναταλία περιῆλθε πάντας τοὺς ἁγίους, καταφιλοῦσα αὐτῶν τὰ δεσμά· ἦσαν γὰρ εἴκοσι καὶ τρεῖς τὸν ἀριθμόν· καὶ παρεκάλει αὐτοὺς λέγουσα· Δέομαι ὑμῶν, κύριοι, ἀντιλάβοισθε τοῦ προβάτου τοῦ Χριστοῦ· διδάξατε αὐτὸν τὰ σύμβολα τῆς ὑπομονῆς· εἴπατε αὐτῷ τίνα ἐστὶν, ἃ δωρεῖται ὑμῖν ἡ καρτερία· ἐμαθήτευσε γὰρ αὐτὸν ἡ ὑμετέρα τλίψις. Οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ καρπὸς τῶν ὑμετέρων βασάνων· αὕτη ἡ προσφορὰ τῶν ὑμετέρων πόνων. Κερδήσατε σὺν ταῖς ὑμετέραις ψυχαῖς καὶ τὴν τούτου ψυχήν. Ὀφειλέτην ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ τὸν Χριστὸν ἔχετε. Ἐγένεσθε αὐτῷ πατέρες ἀντὶ τῶν κατὰ σάρκα ἀσεβῶν ὄντων. Λοιπὸν πιστώσασθε αὐτὸν καὶ περὶ τῆς μακαρίας λήξεως, ἵνα ἀπληστευσάμενος περὶ αὐτὴν, τελείως ὑπομείνῃ τὸν ἀγώνα. Καὶ ταῦτα εἰποῦσα, προσέπεσε τοῖς ποσὶν αὐτῶν, καὶ κατεφίλει τὰ ἐπικείμενα αὐτῶν δεσμά.

[12] Εἶτα ἀπελθοῦσα πάλιν πρὸς Ἀδριανὸν· ἦν γὰρ ἐν τῷ ἐσωτέρῳ οἴκῳ τεταμένος ἐν τῷ ξύλῳ, λέγει αὐτῷ· Ὅρα, κύριέ μου, μὴ τερφθῆς τῇ καλλονῇ τοῦ σώματός σου, μὴ δὲ πρὸς τὸ εὐειδὲς τῆς ἡλικίας σου πρόσχης· ταῦτα γὰρ πάντα τροφὴ σκωλήκων εστί. Μὴ ἡττήσῃ σε χρυσίον, ἢ ἀργύριον, ἢ ἔνδυμα, ἢ τινὸς τῶν λοιπῶν ἐπιθυμία· οὐδὲν γὰρ τούτων παρίσταται ἡμῖν ἐν τῇ ὥρᾳ ἐκείνῃ τῃ φοβερᾷ· τὰ γὰρ ἀπὸ γῆς εἰς γῆν ἀπομένει· οὐκ ἔστιν ἐκεῖ δῶρα δοῦναι ὑπὲρ ψυχῆς· οὐδεὶς γάρ ἐστιν ὁ λαμβάνων. Μόναις δὲ ταῖς τῶν ἁγίων ψυχαῖς δωροδοκεῖται Θεός. Ταῦτα εἰποῦσα, καὶ ἀσπασαμένη αὐτὸν, ἐπορεύθη εἰς τὸν οἶκον αὐτῆς χαίρουσα.

[13] Μετὰ δέ τινας ἡμέρας, γνοὺς ὁ Ἀδριανὸς εἰσαγώγιμον εἶναι τὴν δίκην, ἔφη πρὸς τοὺς ἁγίους· Ἐπιτρέψατέ μοι, ὅπως ἀπελθὼν ἀγάγω τὴν δούλην ὑμῶν τὴν ἀδελφήν μου, ἵνα ἐπιστῇ τῷ μαρτηρίῳ ἡμῶν· ἐπηγγειλάμην γὰρ αὐτῇ τοῦτο. Καὶ ἐπιτραπεὶς, ἔδωκε χρήματα ἱκανὰ ταῖς δεσμοφήλαξι, καὶ ἔπορεύθη ἀνάδοχον δεδωκὼς τὸν τῶν ἁγίων χορόν. Πορευουμένου δὲ αὐτοῦ ἐν τῇ ὁδῷ, ὅρᾷ τις αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως τῶν γνωρίμων, καὶ δραμὼν ἀπήγγειλε Ναταλίᾳ τῇ συζύγῳ αὐτοῦ, λέγων· Ἀπελύθη ὁ κῦρις ^c Ἀδριανὸς, καὶ ἰδοὺ παραγίνεται· ἐγγίζοντα γὰρ αὐτὸν καταλέλοιπα ἐν τῇ ὁδῷ. Ἡ δὲ ἠπίστησε, λέγουσα· Τίς ἀπολύσει αὐτὸν ἐκ τῶν δεσμῶν ἐκείνων; μὴ γένοιτο χωρισθῆναι αὐτὸν τῆς μακαρίας συνοδίας ἐκείνης. Καὶ ἔτι λαλούσης

αὐτῆς, ἰδοὺ καὶ ἕτερός τις τῶν οἰκετῶν παρεγένετο, λέγων· Ὁ κύριός μου ἀπελύθη, καὶ ἰδοὺ ἐλήλυθεν. Ἡ δὲ διεταράχθη, νομίσασα, ὅ τι τὸ μαρτύριον ἀπέδρα, καὶ ἔκλαιε σφοδρώς. Ἰδοῦσα δὲ αὐτὸν, καὶ καταλιποῦσα τὰ ἐν χερσὶν αὐτῆς, ἀνέστη καὶ ἀπέκλεισε τὰς θύρας κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἐβόα, λέγουσα· Πόρρω γένοιτο ἀπ᾽ ἐμοῦ ὁ ἐκπεπτωκὼς τοῦ Θεοῦ, ὁ ψευσάμενος κύριον τὸν Θεὸν αὐτοῦ· μή μοι γένοιτο στόματι λαλῆσαι ἀρνησαμένῳ τὸν Θεὸν αὐτοῦ, μηδὲ ἀκοῦσαι λόγον ἀπὸ γλώσσης δόλον ποιησάσης τῷ Δημιουργῷ αὐτῆς.

[14] Καὶ λέγει αὐτῷ αὐστηρᾷ τῇ φωνῇ· Ὦ ἄθλιε πάντων ἀνθρώπων, τίς σε ἠνάγκασε πράγματι τοιουτῷ ἐπιχειρῆσαι, ὅπερ οὐ προηρήσω πληρῶσαι; τίς δὲ ἀπεσχοίνισέ σε τῆς εἰρηνικῆς καταστάσεως; πῶς δὲ ἀπέδρας πρὸ τῆς ἐπαναστάσεως τοῦ πολέμου, καὶ τὰ ὅπλα ἔρριψας οὐχ ἑωρακὼς τὸν ἀντίπαλον; τῶς δὲ καὶ ἐπλήγης, μήπω βέλους κατὰ σοῦ πεμφθέντος; Κἀγὼ δὲ ἐθαύμασα, εἰ ἐκ γένους ἀθέων, καὶ ἐκ πόλεως ἀσεβῶν ἀγαθόν τι ἐξανύεται, καὶ ἀπὸ ἔθνεος φονευτῶν θυσία τῷ Θεῷ καθαρὰ προσφέρεται· οὐ γὰρ ἐνεχώρει τὸν ἀέρα ταῖς αἵματεκχυσίαις μιαίνοντα καθαρὸν θυμίαμα προσφέρεσθαι τῷ Θεῷ. Ἐγὼ δὲ τί ποιήσω ἡ ἀθλία, ἡ συντυχοῦσα ἐξ εὐσεβῶν ἀσεβεῖ; οὐδὲ πρὸς ὥραν ἠξἰώθην γυνὴ κληθῆναι μάρτυρος· ἀλλ᾽ εὐθέως παραβάτου σύζυγος ἐγενόμην· πρὸς ὀλίγον μοι ἡ καύχησις γέγονε, καὶ εἰς αἰῶνα τὸ ὀνειδός μου ἔσται· πρὸς ὥραν ἐν γυναιξὶν ἐμακαρίσθην, καὶ ἰδοὺ πορεύομαι κατησχυμμένη ἐν αὐταῖς.

[15] Ὁ δὲ μακάριος Ἀδριανὸς ταῦτα ἀκούων ἠνείχετο· σφόδρα γὰρ εὐφραίνετο ἐπὶ τοῖς λόγοις αὐτῆς· ἠπείγετο δὲ πλέον πληρῶσαι ἐκείνο, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ καὶ ἔσπευσεν· ἅμα δὲ καὶ ἐθαύμαζεν, ὅτι γυνὴ τοιαῦτα λαλεῖ, καίτοι νέα οὖσα τῇ ἡλικίᾳ, καὶ τῷ γάμῳ νεωστὶ προσομιλήσασα· μῆνες γὰρ ἦσαν οὔπω δεκατρεῖς τῆς συνοικήσεως αὐτῶν. Ὅτε δὲ εἶδεν έν τῷ παντὶ γενομένην αὐτὴν, τότε λέγει αὐτῇ· Ἄνοιξόν μοι, κυρία Ναταλία· οὗ γὰρ, ὡς σὺ ὑπολαμβάνεις, τὸ μαρτύριον πέφευγα· μὴ γένοιτο· ἀλλὰ παραλαβεῖν σε ἤκω τοῦ παραστῆναι τῇ τελειώσει ἡμῶν, καθώς σοι συνεταξάμην. Ἡ δὲ ἠπίστει αὐτῷ, λέγουσα· Ἰδοῦ ψεύδεταί μοι ὁ ἄλλος Ἰούδας. Πορεύου ἀπ᾽ ἐμοῦ, ἐπεὶ ἐμαυτὸν διαχειρίζομαι· αὐτὸ γάρ μοι λοιπὸν πρόκειται. Ὥρας δὲ πλείστης διαγενομένης, λέγει αὐτῇ· Ἄνοιξόν μοι, κυρία, ἐπεὶ ἀπέρχομαι μὴ ἑωρακώς σε, καὶ πενθήσεις πάντα τὸν χρόνον τῆς ζωῆς σου, μὴ θεασαμένη με πρὸ τῆς ἐξόδου μου· ἀνἄδοχον γὰρ δέδωκα τὸν τῶν ἁγίων χορὸν· καὶ ἐὰν ζηθηθεὶς μὴ εὑρεθῶ, ὑποστῆναι ἔχουσι σὺν ταῖς ἰδιαῖς καὶ τὰς ἐμὰς βασάνους, καὶ οὐχ ὑπομένουσι· νεκροὶ γάρ εἰσι λοιπὸν ἐξ ὧν ἔπαθον ὑπὸ τοῦ τυράννου.

[16] Ὅτε δὲ ἤκουσεν ἡ μακαρία ὡς ἀληθῶς, ὅτι ἀνάδοχον δέδωκε τὸν τῶν ἁγίων χορὸν, καὶ ὅτι μέλλουσι θλίβεσθαι δι᾽ αὐτὸν, εὐθέως ἤνοιξεν αὐτῷ, καὶ προσεκύνησαν ἀλλήλους. Ἕφη δὲ αὐτῇ ὁ μακάριος Ἀδριανός· Μακαρία εἶ ἐν γυναιξὶν, ὅτι σὺ μόνη ἔγνως ὠφελῆσαι τὸν ἄνδρα σου, φίλανδρος γενομένη ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς· μεγαλυνθείῃ ὁ στέφανός σου· σὺ γὰρ τὴν νικὴν ἐκαρπώσω, καὶ ἐμαρτήρησας μὴ παθοῦσα· καὶ παραλαβὼν αὐτὴν, ἐπορεύθη. Ἀπερχομένων δὲ αὐτῶν ἐν τῇ ὁδῷ, λέγει αὐτῇ ὁ μακάριος Ἀδριανός· Πῶς διέθηκας τὰ πράγματά σου, κυρία; Ἡ δὲ ἀποκριθεῖσα, εἶπε· Μὴ μνησθῇς, κύριέ μου, τῶν προσκαίρων καὶ παρερχομένων, ἵνα μὴ ἐπισκοτίσωσί σου τὸν νοῦν πρὸς αὐτά. Ἓν μόνον μερίμνησον, ἵνα ὅπερ ἐνήρξω, τοῦτο καὶ πληρώσῃς· περίελε ἀπὸ σοῦ πάντα τὰ κοσμικὰ, τὰ πάντως φθειρόμενα· ἐκεῖνα δὲ μόνον καὶ ζήτησον τὰ μὴ παρερχόμενα, τὰ ἀποκείμενά σοι καὶ τοῖς ἁγίοις ἐκείνοις ἀγαθὰ, μεθ᾽ ὧν ὁδεύεις.

Adrian questions the Martyrs concerning the reward of martyrdom, But Adrian, one of the leaders of the troop, seeing their constancy and their greatness of soul amid the torments, says to them: I adjure you by your God, that you tell me truly what those things are which you await as the rewards of these torments which you suffer: for they seem to me to be great and exceedingly wonderful. The Saints say to him: Neither do our mouths suffice to set these things forth to you exactly; nor again can your hearing take them in. Adrian answers them: Have you then heard nothing at all concerning them, neither from the law, nor from the prophets, nor from any other scripture ^a? The Saints replied to him: Not even the prophets themselves knew of these things in the manner in which they ought to be known; for they too were men, and what they had received from the Holy Spirit, this also they spoke. But of these things it is written: That eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, neither hath it ascended into the heart of man, what things God hath prepared for them that love him.

[7] Hearing this, Adrian swiftly sprang forward and stood in the midst of them, and thereupon professes the faith and is led with them to prison: saying to the scribes: Set down, I beseech you, my name also with these holy Men: for I too am a Christian. But the tyrant, seeing him standing in the midst of the Martyrs, and supposing that he wished to lodge an accusation against them, said: Write down quickly the accusation brought against them by the most upright Adrian. The scribes reply: He says that he is a Christian, and he entreats that his name be written with these condemned men. Then the tyrant, exceedingly enraged, said to him: Beg pardon of me, and say before all that the word you uttered slipped out unawares: and I will strike your name from the number of the condemned. Adrian answered: Of my God do I now beg pardon for my perverse life and for the sins committed by me. Maximian, in anger, ordered him to be bound with iron chains and led away to prison with the Saints, appointing a day on which he would hear them.

[8] Now one of Adrian's servants, running swiftly home, announced to his wife Natalia, saying: Natalia, on hearing of Adrian's imprisonment, My lord Adrian has been bound with iron and led away to prison. But she, rising, rent her garment, and wailed with a loud voice, and said weeping to the servant: What is the cause for which my Lord has been shut up in prison? The boy answered her: He saw certain men tortured for the name of him who is called Christ, and because they refused to sacrifice: and, compelled by no one, he urged the scribes to join his name with those men, saying: For I gladly die with them. The Woman says to him: Do you not know why these men were tortured? The servant answered her: I have told you that it was because they refused to sacrifice that they were tortured. Then the blessed Natalia, rejoicing, rose and changed her rent garment, and came in haste to him in the prison: for she was the daughter of believing parents, and feared to confess because of the impiety that then prevailed.

[9] she comes to the prison, and with many Having entered the prison, she casts herself at his feet, and, having kissed his chains, says to him: Blessed are you, my Lord Adrian, because you have found what your parents did not leave you. Truly thus shall every man be blessed that fears the Lord. Now, my Lord, you go without care to that other world, sending on before you those riches which you will find in the time of need, when many that possess much shall be in want, and the needy shall abound in riches: when there is no time for lending at interest, nor for receiving a loan, since nothing snatches anyone from punishment, nor shall anyone defend another, not a father his son, not a mother her daughter, not riches those who gathered them, not servants their masters, not friends their friends: for all shall bear their own burdens. But you, my Lord, go having your own goods with you, carrying the promises. Now you depart full of confidence, fearing nothing of the evils to come: rather you shall even demand from the just Judge the reward due to you. For you have despised the fire and the remaining torments.

[10] She exhorts her husband to constancy: Only remain in the calling wherein you have been called: let nothing of what is yours, my Lord, tear you away from the good end set before you, not parents, not family, not moneys, not possessions, not menservants, not maidservants, nor anything else of earthly things: for all these pass away, all are corrupted, all are diminished. Claim for yourself those things alone which are eternal and do not perish, which shortly you shall see face to face. Let not the flattery of friends dissolve the fervor of your soul: let them not deceive your faith with their soft and deceitful discourses. Hold their flattery in hatred; renounce their impious counsels; turn away from their perverse endeavor. Look always, my Lord, upon these Saints: imitate their fortitude; follow their patience. Let not the anger of the emperor disturb you, nor let the sight of the torments terrify you, nor let that temporary fire put fear into you; but despise its flame, as also the remaining torments ^b: and having said these things, she fell silent.

[11] she commends him also to the other Martyrs: Then the blessed Adrian says to her: Go home, Lady, and remain there: when I have learned that our cause is to be brought forward, I will send for you, and you shall be present at our end. But the blessed Natalia, rising, went about to all the Saints, kissing their chains: for they were twenty-three in number: and she besought them, saying: I pray you, Lords, come to the aid of the sheep of Christ: give him lessons of endurance: tell him what rewards are set before your patience: for your tribulation has taught him. He is the fruit of your torments, he the offering of your labors. Gain, together with your own souls, this man's soul also. You have Christ as debtor on his behalf. You have become his fathers in place of his carnal parents, who are impious. Moreover, give him assurance concerning the blessed inheritance, that, seeking it with an insatiable desire, he may perfectly sustain the contest. Having uttered these things, she prostrated herself at their feet, and kissed the chains laid upon them.

[12] Then, having returned again to Adrian (for he was in an inner chamber, stretched upon the wood), she says to him: then, having again exhorted Adrian, she returns home. See, my Lord, that you take no delight in the appearance of your body, nor look upon the beauty of your youth: for all these things are food for worms. Let not gold conquer you, or silver, or raiment, or the desire of any other thing whatsoever: for none of these things stands by us in that dread hour: since earthly things remain upon earth: no gifts can there be given for a soul: for there is none to receive them. God receives as gifts the souls of the Saints alone. Having said these things, and having taken leave of him, she returned home rejoicing.

[13] After some days, Adrian, knowing that the judgment was at hand, Adrian, having given money to the guards, comes home to Natalia, said to the Saints: Permit me to go and bring your handmaid, my sister, that she may be present at our martyrdom: for I promised her this. Having received leave, he gave much money to the guards of the prison, and went, having given as sureties the Saints'

company having been given as surety. Now while he was going along the way, someone among the acquaintances of the city saw him, and running, announced to Natalia his wife, saying: My lord Adrian has been released, and behold he is here: for I left him on the road drawing near. But she did not believe it, saying: Who shall loose him from those chains? Never let it happen that he be separated from that blessed company. While she was still speaking, behold another also is at hand from among the household servants, saying: My lord has been loosed, and behold he comes. But she was troubled, supposing that he was fleeing martyrdom, and she wept vehemently. Then, catching sight of him, she left the things that were in her hands, rose, and shut the door against him, and cried out saying: Far from me let him depart who has forsaken God, who has lied to the Lord his God: far be it from me to speak to the mouth that has denied its own God; or to hear the speech of a tongue that has used deceit against its Creator.

[14] Then in a stern voice she says to him: O most wretched of all men, and, suspecting that he had fled, who compelled you to undertake such a work as you did not purpose to accomplish? Who separated you from your quiet tranquility? By what reasoning did you flee before the onset of the war, and cast away your arms, the enemy not yet seen? In what manner too were you wounded, no arrow yet let fly against you? But indeed I wondered whether from a race of atheists and from a city of the impious anything good could be accomplished, and whether from a nation of murderers a clean victim could be offered to God: for the air, polluted with the sheddings of blood, could not bring forth clean incense to God. But what shall I do, wretched that I am, who, sprung from the pious, have been joined to an impious man? Not even for an hour was I counted worthy to be called the wife of a Martyr, but straightway I became the consort of a transgressor: for a brief time my glory lasted, and for an age shall my reproach endure: for an hour I was blessed among women, and behold I now move among them suffused with shame.

[15] But the blessed Adrian, hearing these things, bore with them: for he was greatly delighted by her words, she rebukes him with harsh words, and was the more roused to accomplish that very thing to which he was also hastening. Moreover he marveled that a woman should speak such things, and she young in age, and but very lately bound in marriage: for there were not yet thirteen months in which they had been joined in wedlock. But when he saw that she had come to the height of the matter, then he says to her: Open to me, lady Natalia: for I have not, as you suspect, fled martyrdom, far from it: but I come to fetch you, that you may be present at our end, as was agreed between us. But she did not believe him, saying: Behold, another Judas lies to me. Depart from me, since I take charge of myself ^d: for that is henceforth my purpose. But when much time had passed, he says to her: Open to me, lady, for I am going away without seeing you: and you will mourn all the time of your life, if you do not see me before my departure: for I have given the band of the Saints as sureties: and if I be sought and not found, they will be compelled to bear my torments along with their own: and these they cannot endure, since they are besides as it were dead from the torments which the tyrant inflicted upon them.

[16] but, understanding the cause of his coming, she accompanies him to the prison. After the Blessed woman heard that he had truly given the Saints as sureties, and that they were to be tortured on his account, she at once opened to him, and they venerated one another. And the blessed Adrian said to her: Blessed are you among women, because you alone have known how to profit your husband, loving your husband's deeds upon the earth. Let your crown be exalted, for you have obtained victory for your fruit, and martyrdom without suffering. Then, having taken her with him, he departed. And as they were going along the way, the blessed Adrian says to her: How have you ordered your affairs, lady? But she, answering, said: Do not, my Lord, think about temporary and passing things, lest they draw you to themselves and darken your mind. Care for this one thing, that what you have begun, this also you may accomplish: put away from you all worldly things, which utterly perish: seek only those goods which do not pass away, and which are laid up for you, and for those Saints with whom you set forth.

ANNOTATIONS.

CHAPTER III.

Natalia serves Adrian and the remaining Martyrs in prison: Adrian, led with the others to Maximian, bravely endures various torments.

Εἰσελθόντων δὲ αὐτῶν ἐν τῷ δεσμωτηρίῳ, Θεασαμένη ἡ μακαρία Ναταλία τοὺς ἁγίους, προσελθοῦσα προσεκύνει τὰ δεσμὰ αὐτῶν. Ἦν δὲ τὰ σώματα αὐτῶν σεσηπότα ἀπὸ τῶν πληγῶν, ὡς καὶ σκώληκας ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐξέρχεσθαι καὶ ἕρπειν καθ᾽ ἕνὸς ἑκάστου αὐτῶν. Ἐκπλαγεῖσα δὲ τὴν πληγὴν, ἀπέστειλε τὰς θεράπαινας αὐτῆς, καὶ ἤνεγκε πᾶσαν τὴν ἀθόνην αὐτης πολύτιμον οὖσαν καὶ καλὴν σφόδρα· ἦν γὰρ πρώτη τῶν εὐγενίδων, ἔκ τε πατέρων καὶ τοῦ ἀνδρός. Καὶ λαβοῦσα διέσπασεν αὐτὴν, καὶ κατέμασσε τὸν ἰχῶρα τῶν τραυμάτων αὐτῶν, ἐπιδεσμοῦσα τὰς χεῖρας καὶ τοὺς πόδας αὐτῶν· ἦσαν γὰρ διερρωγότες ἀπὸ τοῦ δεσμοῦ τῶν σιδήρων. Ἐποίησε δὲ ἡ μακαρία Ναταλία ἐν τῇ φυλακῇ ἡμέρας ἑπτὰ, παντοίως θεραπεύουσα αὐτοὺς, ἄχρι τῆς προσόδου τοῦ τυράννου.

[18] Ὅτε δὲ ἐκέλευσεν ὁ τύραννος προσαχθῆναι τοὺς ἁγίους, παραγενόμενοι οἱ δήμιοι εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον, καὶ παραλαβόντες αὐτοὺς, ἀπήγαγον, ἐπιθέντες ἐπὶ ἀστρώτων ζώων· ἦσαν γὰρ οἱ πάντες διαλελυμένοι ἀπὸ τῶν πληγῶν, καὶ συνδεδεμένοι ἁλύσει μιᾷ. Ἀδριανὸς δὲ περιεπάτει δεδεμένας ἔχων τὰς χεῖρας ὄπισθεν. Ὡς δὲ ἤγγισαν τῷ κριτηρίῳ, ἰδὡν αὐτοὺς ὁ ἐπιτεταγμένος τὰς δίκας, εἰσελθὼν ἐγνώρισε τῷ βασιλεῖ, λέγων· Ἑστήκασι πρὸ τοῦ φροντιστηρίου οἱ κατάκριτοι. Καὶ ἔφη ὀ τύραννος· Σκηματίσας πάντας αὐτοὺς, εἰσάγαγε, ὅπως ἀλλήλων τὰς βασάνους ὁρῶντες ἀρνήσωνται τὸ σέβας καὶ τὴν πίστιν αὐτῶν. Ὁ δὲ ἀποκριθεὶς, εἶπεν· Οἱ μὲν πρώην βασανισθέντες οὐ δύνανται ἀπὸ τῆς ὑπερβολῆς τῶν πληγῶν νυνὶ ἐρωτηθῆναι· ἕστηκε δὲ Ἀδριανὸς ἀκμαἳος, δυνάμενος πᾶσαν ἐρώτησιν ὑποστῆναι· ἐκείνων γὰρ σέσηπται τὰ μέγη, ὡς καὶ τὰς πλευρὰς αὐτῶν ἔξωθεν φαίνεσθαι. Ἐὰν οὐν νυνὶ ἐρωτηθῶσιν, εὐθέως ἐκλιμπάνουσι καὶ ἀπαλλάσσονται τῶν μετὰ ταῦτα βασάνων· οὐ δίκαιον δὲ οὕτως τιμωρηθέντας αὐτοὺς τὸν βίον διεξελθεῖν ὡς μηδέν ἐπταικότας. Ἀναλάβωσι τοίνυν ἡμέρας ὀλίγας, ὅπως ἄξια τῶν πεπλημμελημένων αὐτοῖς ὑποστῶσι· καὶ, εἰ κελεύει τὸ σὸν κράτος, Ἀδριανὸς παραστήσεται.

[19] Ὁ τύραννος ἔφη· Σχηματίσαντες αὐτὸν, εἰσαγάγετε. Οἱ δὲ τοῦτον ἀποδύσαντες, εἰσήγαγον, αἵροντα τὸ ξύλον ἐπὶ τῷν ὤμων. Πορευομένου δὲ αὐτοῦ, λέγουσιν αὐτῷ οἱ ἅγιοι. Ἰδοὺ, Ἀδριανέ, καθηξιώθης ἆραι τὸν σταυρόν σου, καὶ ἀκολουθῆσαι τῷ Δεσπότῃ. Ὅρα μὴ ἀναλύσῃς διακενῶς ἀπὸ τῶν ὄπισθεν αὐτοῦ· μή σου τὸν θησαυρὸν τῆς ψυχῆς συλήσῃ ὁ διάβολος· μὴ φοβηθῇς ἐξ ὧν ὁρᾷς· ἀλλ᾽ ἀπόβλεψον εἰς ἃ προσδοκᾷς· καταφρόνησον τοῦ τυράννου· οὐ γὰρ ἄξια τὰ παθήματα τοῦ νῦν καιροῦ πρὸς τὴν μέλλουσαν δόξαν ἀποκαλυφθῆναι εἰς ἡμᾶς. Ἡ δὲ μακαρία Ναταλία πλησιάσασα αὐτῷ, λέγει· Κύριέ μου, πρὸς τὸν Θεὸν μόνον ἔχε σου τὸν σκοπὸν· μή σου πτοήσῃ τὴν καρδίαν τὰ εἴδη τῶν βασάνων· ὀλίγος καὶ πρόσκαιρος ὁ κάματος, πολὺς καὶ αἰώνιος ὁ μισθός· μικρὰ ἡ στρέβλωσις, καὶ διηνεκὴς ἡ ἀνάπαυσις· ἐπὶ γῆς ἡ ἄθλησις, καὶ ἐν οὐρανῷ ὁ στέφανος· εἰ γὰρ, ὅτε κατὰ κόσμον ἐστρατεύου, συνεχῶς πρὸς τῶν ἐξάρχων καὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων ἐρραβδίζου δι᾽ ὀλίγα ὀψώνια, πολλῶ μᾶλλον ὑπομεῖναι ὀφείλεις τὰ ἐπιφερόμενά σοι κολαστήρια, ἵνα βασιλείαν οὐρανῶν κληρονομήσῃς εἰς αἰῶνα αἰῶνος.

[20] Καὶ τούτων λεγομένων ὑπὸ τῆς μακαρίας Ναταλίας, προσηνέχθη ὁ ἅγιος Ἀδριανὸς τῷ τυράννῳ· καὶ ἰδὼν αὐτὸν ὁ βασιλεὺς, ἔφη· Ἔτι ἐπιμένεις τῇ μανίᾳ σου, ἄθλιε; Λέγει αὐτῷ ὁ ἅγιος Ἀδριανὸς· Νῦν ἐκ μανίας κατέστην, καὶ ἀγωνίζομαι μὴ ἀπολέσθαι μου τὴν ψυχήν. Ἔφη αὐτῷ ὁ τύραννος· Νῦν γοῦν ἄκουσόν μου, καὶ προσελθὼν, θῦσον τοῖς μεγίστοις θεοῖς, καὶ προσκύνησον αὐτοῖς, καθῶς πάντες ἡμεῖς, ἐπεὶ πειραθήσῃ βασανιστηρίων ὀργάνων, ὧν οὐ πώποτε ἤκουσας. Ὁ ἅγιος Ἀδριανὸς εἶπε· ὦ βασιλεῦ, ἵνα τί πλανᾶσθε ὑμεῖς προσκυνοῦντες ἀψύχοις καὶ ἀκαθάρτοις εἰδώλοις, καταλιπόντες Θεὸν ζῶντα, τὸν ποιήσαντα τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ τὴν γῆν καὶ τὴν θάλασσαν, καὶ πάντα τὰ ἐν αὐτοῖς; Ἐγὼ γὰρ οὔτε θεοῦς αὐτοὺς εἶναι λέγω, οὔτε πεισθήσομαι ποτὲ προσκυνῆσαι κώφοις καὶ ἀλάλοις καὶ ἀναισθήτοις ὁμοίοις σου λίθοις· ποίει οὖν, ὃ βούλει, ἐν τάχει.

[21] Τότε ὁργισθεὶς ὁ βασιλεὺς σφόδρα, ἐκέλευσε τύπτεσθαι αὐτὸν ξύλοις ἀγρίοις. Ἀκούσασα δὲ ἡ μακαρία Ναταλία, ὅτι μέλλει βασανίζεσθαι, δραμοῦσα πρὸς τοὺς ἁγίους, εὐηγγελίσατο αὐτὸυς λέγουσα· Ἐνήρξατο ὁ κύριός μου τοῦ μαρτυρίου. Οἱ δὲ ἀκούσαντες,

παραυτίκα ἔστησαν ἑαυτοὺς εἰς προσευχὴν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ. Ἐπὶ πολὺ δὲ βασανιζομένου τοῦ ἁγίου Ἀδριανοῦ, καὶ τῶν σαρκῶν αὐτοῦ τῇ γῇ προσπιπτουσῶν, καὶ τοῦ αἵματος προῤῥέοντος, ἔφη ὁ τύραννος· Πάντως οἱ πλάνοι ἐκεῖνοι, ἄθλιε, ἐδίδαξάν σε τὴν μωρίαν ταύτην. Ἔφη ὁ ἅγιος· Διατί πλάνους ἀποκαλεῖς τοὺς ὁδηγοῦντας εἰς τὴν αἰώνιον ζωήν; Ὑμεῖς οὖν ἐστε οἱ πλάνοι, οἱ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους δελεάζοντες, καὶ ἄγοντες εἰς ἀπώλειαν. Καὶ θυμωθεὶς ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐκέλευσεν ἐπὶ πλεῖον τύπτεσθαι αὐτὸν τοῖς ῥοπάλοις. Ἔφη αὐτῷ ὁ ἅγιος Ὅσον πληθύνεις εἰς ἐμὲ τὰ εἴδη τῶν βασάνων, τύραννε, τοσοῦτον αὔξεις μοι τοὺς μισθοὺς τῶν ἀγώνων.

[22] Πάντα δὲ, ὅσα ἤκουε παρὰ τοῦ τυράννου, καὶ ἀπηκρίνατο ὁ ἅγιος. ἀπήγγελλεν ἡ μακαρία Ναταλία τοῖς ἁγίοις. Λέγει πρὸς αυτὸν ὁ τύραννος· Φεῖσαι σου τῆς νεότητος, ἄθλιε, καὶ μὴ μάτην σεαυτὸν ἀπολλύῃς. Μὰ τοὺς θεοὺς ὁρῶ σου τὸ κάλλος, καὶ λίαν σπλαγχνίζομαι ἐπὶ σέ. Ἀπεκρίθη ὁ ἅγιος· Ἐν τούτῳ φείδομαι ἐμαυτοῦ, ἐν τῷ μὴ βούλεσθαί με ἐπιθῦσαι. Ὁ τύραννος ἔφη· Ὁμολόγησον τοῖς θεοῖς, καὶ ἴλεῴ σοι γενήσονται, καὶ ἡμεῖς δὲ τιμήσομέν σε μειζόνως, καὶ ἀποκαταστήσομεν εἰς τὴν προτέραν σου ἀξίαν· εὐγενὴς γὰρ εἶ σύ, καὶ πλουσίων γονέων υἱός. ἐκεῖνοι δὲ ἰδιῶται τυγχάνουσι καὶ τέκνα εἰσὶν ἀφρόνων καὶ πενήτων Ὁ ἅγιος εἶπεν· Οἶδα ὅτι ἐπιγινώσκεις τὴν πατρίδα μου καὶ τὴν εὐγένειαν καὶ τοὺς προγόνους· εἰ δὲ καὶ τὴν ἐκείνων ἐπεγίνωσκες πατρίδα, καὶ τὸν πλούτον, καὶ τὴν εὐγένειαν, παρεκάλεσας ἂν αὐτοὺς εὔξασθαι ὑπὲρ σοῦ, τοῦ ἀπαλλαγῆναι μέν σε τῆς τῶν θεῶν σου δυσμενείας, ἐνταγῆναι δὲ εἰς τὴν αὐτῶν λαμπρότητά τε καὶ δόξαν.

[23] Τότε ὀργισθεὶς ἐπὶ πλεῖον ὁ τύραννος, ἐκέλευσε κατὰ τῆς κοιλίας αὐτοῦ τύπτεσθαι αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τεσσάρων. Έπὶ πολὺ δὲ τυπτομένου αὐτοῦ, ὡς ἐθεάσατο ὁ παράνομος τὰ σπλάγχνα αὐτοῦ ἐκχεόμενα ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν, προσέταξε κουφισθῆναι αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῶν βασάνων· ἦν γὰρ νεώτερος, καὶ λίαν ἀπαλός. Καὶ λέγει πρὸς αὐτὸν· Ὁρᾶς πόσα σου φείδομαι, Ἀδριανὲ, καὶ οὐ θέλεις μετανοῆσαι; Ἐπικάλεσαι οὖν τοὺς θεοὺς, κἀγὼ κελεύσω τοὺς ἰατροὺς παραγενέσθαι, καὶ θεραπεύσουσί σου τὸ σῶμα, καὶ ἔσῃ μετ᾽ ἐμοῦ ἐν τῷ παλατίῳ. Ὁ ἅγιος εἶπεν· Ἐπεὶ οὖν ἐπηγγείλω διὰ τῶν ἰατρῶν σου θεραπεύειν με, καὶ τιμῆς μεγίστης ἀξιοῦν, καὶ εἰσαγαγεῖν εἰς τὸ βασιλικόν σου παλάτιον, εἰπάτωσαν δή μοι πρότερον οἱ θεοί σου, τί μοι μέλλουσι ποιεῖν, ἱνα γνῶ εἰ δύναμίς τις ἐστὶν ἐν αὐτοῖς. Ἔφη ὁ βασιλεύς· Οἱ θεοὶ οὔτε χρηματίζουσιν, οὔτε λαλοῦσιν. Ὁ ἅγιος εἶπεν· Ἐπεὶ οὖν, ἀσεβέστατε, οἱ θεοί σου οὔτε λαλοῦσιν, οὔτε χρηματίζουσι, διατί θύεις αὐτοῖς, καὶ προσκυνεῖς; καὶ οὐ μόνον αὐτὸς τοῦτο ποιεῖς, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἡμᾶς τοὺς λόγῳ τετιμημένους καταναγκάζεις θύειν αὐτοῖς.

[24] Τότε θυμωθεὶς ὁ τύραννος, ἐκέλευσεν ἅπαντας αὐτοὺς δεθέντας ἀπενεχθῆναι εἰς τὸ δερμωτήριον, ὁρίσας ἡμέραν, ἐν ᾗ ἐπιμελέστερον ἀκούσει αὐτῶν. Παραλαβόντες δὲ τοὺς ἁγίους οἱ στρατιώται ἀπήγαγον εἰς φυλακήν, τοὺς μὲν ἔτι σανεστώτας τῷ σώματι μετὰ βίας έλκοντες, τοὺς δὲ λελυμένους ἀπὸ ταῖς βασάνων, καὶ μη δυναμένους περιπατεῖν μετὰ σχοινίων σύρροντες *, ὥσπερ ἄψυχα ξύλα. Ἡ δὲ μακαρία Ναταλία ὑπεστήριζε τὸν ἅγιον Ἀδριανόν, ὑποβάλλουσα τὴν χεῖρα τῷ αὐχενίῳ αὐτοῦ, καὶ λέγουσα· Μακάριος εἶ, κύριέ μου Ἀδριανὲ· ἰδου γὰρ καθηξιώθης συναριθμηθῆναι τοῖς ἁγίοις, καὶ παθεῖν ὑπὲρ τοῦ παθόντος ὑπὲρ σοῦ· ιδοὺ πορεύη θεάσασθαι τὴν δόξαν αὐτοῦ· οἱ γὰρ κοινωνοῦντες τοῖς παθήμασιν ἀὐτοῦ, κοινωνοῦσι καὶ τῆς δόξης αὐτοῦ.

Natalia serves the Saints in prison: After they had entered the prison, the blessed Natalia, approaching the Saints when she saw them, kissed their chains. But their bodies were so putrefied from the blows that worms too were teeming out of them, and were crawling over the bodies of each one. Astonished at these wounds, she sent her maidservants, and had all her linen brought, which was costly and very beautiful: for she was foremost among the noble women, both by her parents' rank and by her Husband's. When she had received it, she tore it in pieces, and wiped away the corrupt matter of their wounds, binding up their hands and feet: for they were broken by the fastening of the iron chains. And the blessed Natalia remained in the prison seven days, serving the Saints in every way until their being brought before the tyrant.

[18] But after the tyrant had commanded that the Saints be brought forward, The Martyrs are led to judgment: the lictors, coming to the prison, took the Saints and led them away, setting them upon unsaddled beasts: for all were with their bodies undone by the blows, and bound together by one chain. But Adrian went on foot, his hands bound behind him. When they were drawing near to the place of judgment, he who presided over the causes went in and announced to the emperor, saying: Those condemned men stand before the place of your deliberations. The tyrant said: Bring them all in arrayed in fitting guise ^a, that each, beholding the torments of the others, may deny their religion and their faith. He, answering, said: Those who were lately tortured cannot now be interrogated ^b because of the multitude of their wounds. But Adrian is whole, and is able to bear all torments: for the limbs of the others are so putrefied that even their ribs are visible. If therefore they be now tortured, they will presently fail and be freed from the torments to follow: but it is not just that those who have been so tormented should end their life as though they had committed no offense. Let them therefore have a few days, that they may suffer punishments worthy of their crimes: and, if your power so command, Adrian shall be brought forward.

[19] The tyrant said: Bring him in arrayed in fitting guise. Adrian alone, the others exhorting him to constancy, But they, having stripped him of his garments, brought him in, bearing the wood upon his shoulders. And as he went, the Saints said to him: Behold, Adrian, you have been counted worthy of this honor, to take up your cross and follow the Lord. See that you do not vainly turn aside from following him; lest the devil snatch away the treasure of your soul: fear not the things which you see; but contemplate those things which you await: despise the tyrant; for the sufferings of this time are not worthy to be compared with the glory to come, which shall be revealed in us. And the blessed Natalia, drawing near to him, said: My Lord, look upon God alone: let not the sight of the torments terrify your heart: small and temporary is the labor, great and eternal the reward: brief is the torture, but the rest perpetual: on earth is the struggle, in heaven the crown. For indeed, if in the time of your worldly soldiering you were often beaten by princes and commanders for meager rations, much more ought you to bear the punishments to be inflicted upon you, that you may receive the kingdom of heaven as an inheritance for ever and ever.

[20] he is questioned by the emperor, and steadfast in the faith, When these things had been said by the blessed Natalia, the blessed Adrian was led to the tyrant. And the emperor, seeing him, said: Do you still remain in your madness, wretch? Saint Adrian answered: Now have I withdrawn from madness, and I strive that my soul may not perish. The tyrant said to him: Now therefore hear me, and coming forward, sacrifice to the greatest gods and adore them, as we all do; since you will be tried with instruments of torture such as you have never heard of. Saint Adrian said: O emperor, why do you go astray, adoring lifeless and unclean idols, having forsaken the living God, who made heaven and earth, the sea, and all things that are in them? For neither do I say that these are gods, nor shall I ever be induced to adore stones that are deaf, dumb, and void of sense, like yourself. Do quickly, therefore, what you wish to do.

[21] he is grievously beaten with cudgels, Then the emperor, vehemently enraged, ordered him to be beaten with rough cudgels. The blessed Natalia, hearing that Adrian was to be tortured, ran to the Saints and announced it to them, saying: My lord has begun his martyrdom. Hearing this, they at once began to pray for him. When Saint Adrian had long been tortured, so that his flesh fell to the ground and his blood flowed forth, the tyrant said: Assuredly those deceivers, wretch, have taught you this folly. The Saint said: Why do you call those deceivers who lead men to eternal life? You are surely the deceivers, who lure men on and lead them to destruction. The emperor in anger ordered him to be beaten still more with staves. The Saint said to him: The more you multiply against me the kinds of torments, tyrant, the more you increase for me the rewards of the contests.

[22] but he answers freely, Now everything that he heard from the tyrant, and everything that Adrian answered, the blessed Natalia reported to the Saints. The tyrant says to him: Spare your youth, wretch; and do not destroy yourself for nothing. By the gods, I behold your beauty, and I greatly pity you. The Saint answered: In this I spare myself, that I am unwilling to sacrifice. The tyrant said: Confess the gods, and they will become favorable to you, and we shall honor you the more, and restore you to your former dignity. For you are of noble birth and the son of wealthy parents: but those men are rude, and born of foolish and poor parents. The Saint said: I know that my country is known to you, and my nobility and my forebears: but if you also knew their country, and their riches and nobility, you would already have entreated them to pray for you, that you might be delivered from the enmity of your gods, and might obtain both their splendor and their glory.

[23] and bravely endures various torments, Then the tyrant, growing yet more furious, ordered him to be beaten on the belly by four men. After he had long been beaten, so that the impious man saw his entrails poured out upon the ground, he ordered him to be relieved of the torments: for he was young, and of a very delicate body. And he says to him: Do you see how much I spare you, Adrian, and yet you will not repent? Call therefore upon the gods, and I will order physicians to be summoned who shall heal your body; and you shall be with me in the palace. The Saint said: Since you have promised me that I am to be healed by your physicians, and to be deemed worthy by you of the greatest honor, and to be brought into your imperial palace; let your gods first tell me what they intend to do for me, that I may know whether there is any power in them ^c. The emperor said: The gods neither give oracles nor speak. The Saint said: Therefore, most impious man, if your gods neither speak nor give oracles, why do you sacrifice to them and adore them? and not only do you do this yourself, but you also compel us, who are honored with the power of speech, to sacrifice to them.

[24] Then the tyrant in anger ordered them all to be led away bound to the prison, and at last is led back with the others to the prison. appointing a day on which he would hear them more carefully. And the soldiers, having taken the Saints, led them away to prison; some of them, who still stood firm in body ^d, dragging them by force, but others, undone by the torments and unable to walk, dragging them along the ground like lifeless logs. But the blessed Natalia supported Saint Adrian, putting her hand beneath his neck, and saying: Blessed are you,

my Lord Adrian: for behold you have been counted worthy of this honor, to be numbered with the Saints, and to have suffered for him who suffered for you: behold you go to see his glory: for they who are partakers of his sufferings shall also be partakers of his glory.

ANNOTATIONS.

* l. σύροντες

CHAPTER IV.

S. Natalia with other women serves the Martyrs in prison, having even taken up male dress for this end: the martyrdom of Adrian and of the remaining Saints.

ΚΑὶ ἐντὸς γενομένου τῆς φυλακῆς, συνῆλθον πάντες οἱ ἅγιοι καὶ ἠσπαζοντο τὸν μακάριον Ἁδριανὸν, ὡς καὶ τοὺς διαλελυμένους τὰ σώματα ἑρπειν ταῖς χερσὶ, καὶ τὴν εἰρήνην διδόναι αὐτῷ, ἀσπαζομένους φιλήματι ἁγίῳ. Ἡ δὲ μακαρία Ναταλία κατέμασσε ταῖς χερσὶν αὐτῆς τὸ αἵμα αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἤλειφε τὸ σῶμα αὐτοῦ. Ἀσπαζόμενοι δὲ αὐτὸν οἱ ἅγιοι, ἔλεγον αὐτῷ· Χαίροις ἐν Κυρίῳ, ἀδελφέ· ἐγράφη γάρ σου τὸ ὄνομα μετὰ τῶν τελειωθέντων ἁγίων μαρτύρων. Ἔφη αὐτοῖς ὁ μακάριος Ἀδριανός· Ὑμεῖς χαίρετε διαπαντὸς· ἀλλ᾽ εὔξασθε, ἵνα μηδὲν ἀηδὲς ἐνσπείρει μοι ὁ διάβολος· σφόδρα γὰρ ἐκλείπω. Λέγουσιν αὐτῷ οἱ ἅγιοι· Θάρσει, ἀδελφὲ Ἀδριανέ· οὐκέτι ἰσχύει κατὰ σοῦ ὁ πονηρός· ἀπέδρα γὰρ δεδιὼς τὴν ὑπομονήν σου. Καὶ ἡμεῖς γὰρ ἐφοβούμεθα περὶ σοῦ, ὅτε ἦς ἄνθρωπος· ἀφ᾽ οὗ δὲ τὴν ἀνθρωπίνην φύσιν ὑπερέβης, ἐθαρρήσαμεν, ὅτι οὐκέτι ἰσχύσει κατὰ σοῦ ὁ πονηρός. Μὴ οὗν διακριθῇς ἦ διστάσῃς ὅλως.

[26] Διάκονοι δὲ, γυναῖκες εὐσεβεῖς, καὶ ἄλλαι τῶν εὐγενίδων γυναικῶν παρέμενον τοῖς ἁγίοις, θεραπεύουσαι αὐτούς· ὧν αἱ μὲν τῶν καυστηριῶν κατέψυχον τοὺς πόνους αἱ δὲ τῶν πληγῶν ἐπεμελοῦντο· ἄλλαι δὲ τῇ ἐσθῆτι τοὺς ἰχῶρας τῶν μωλώπων κατέμασσον. Ἅπασαι δὲ διεμερίζοντο τοὺς ἁγίους, πᾶσαν ὑπερεσίαν καὶ ἀνάπαυσιν εἰς αὐτοὺς ποιούμεναι. Μαθὼν δὲ ὁ τύραννος ταῦτα, καὶ ὅτι ἐξεκενώθη τὸ πλῆθος τῶν γυναικῶν πρὸς αὐτοὺς, μάλιστα δὲ καὶ τῶν εὐγενίδων, ὠργίσθη σφόδρα, καὶ ἐκέλευσε γυναῖκα τὸ σύνολον μὴ συγχωρεῖσθαι εἰσιέναι πρὸς αὐτούς. Ὡς δὲ ἔγνω ἡ μακαρία Ναταλία, ὅτι ἐκωλύθησαν αἱ γυναῖκες τοῦ μὴ εἰσέρχεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς ἁγίους, ἀνάστασα ἐκείρατο τὴν κεφαλὴν, καὶ ἐνεδύσαται σχῆμα ἀνδρικὸν, καὶ εἰσῄει ὡς ἀνὴρ, καὶ ἐθεράπευε πάντας αὐτούς.

[27] Καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα ἐκαθίζετο παρὰ τοὺς πόδας τοῦ ἁγίου Ἀδριανοῦ, παρακαλοῦσα, καὶ λέγουσα αὐτῷ· Δέομαί σου, κύριε, μνήσθητι τῆς συζύγου σου, ὅτι συνήργησά σοι ἐν τῷ μαρτυρίῳ, καὶ ἤλειψά σε πρὸς τοὺς ἀγῶνας, καὶ πρόξενός σοι ἐγενόμην τοῦ στεφάνου τούτου Παρακάλεσον οὖν τὸν Δεσπότην Χριστὸν, ἵνα παραλάβῃ με μετὰ σοῦ, ἵνα ὥσπερ κοινωνοὶ ἐγενόμεθα ἐν τῷ μοχθηρῷ, καὶ φιλαμαρτήμονι τούτῳ βίῳ, οὕτως καὶ τῆς μακαρίας ἐκείνης καὶ ἀπόνου λήξεως κοινωνήσωμεν ἅμα· ναὶ παρακαλῶ, ταύτην πρώτην αἴτησιν λάβε παρὰ Θεοῦ, ἔστω σοι αὕτη ἀπαρχὴ τῶν ἰκεσιῶν σου· οἴδα γὰρ ὅτι παρέξει σοι ταύτην τὴν αἴτησιν ὁ Χριστός· φιλεῖ γὰρ αἰτεῖσθαι παρ᾽ ὑμῶν τὰ τοιαῦτα. Οὐ γὰρ ἀγνοεῖς, κύριέ μου, τὴν ἀκολασίαν τῆς πόλεως ταύτης, καὶ τὴν ἀσέβειαν τοῦ βασιλέως· μήποτε ὑποβληθεὶς ὁ τύραννος ζεύξῃ με τινὶ τῶν ἀθέων, καὶ μιάνωσιν ἀσεβεῖς τὴν κοίτην σου τὴν ἁγίαν· σῶσον τὴν γυναῖκα σου. ἐδιδάχθης γὰρ τοῦτο παρὰ τοῦ ἀποστόλου· δός μοι τοίνυν μισθὸν τῆς σωφροσύνης τὴν μετὰ σοῦ τελευτὴν· μάθωσιν εὖ ποιεῖν τοῖς ἑαυτῶν ἀνδρᾶσιν αἱ γυναῖκες, ὁρῶσαι σου τὴν πρὸς ἐμὲ στοργήν.

[28] Καὶ ταῦτα εἰποῦσα, ἀνέστη πάλιν, καὶ τῷ ἀνδρικῶ σχήματι περιῄει τοὺς ἁγίους, θεραπεύουσα καὶ ἐπιμελουμένη. ὡς ἑκάστου τὸ πάθος ἔχρησεν. Ἔτρεφε δὲ αὐτοὺς τοῖς λεπτοτέροις βρώμασι· ἠσθένουν γὰρ πάνυ ἀπό τε τῶν πληγῶν καὶ τῆς νομῆς τῶν τραυμάτων. Μαθοῦσαι δὲ καὶ αἱ λοιπαὶ γυναῖκες ὅτι ἐκείρατο ἡ μακαρία Ναταλία τὴν κόμην τῆς κεφαλῆς, καὶ εἰσιοῦσα ἐν τῷ δεσμωτηρίῳ, ἐξυπηρετεῖ τοῖς ἁγίοις, ἐκείραντο καὶ αὐταὶ, καὶ τῷ ἀνδρικῷ σχήματι εἰσιοῦσαι, ἐθεράπευον τοὺς ἁγίους, ὡς ἀποκείρασθαι τῶν εὐγενίδων πλείους. Ὡς δὲ ἔγνω καὶ τοῦτο ὁ τύραννος, καὶ ὅτι μέλλουσι τελευτᾶν οἱ ἅγιοι ἀπό τε τῶν πληγῶν καὶ τῆς τῶν τραυμάτων ἑλκώσεως, ἐπεκέλευσεν ἄκμωνα χαλκοῦν ὑποτεθῆναι τοῖς ποσὶν αὐτῶν, καὶ μοχλῷ σιδηρῷ κατεαγῆναι αὐτῶν τὰ σκέλη, εἰπών· Μὴ τὸν κοινὸν τῶν ἀθρώπων ὑπομείνωσι θάνατον.

[29] Εὐθέως οῦν παρεγένοντο οἱ δήμιοι, φέροντες τὰ σκεύη εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον. Θεασαμένη δὲ αὐτοὺς ἡ μακαρία Ναταλία, ἀπήντησεν αὐτοῖς, καὶ παρεκάλει, λέγουσα Δέομαι ὑμῶν ἔνθεν πρώτον ἀπὸ Ἀδριανοῦ ἄρξασθε. Τοῦτο δὲ ἔλεγε, φοβουμένη μή πως ὁρῶν τοὺς ἁγίους πρὸ αὐτοῦ τὴν πικρὰν ταύτην ὑπομένοντας βάσανον, πτοηθεὶς δειλανδρήσῃ. Ὅτε δὲ ὑπέθηκε τὸν ἄκμωνα, λαβοῦσα ἡ Ναταλία ἥπλωσε τοὺς πόδας Ἀδριανοῦ ἐπὶ τοῦ ἄκμωνος· καὶ δυνάμει μεγάλῃ κρούσαντες, ἀπέτεμον αὐτοῦ τοὺς πόδας, συντρίψαντες τὰ κῶλα αὐτοῦ. Καὶ λέγει πρὸς αὐτὸν ἡ Ναταλία· Δέομαί σου, δοῦλε τοῦ Χριστοῦ, ἐν ὅσῳ ἔτι ἐμπνέεις, ἔκτενόν σου τὴν χεῖρα, καὶ ἀροῦσιν αὐτὴν ἀπὸ σοῦ, ἵνα ἶσος καὶ ἐν τούτῳ τοῖς ἁγίοις γένῃ· πλεῖον γάρ σου ἐτιμωρήθησαν ἐκεῖνοι. Καὶ ἐπιδοὺς αὐτῇ τὴν χεῖρα, ἐπέτηκε τῷ ἄκμωνι. Κρούσαντες δὲ ἀπέτεμον αὐτήν· Καὶ εὐθέως παρέδωκε τὴν ψυχὴν αὐτοῦ τῷ Κυρίῳ.

[30] Περιιόντες δὲ τοὺς ἁγίους οἱ δήμιοι, τῷ ἄκμωνι καὶ τᾥ μοχλῷ, κατέκλων αὐτῶν τὰ σκέλη. Προελάμβανον δὲ οἱ ἅγιοι καὶ ἥπλουν τοὺς πόδας αὐτῶν πρὸ τοῦ ἐγγίσαι αὐτοῖς τοὺς δημίους, βοῶντες μεγάλῃ τῇ φωνῇ· Κύριε Ιησοὺ Χριστὲ, δέξαι ἡμῶν τὰ πνεύματα: καὶ τοῦτο λέγοντες ἕκαστος παρεδίδουν τὰς τιμίας καὶ ἁγίας αὐτῶν ψυχὰς τῷ Θεῶ. Ἐκέλευσε δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς μετὰ τὸ ἀποκτανθῆναι αὐτοὺς, τὰ σώματα αὐτῶν βληθῆναι εἰς τὸ πῦρ, λέγων· Μή πως ἐλτόντες οἱ Γαλιλαῖοι λάβωσιν αὐτοὺς καὶ τιμήσωσιν ὡς θεούς. Ἡ δὲ μακαρία Ναταλία τὴν ἀποτμηθεῖσαν χεῖρα τοῦ ἁγίου Ἀδριανοῦ ἦρε λαθραίως, καὶ ὑπεζώσατο αὐτήν. Βαστάζοντες δὲ οἱ δήμιοι τὰ σώματα τῶν ἁγίων καὶ καλλινίκων μαρτύρων, ἐπορεύοντο ἐμβαλεῖν αὐτὰ εἰς τὴν πυρὰν· ἦσαν γὰρ ἐκκαύσαντες κάμινον λαυροτάτην. Ἡ δὲ μακαρία Ναταλία ἠκολούθει ὄπισθεν, ὑποδεχομένη τὰ ἀποστάζοντα αἵματα ταῖς χερσὶ, καὶ ἤλειφεν ἑαυτήν. Ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ ἄλλαι γυναῖκες ὑποδεχόμεναι τιμίοις ὀθονίοις καὶ ἑτέροις ἱματίοις πορφύροις τὰ ἀποστάζοντα ἐκ τῶν ἁγίων σωμάτων αἱματα, ἀπέκρυπτον ἐν τοῖς κόλποις αὐτῶν, ὡς καὶ αὐτὴν τὴν ἐσθῆτα τῶν δημίων βαφεῖσαν τοῖς αἵμασι τῶν ἁγίων χρυσῷ πολλῷ καὶ λίθοις τιμίοις ἠγορακέναι.

The Martyrs, brought back to prison, congratulate Adrian: When he had come into the prison, all the Saints assembled and greeted the blessed Adrian, so that even those whose bodies were undone crawled upon their hands, and prayed peace for him, greeting him with a holy kiss. But the blessed Natalia wiped away his blood with her own hands, and anointed his body. And the Saints, greeting him, said: Rejoice in the Lord, Brother: for your name has been written with the perfected and holy martyrs. The blessed Adrian said to them: Rejoice you always: but pray that the devil may sow no weariness in me: for I am failing exceedingly. The Saints answered: Be confident, brother Adrian: the malignant one prevails no longer against you: for he has fled, fearing your patience. We too feared for you, when you were a man: but since you have surpassed human nature, we are confident that the devil shall prevail no further against you. Therefore hesitate not at all, nor doubt.

[26] women serve the Saints in prison; but when they were forbidden to enter, Now the deaconesses, pious women, and other noble women remained with the Saints, serving them: of whom some cooled the pains of the branded scars, others tended the wounds: others again wiped away with their garments the corrupt matter of the weals. And they all divided the Saints among themselves, showing them every service and solace. When the tyrant learned of these things, and found that a multitude of women had poured out to them, and those especially of the nobility, he was greatly enraged, and commanded that no woman at all be allowed to go in to them. When the blessed Natalia learned that women were forbidden to approach the Saints, she shore her head, and, having taken up male dress, went in as a man, and served them all.

[27] Natalia, having taken up male attire, continues to serve the Saints, After this she sat at the feet of Saint Adrian, entreating and saying to him: I beseech you, Lord, remember your wife, because I have worked together with you in the martyrdom, and have anointed you for the contests, and have procured for you this crown. Ask therefore Christ the Lord to receive me with you, that as we were consorts in this laborious life subject to sins, so we may also together be made partakers of that blessed inheritance free from labors: indeed I ask,

that you ask this first of God; let these be the first-fruits of your prayers: for I know that this petition must be granted you by Christ: for he desires such things to be asked of you. Indeed, my Lord, you are not ignorant of the intemperance of this city, and of the impiety of the emperor: lest the tyrant take me and join me in marriage to some atheist, and the impious defile your holy bed. Preserve your wife: for this the Apostle taught you. Therefore, as the reward of my chastity, grant me that I may die with you. Let women learn to do good to their husbands, seeing your affection toward me.

[28] which others also imitate. The tyrant orders the Martyrs' legs to be broken: Having said these things, she rose again, and in male dress went about to the Saints, serving and tending them as the need of each required. And she nourished them with lighter foods: for they were grievously sick both from the blows received and from the corrosion of their wounds. When the remaining women had learned that the blessed Natalia had cut off the hair of her head, and having entered the prison was ministering to the Saints, they too were shorn, and entering in male attire served the Saints, so that many of the noble women were shorn. When the tyrant learned this also, and found out that the Saints were about to die both from the pain of the blows and from the ulceration of their wounds, he ordered a bronze anvil to be set beneath their feet, and their legs to be broken with an iron bar, saying: Let them not perish by the death customary to men.

[29] the martyrdom of Adrian, Natalia being present: Presently, therefore, the lictors arrived, bringing those instruments to the prison. And the blessed Natalia, beholding them, went to meet them, and urged them, saying: I ask you, begin here first with Adrian. And this she said, fearing lest perchance, if he should see the Saints enduring that bitter torment before him, he might be stunned and take fright. And while the anvil was set beneath, the blessed Natalia took hold of Adrian's feet and stretched them upon the anvil: and the lictors, striking with great force, cut off his feet, crushing his legs at the same time. Natalia says to him: I ask you, Servant of Christ, while yet you breathe, stretch out your hand, which they will cut off from you, that in this also you may be made like the Saints: for they have suffered more than you. He himself, giving her his hand, laid it upon the anvil. And they, striking, cut it off. Then swiftly he gave up his spirit to the Lord.

[30] And the lictors, going about among the Saints with the anvil and the bar, the martyrdom of the others: Natalia keeps Adrian's severed hand. broke their legs. But the Saints anticipated them, and before their coming stretched out their own feet, crying with a loud voice: Lord Jesus Christ, receive our spirit: and each one, saying this, gave up his precious and holy soul to God. The emperor also ordered that, after death had been inflicted upon them, their bodies be cast into the fire, saying: Lest perchance the Galileans come and take them and honor them as gods. But the blessed Natalia secretly took up and kept the severed hand of S. Adrian. And the lictors, carrying the bodies of the holy and glorious Martyrs, went to cast them into the pyre: for they were kindling a very wide furnace. But the blessed Natalia followed behind, catching the dripping blood with her hands, and anointing herself. Likewise other women too, gathering with costly linens and other purple coverlets the blood falling from the holy bodies, hid it in their bosoms, so that even the garments of the lictors, stained with the blood of the Saints, were bought with much gold and precious stones.

CHAPTER V.

The bodies of the Saints, wonderfully snatched from the fire, and carried by Christians to Byzantium: S. Natalia, invited to a marriage, flees to Byzantium, and there dies beside the bodies of the Martyrs.

ΠΑραγενόμενοι δὲ ἐν τῷ τόπῳ, ἔνθα ἦν ἐκκαυθεῖσα ἡ κάμινος, καὶ ἀνελθόντες οἱ δήμιοι, διὰ τοῦ ἄνωθεν στομίου ἔρριψαν τοὺς ἁγίους μάρτυρας εἰς τὴν κάμινον. Αἱ δὲ τίμιαι καὶ ἅγιαι γυναῖκες ἐκεῖναι μάκροθεν ἑστῶσαι ἐβόων μετὰ δακρύων, λέγουσαι· Μνήσθητε ἡμῶν κύριοι ἐν τῇ ἀναπαύσει ὑμῶν· Ὀμοίως δὲ καὶ ἡ μακαρία ναταλία περιέτρεχε πάντοθεν βουλομένη ἑαυτὴν ῥίψαι εἰς τὴν κάμινον, βοῶσα καὶ λέγουσα· Δέξαι κἀμὲ μετὰ σοῦ, μακάριε Ἀδριανέ, καὶ μή με ἐγκαταλίπῃς ἐν τῃ μοχθηρᾷ ταύτῃ καὶ προσκαίρῳ ζωῇ· καὶ ταῦτα εἰποῦσα ἡσύχασε. Ῥιφέντων δὲ αὐτῶν ἐν τῇ καμίνῳ, ἄφνω βροντὴ ἐγένετο μεγάλη καὶ ὑετὸς σφοδρὸς, καὶ ἀστραπαὶ, καὶ σεισμὸς, ὡς τὴν πόλιν ἅπασαν καὶ τὸν τόπον περιφέρεσθαι, καὶ τὴν κάμινον σβεσθῆναι ἀπὸ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν ὑδάτων. Οἱ δὲ δήμιοι ἰδότες τὸ γεγονὸς, καὶ φοβηθέντες, ἔφυγον· τινὲς δὲ ἐξ αὐτῶν πεσόντες ἐπὶ πρόσωπον, παραχρῆμα ἀπέθανον.

[32] Τότε συνέδραμε τὸ πλῆθος τῶν περιεστότων ἐκεῖσε Χριστιανῶν ἅμα τῇ μακαρίᾳ Ναταλίᾳ καὶ ταῖς λοιπαῖς εὐσεβέσι γυναιξὶ, καὶ ἥρπασαν τὰ τίμια καὶ ἅγια λείψανα τῶν ἀοιδίμων καὶ καλλινίκων μαρτύρων τοῦ Χριστοῦ, εὑρόντες αὐτὰ σῶα καὶ ὁλόκληρα, ὡς μηδε τριχὸς αὐτῷν ἅψασθαι τὸ πῦρ. Εὐσέβιος δέ τις ὀνόματι, ἀνὴρ τίμιος καὶ εὐλαβής μετὰ τῆς ἰδίας γαμετῆς προσπεσὼν τῇ μακαρίᾳ Ναταλίᾳ, καὶ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς, παρεκάλει αὐτοὺς, λέγων· Ἡμεῖς ἐπέκεινα τῆς πόλεως πρώην ᾠκοῦμεν· ἰδόντες δὲ τὴν ἐν τῇ πόλει γενομένην ἀσέβειαν, ἀνεχωρήσαμεν ἐκ πολλοῦ εἰς τὸ Βυζάντιον, πάντα καταλιπόντες τὰ ἡμέτερα. Δότε οὖν ἡμῖν τοὺς ἁγίους, καὶ ἐμβαλώμεθα αὐτοὺς ἐν ἀκατίῳ· καὶ ἀπενέγκαντες ἀποτιθέμεθα αὐτοὺς ἐν τοῖς ἡμετέροις τόποις ἕως τῆς τελευτῆς τοῦ ἀσεβοῦς βασιλέως· καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα τελείαν τὴν κατάθεσιν ἐν προσκυνήσει ποιούμεθα· ἔθος γάρ ἐστιν ἡμῖν τοῦτο ποιεῖν· Ἐὰν γὰρ θελήσητε ἐνταῦθα αὐτοὺς κατάθέσθαι, μανθάνει ὁ ἀσεβὴς καὶ παράνομος βασιλεὺς, καὶ πάλιν ἐνεγκὼν κατακαύσει αὐτοὺς, καὶ εὑρίσκεσθε παραδιδόντες, οὓς ὁ Θεὸς διὰ βροντῆς καὶ σεισμοῦ καὶ ὑετοῦ ἐκ πυρὸς ἐρρύσατο.

[33] Καὶ ἤρεσεν ὁ λόγος οὗτος ἐνώπιον αὐτῶν πάντων· καὶ ἐμβάλλουσιν αὐτοὺς ἐν ἀκατίῳ, καὶ ἀπάγουσιν εἰς τὸ Βυζάντιον, οὐρίου ἀνέμου ὑποπνεύσαντος. Ἡ δὲ μακαρία Ναταλία ἔμεινεν ἔχουσα τὴν χεῖρα τοῦ ἁγίου Ἀδριανοῦ· ἔλεγε γὰρ· Μήποτε, φανερωθέντων τῶν λειψάνων μακαρίων μαρτύρων, εὑρεθῶ προδιδοῦσα τὴν ἐλπίδα μου· καὶ λαβοῦσα τὴν χεῖρα, ἐνείλισεν ἐν πορφυρίδι, βαλοῦσα μῦρα, καὶ ὑπέθηκε τῇ κλίνῃ εἰς τὸ μερος τὸ πρὸς κεφαλῆς, μηδενὸς γινώσκοντος. Μετὰ δέ τινας ἡμέρας ἀνήρ τις ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως, χιλίαρχος, προσελθὼν τῷ βασιλεῖ, ᾐτήσατο πρὸς γάμον λαβεῖν τὴν μακαρίαν Ναταλίαν· ἦν γὰρ πολυκτήμων ἡ ἀοίδιμος αὕτη καὶ πρώτη τῶν εὐγενίδων, ὡραῖα τε καὶ κοσμία πάνυ. Προεπέμψατο δὲ αὐτῇ καὶ διά τινων γνωρίμον γυναικῶν. Ἡ δὲ ἀπεκρίνατο ταῖς ἀποστελλείσαις γυναιξὶ, λέγουσα· Κἀγὼ μαθοῦσα τοῦτο ἐχάρην σφόδρα· ἀλλ᾽ ἔνδοτέ μοι μῆνας τρεῖς, ὅπως ἑτοιμάσωμαι· οὖ γὰρ ὁ τυχών με ζητεῖ πρὸς γάμον. Αὕτη δὲ ἐβούλετο λάθρα ἀναχωρῆσαι καὶ ἀπελθεῖν, ὅπου ἦν τὰ λείψανα τῶν ἁγίων· καὶ ἀπέλυσε τὰς γυναῖκας θωπεύουσα.

[34] Προσελθοῦσα δὲ τῇ κλίνῃ, ἐπέπεσεν ἐπί πρόσωπον, καὶ μετὰ δακρύων προσηύχετο, λέγουσα· Κύριε ὸ Θεός μου, ἡ τῶν θλιβομένων παραμυθία, καὶ τῶν συντετριμμένων τὴν καρδίαν ὁ στηριγμὁς ἐπίβλεψον ἐπὶ τῆν δούλην σου, καὶ μὴ δῷς εἰς μιασμὸν τὴν ὁμόζυγον καὶ ὁμόσωμον Ἀδριανοῦ τοῦ σοῦ δούλου· ἵλεως Κύριε, εἰ ἐπιλήσῃ τῶν δεσμῶν, ὦν ἐπειράθη διὰ τὸ ὄνομά σου τὸ ἅγιον; ἵλεως Κύριε, εἰ ἐπιλήσῃ τῶν ποδῶν τῶν κλασθέντων ἐκείνων, καὶ τῆς ἀποτμητείσης χειρός; ἵλεως Κύριε, εἰ εἰς κενὸς ποιήσεις καὶ τὸν μόχθον, ὃν οἱ δοῦλοι σου ὑπέστησαν διὰ τὸ ὄνομά σου τὸ ἅγιον; Ἀλλ᾽ ἐκείνων μνησθεὶς τὴν καρτερίαν καὶ τὴν ὑπομονὴν, ἐλευθέρωσόν με ἀπὸ τῆς συναφείας τῶν ἐχθρῶν σου· μὴ μιάνῃ, Δέσποτα ἀγαθὲ, ὁ εἰδωλοθύτης τὴν κοίτην Ἀδριανοῦ τοῦ σοῦ δούλου· ἀλλὰ ῥῦσαι με ἀπὸ τῆς προσδοκίας καὶ ἐπιβουλῆς τοῦ ἀλάζονος καὶ ἀσεβοῦς τούτου, ὅτι σὺ εἶ μόνος Θεὸς εὔσπλαγχνος καὶ πολυέλεος· καὶ σοὶ πρέπει ἡ δόξα εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας, ἀμήν.

[35] Καὶ ταῦτα εἰποῦσα, ἀπὸ πολλῆς ἀδολεσχίας καὶ ἀθυμίας ἀφύπνωσε· καὶ ἰδοῦ εἷς τῶν ἁγίων ἐπιφανεὶς λέγει αὐτῇ· Εἰρήνη σοι, Ναταλία ἡ δούλη τοῦ Θεοῦ· θάρσει οὖν· οὖ γὰρ παρεῖδε σε ὁ Θεὸς, οὐ δὲ ἡμεῖς ἐπελαθόμεθα τοῦ μόχθου, οὗπερ ἐνεδείξω εἰς ἡμᾶς· ἀλλ᾽ εὐθὺς ὀφθέντες τῷ Χριστῷ, ἐπρεσβεύσαμεν ὑπὲρ σοῦ, ἵνα ἔλθῃς πρὸς ἡμᾶς. Ἔφη αὐτῷ ἡ μακαρία Ναταλία· Ἐφάνη ὁ κύριός μου Ἀδριανὸς μεθ᾽ ὑμῶν τῷ Χριστῷ; Ναὶ, λέγει αὐτῇ, καὶ πρὸ ἡμῶν ἐφάνη. Ἀλλὰ ἀνάστα, εἴσελθε ἐν ἀκατίῳ, καὶ πλεῦσον, καὶ ἐλθὲ πρὸς ἡμᾶς. ἐκεῖ γὰρ ἐπισκέπτεταί σε ὁ Θεὸς, καὶ ἀναπαύῃ μεθ᾽ ἡμῶν. Καὶ ἐν ἑαυτῇ γενομένη, ἀνέστη, καὶ πάντα καταλιποῦσα, μόνην τὴν χεῖρα τοῦ ἁγίου ἔλαβε μεθ᾽ ἑαυτῆς, καὶ εἰσελθοῦσα ἐν ἀκατίῳ ἔπλευσε, μετὰ σπουδῆς ἀπελθεῖν βουλομένη, ὅπου ἦν τὰ σώματα τῶν ἁγίων. Εὗρε δὲ καὶ ἄλλους πολλοὺς φεύγοντας ἀπὸ προσώπου τοῦ παρανόμου καὶ ἀσεβοῦς βασιλέως Μαξιμιανοῦ· καὶ ἔπλευσε μεθ᾽ αὐτῶν.

[36] Μαθὼν δὲ ὁ χιλίαρχος, ὅτι πέφευγεν ἡ Ναταλία, εἰσελθὼν πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα, ᾐτήσατο βοήθειαν· καὶ λαβὼν μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ πλῆθος στπατιωτῶν, εἰσῆλθε σπουδῇ μετ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐν πλοίῳ καταδιώκων αὐτήν. Πλευσάντων δὲ αὐτῶν ὡσεὶ στάδια πολλὰ, ἄνεμος ἐναντίος ἐπαναστὰς αὐτοῖς, ἔρριψεν αὐτοὺς εἰς τὰ ὀπίσω, ὅθεν ἦσαν ἐξεληλυθότες· τινὲς δὲ ἐξ αὐτῶν καὶ ὑποβρύχιοι γεγόνασιν, ἐπαναστάντων αὐτοῖς τῶν κυμάτων· μέσης δὲ νυκτὸς οὔσης, πνεῦμα ἀπατηλὸν φαίνεται τοῖς περὶ τὴν Ναταλίαν ἐν εἴδει πλοίου, ἐν ᾧ δῆθεν ἐπιβάται και ναῦται ἔμπειροι ἐτύγχανον· καὶ λέγει αὐτοῖς ὁ ναύκληρος φωνῇ μεγάλῃ· Πόθεν ἐξήλθατε, καὶ ποῦ πορεύεσθε; Οἱ δὲ λεγουσιν· Ἀπὸ Νικομεδείας ἐξήλθομεν, καὶ εἰς τὸ Βυζάντιον πλέομεν. Λέγει αὐτοῖς ὁ δῆθεν ναύκληρος· Ἐπλανηθήτε· οὐκ ἔστι γὰρ αὕτη ἡ πορεία ἐκείνη τῆς ὁδοῦ, ἣν ὑπάγετε· ἀλλ᾽ ἀριστερὰ ἐκκλίνατε· ἐβούλετο γὰρ ὁ ἀκάθαρτος καὶ πονηρὸς διάβολος εἰς τὸ πέλαγος ἀπολέσαι αὐτούς.

[37] Ἐκεῖνοι δὲ νομίσαντες, ὅτι ἀληθῶς ἄναβολεῖς εἰσὶν, ἀναστάντες διέλαβον τὸ ἅρμενον, ἀπελθεῖν βουλόμενοι, ὅπου εἶπεν αὐτοῖς τὸ ἀκάθαρτον καὶ πονηρὸν πλεῦμα. Καί εὐθέως ἐφάνη αὐτοῖς ὁ ἅγιος Ἀδριανὸς, ὡς ἐν ἀκατίῳ, καὶ ἐβόησε, λέγων· Καλῶς ἤρχεσθε· μὴ ἀκούσητε ἐκείνου· αὐτὸς γάρ ἐστιν ὁ κατάδικος, καὶ ἀπολέσαι ὑμᾶς τέλει. Καὶ εὐθέως ἀφανὲς ἐγένετο τὸ ἀκάθαρτον καὶ πονηρὸν πνεῦμα. Ἀναστᾶσα δὲ ἡ μακαρία Ναταλία ὁρᾶ τὸν ἅγιον Ἀδριανὸν προάγοντα αὐτοὺς, καὶ περιχαρὴς γενομένη, ἐβόα λέγουσα· Ἰδοὺ καὶ ὁ κύριός μου Ἀδριανός. Καὶ οὐκέτι ὤφθη αὐτοῖς ὁ ἅγιος. Ἀνέμου δε αἰσίου γενομένου, κατέπλευσαν ἐν Ἀργυροπόλει πρὸ τοῦ αὔγους, ἄντικρυς ὑπάρχουσα τοῦ Βιζαντίου· καὶ ὥρμησαν κατέναντι τοῦ τόπου, οὗ ἦσαν τὰ λείψανα τῶν ἁγίῳν μαρτύρων. Ἡ δὲ μακαρία Ναταλία ἐξελθοῦσα ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀκατίου, καὶ παραγενομένη εἰς τὸν τόπον, προσελθοῦσα τοῖς ἁγίοις, προσεκύνει τὰ τίμια καὶ καρτερικὰ αὐτῶν λείψανα· καὶ λαβοῦσα τὴν χεῖρα,

ἔθηκεν αὐτὴν ἐγγὺς τοῦ σώματος τοῦ ἁγίου Ἀδριανοῦ· καὶ κλίνασα τὸ γόνυ προσιύχετο ἐπὶ ὥραν πολλήν.

[38] Ὅθεν ἐξελθοῦσα, ἠσπάσατο πάντας τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς καὶ τὰς ἀδελφάς, ἐκδυσωποῦσα εὔχεσθαι ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς· ἐκεῖ γὰρ ἦσαν οἱ πεπιστευκότες· καὶ παρεκάλεσαν αὐτὴν ἡσυχάσαι μικρόν· ἦν γὰρ κεκμηκυῖα σφόδρα. Καὶ ἰδοὺ φαίνεται αὐτῇ ὁ ἅγιος Ἀδριανὸς καθ᾽ ὕπνον, λέγων· Εἰρήνη σοι, δούλη τοῦ Θεοῦ, καὶ θύγατερ τῶν μαρτύρων· δεῦρο οὖν ἀπολάμβανε τὸ ὀφειλόμενόν σοι χρέος. Καὶ εὐθέως παρέδωκε τὸ πνεῦμα αὐτῆς τῷ Κυρίῳ. Παραγενόμενοι δὲ οἱ αδελφοὶ ἐγεῖραι αὐτὴν, εὗρον αὐτὴν τελειωθῆσαν ἐν Χριστῷ· καὶ εὐχαριστήσαντες τῷ Κυρίῳ, καὶ προσευξάμενοι, ἐκήδευσαν αὐτὴν τιμίως καὶ εὐλαβῶς, καταθέμενοι πλησίον τῶν τρισμακαρίων καὶ ἁγίων μαρτύρων καὶ πᾶσι προσευξάμενοι ἐπὶ πολὺ, ἠσφαλίσαντο τὸ τρουλοειδὲς ^f ἐνεῖνο οἴκημα.

[39] Πλήθη δὲ ἀνδρῶν τε καὶ γυναικῶν παρέμενον ἐκεῖσε πᾶσιν ἀποταξάμενοι τοῖς ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ, καὶ εὐχαῖς καὶ νηστείαις σχολάζοντες, ἐδούλευον τῷ Κυρίῳ μετὰ πολλῆς προθυμίας. Ἐτελειώθησαν δὲ οἱ ἅγιοι καὶ τρισμακάριοι μάρτυρες τοῦ Χριστοῦ μηνὶ Αυγούστῳ, εἰκάδῃ ἕκτῃ, βασιλεύοντος τοῦ παρανόμου καὶ ἀσεβεστάτου Μαξιμιανοῦ ἐν τῇ Νικομηδέων πόλει, καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς δὲ βασιλεύοντος τοῦ Κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, ὧ ἡ δόξα καὶ τὸ κράτος νῦν καὶ ἀεὶ, καὶ εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας τῶν αἰώνων. Ἀμήν.

[While the bodies of the Saints were being cast into the fire, a storm arising, the lictors flee;] After they had come to the place where the furnace was kindled, the executioners went up and cast the holy Martyrs through the upper mouth into the furnace. But those venerable and holy women, standing far off, cried out with tears, saying: Lords, remember us in your rest. And in like manner the blessed Natalia ran about on every side, wishing to cast herself into the furnace, crying out and saying: Receive me also with you, blessed Adrian; and do not leave me in this wretched and temporary life. And having said these things, she was silent. Moreover, when the Saints had been cast into the furnace, suddenly there arose a great thunder with a violent rain, with lightnings and a shaking of the earth, so that the whole city and that place were convulsed, and the furnace was extinguished by the abundance of the waters. But the executioners, seeing what had been done, and seized with fear, took to flight: and some of them, falling upon their faces, at once expired.

[32] Then the multitude of the Christians standing about that place ran together, along with the blessed Natalia and the remaining pious women; but the Christians, running up, snatch the bodies unharmed from the fire, and they seized the precious and holy bodies of the renowned and glorious Martyrs of Christ, finding them safe and entire, so that the fire had not harmed so much as a hair of them. Now a certain honorable and pious man, Eusebius by name, falling with his own wife at the knees of the blessed Natalia and of the brethren, entreated them, saying: We formerly dwelt near this city: but seeing the impiety practiced in it, we departed long since to Byzantium, having left all that was ours. Give us therefore the Saints, whom we shall put aboard a ship, and having conveyed them across we shall lay them in our own places until the death of the impious emperor; and thereafter we shall perform the full translation with the due rite and with prayers: for so we are accustomed to do. For if you should wish to lay them here, the impious and wicked emperor will learn of it; and having carried them off again he will burn them, and thus it will be manifest that those were betrayed by you whom God snatched from the fire by thunder, earthquake, and rain.

[33] and they convey them to Byzantium: Natalia, sought in marriage by a tribune, This speech pleased them all, and they put the Saints aboard ship and carry them off to Byzantium, with a favorable wind blowing. But the blessed Natalia kept back the hand of Saint Adrian: for she said: Lest at any time, when the bodies of the blessed Martyrs are made manifest, I be found to have betrayed my hope. And having taken the hand she wrapped it in purple, adding ointments, and laid it beneath her bed at the head, no one knowing of it. After some days a certain man of the city, a tribune of soldiers, approaching the emperor, asked that the blessed Natalia be given to him in marriage: for that honorable woman possessed much, and was foremost among the noble women, and was comely and exceedingly beautiful. He also conveyed the matter to her through certain women of her acquaintance. But she answered the women who were sent, saying: I too, having understood these things, greatly rejoice. But grant me three months ^a, that I may prepare myself: for it is no common man who seeks my hand in marriage. But she herself wished secretly to depart, and to set out for the place where the bodies of the Saints were. And so she dismissed the women, deluded.

[34] she plans flight, and having implored divine aid, Then, approaching her bed, she fell upon her face, and with tears prayed, saying: Lord God, solace of the mourning and strength of the contrite in heart, look upon your handmaid, and suffer not the wife of Adrian your servant, of one body constant with him, to be defiled. Merciful Lord, will you forget the chains by which he was tried for your holy name? Merciful Lord, will you forget those broken feet and the severed hand? Merciful Lord, will you also make void the pain which your Servants endured for your holy name? Nay rather, being mindful of their patience and endurance, deliver me from the touch of your enemies: let not the idolater defile, most excellent Lord, the bed of your servant Adrian: but snatch me from the expectation and the snares of that impure and impious man, since you alone are the God of mercy and of much compassion: to you belongs glory forever. Amen.

[35] and confirmed by a heavenly voice, entrusts herself to a small ship, Having said these things, she fell asleep from much meditation and sadness. But behold, one of the Saints appearing speaks to her thus: Peace to you, Natalia, handmaid of God: be confident, therefore: for God has not despised you, nor have we forgotten the labor which you undertook for us: rather, as soon as we appeared before Christ, we performed an embassy on your behalf, that you might come to us. The blessed Natalia said to him: Did my lord Adrian appear with you before Christ? Yes indeed, he says to her, and he appeared before us. But rise, enter a small ship, and sail and come to us: for there God visits you, and you shall rest with us. Then she, having come to herself, arose, and leaving all things, took with her the hand of the Saint alone: and having entered a boat she sailed diligently, wishing to make for the place where the bodies of the Saints were. And she found also many others fleeing from the face of the wicked and impious emperor Maximian, and she sailed with them.

[36] that she may sail to Byzantium, the tribune pursuing her in vain: After the tribune ^b had understood that Natalia had fled, he went to the emperor and asked for aid. Then, having taken with him a company of soldiers, he committed himself with them to a ship in pursuit of her. But when they had sailed ^c for as it were many stadia, a contrary wind arising drove them back to the place from which they had come: and, the waves also rising, some of them were drowned. And when it was midnight, a deceitful spirit appeared to those who were with Natalia, in the likeness of a ship, in which were as it were passengers and skilled sailors: and the shipmaster says to them with a loud voice: Whence have you come, and whither are you going? But they answer: We have come out from Nicomedia, and we are sailing to Byzantium. That seeming shipmaster says to them: You are astray; the course you have undertaken is not to be set this way; but turn aside to the left: for the unclean and malignant demon wished to destroy them upon the open sea.

[37] But they, supposing that they were truly showing the way, rose up and set the sail, [when she had come to the bodies of the Martyrs, she joins to them the hand of S. Adrian,] wishing to make for the place to which the unclean and evil spirit advised them to go. Presently Saint Adrian appeared to them as though in a small ship, and cried out saying: You have sailed rightly: do not listen to him: for he is a condemned one, who is eager to destroy you: and presently the unclean and malignant spirit vanished. And the blessed Natalia, rising, sees Saint Adrian going before them, and being made joyful cried out saying: Behold my lord Adrian also. And the Saint was seen by them no more. And when the wind had begun to favor them, before daybreak they put in at Argyropolis [d], which is situated opposite Byzantium: and they came over against the place where the relics of the holy Martyrs were kept. And the blessed Natalia, having gone out of the small ship, and having been carried to the place, approaching the Saints, venerated their precious and enduring bodies: and, having taken the hand, she laid it near the body of Saint Adrian, and with bended knees prayed for a long time.

[38] Going out from there, she greeted all the brothers and sisters, asking that they pray for her. and having there piously died, she is buried among the Martyrs: For there was a company of the faithful, who asked her to rest a little, for she was exceedingly wearied. But behold, Saint Adrian appears to her in sleep, saying: Peace to you, Handmaid of God and Daughter of the Martyrs: come therefore, receive the reward owed to you. And straightway she gave up her spirit ^e to the Lord. And the brethren, coming to rouse her from sleep, found her dead in Christ. Therefore, thanks having been given to the Lord and prayers poured forth, they buried her honorably and piously, laying her near the thrice-blessed and holy Martyrs: then, prayers having long been poured forth to them all, they made fast that building, which was constructed in the fashion of a rounded vault.

[39] And companies of men and women, having left all the goods of the world, the time of the martyrdom. remained in that same place, and giving themselves to prayers and fastings, served the Lord with much eagerness. Now the holy and thrice-blessed Martyrs of Christ were consummated ^g in the month of August, on the twenty-sixth day, in the city of Nicomedia, under the reign of the wicked and most impious Maximian; but among us, under the reign of our Lord Jesus Christ, to whom be glory and power now and always, and unto the ages of ages. Amen.

ANNOTATIONS.

APPENDIX

Concerning the relics, the celebrated cult, and the miracles of SS. Adrian and Natalia.

Adrian, martyr, at Nicomedia in Bithynia (S.)

Twenty-three Companions, at Nicomedia in Bithynia

Natalia, wife of Adrian, near Byzantium in Thrace (S.)

BY J. S.

§ I. The relics of SS. Adrian and Natalia are said to have been carried into Spain and into Lusitania.

[ ] [It is uncertain whether the body of S. Natalia was carried to Rome together with the body of Adrian:] Although by Ado or by other ancient writers no mention is made of the body of S. Natalia having been translated to Rome, nor of the other Martyrs who suffered with S. Adrian, nevertheless some think that they possess relics of these also, and especially of S. Natalia, which they believe to have been received from the City. Wherefore, before we enter this ambiguous labyrinth, it must be observed that nothing is certain concerning that translation; nor yet is it at once to be held false, since from the translation of S. Adrian himself the translation of the others is made in some fashion probable; and since no notice is found concerning their bodies as preserved at Constantinople after the sixth century. Piazza also, at the first of December, asserts that in the church of S. Adrian at Rome not only is the body of that Saint kept, but also relics of S. Natalia. The bodies of all could indeed have been translated together to Rome; but, since no distinct notice is had concerning the translation of S. Adrian, no suitable reasons occur by which we may assert that this was done, or even obstinately deny it. Leaving therefore this doubt, we shall see to how many various places the bodies of the holy Adrian and Natalia are attributed.

[2] First, various Spanish writers assert that the bodies of SS. Adrian and Natalia were translated into Spain in the time of Alfonso the Great and of Pope John VIII, [the bodies of SS. Adriam and Natalia translated into Spain, as they will have it,] that is, toward the end of the ninth century; and that they are now kept in the abbey of S. Peter of Estonça, of the Order of S. Benedict and of the diocese of León. So writes Ægidius Gonzalez d'Avila in his Ecclesiastical Theater of Both Castiles, published in Spanish, page 371; and at page 363 he affirms that at León, in the monastery of S. Claudius, of the aforesaid Benedictine Order, one arm of S. Adrian and another of S. Natalia are preserved. But on what occasion and in what manner the aforesaid relics were carried into Spain, Prudencio de Sandoval set forth at length in a Spanish writing separately published, which Antonio de Yepes adopted and inserted in his Benedictine Annals at the year 911. But that account is far too prolix for the whole of it to seem fit to be transferred hither. For which reason I shall take from it only the chief heads of the matter, and render them into Latin, which will suffice for our purpose.

[3] [and a part of them deposited in the church which king Alfonso built for these Saints:] He relates first (what others also report) that legates were sent by Alfonso the Great, king of León, to Pope John VIII; and that there was also sent to Rome count Gisondus, a distinguished and pious man, who sought and obtained from the Supreme Pontiff the relics of SS. Adrian and Natalia, together with many others, which he carried into Spain. The author asserts that he found this in the monuments of the church of Oviedo, and in a Chronicle written in Gothic letters. Further, of the relics received at Rome the count gave a part to king Alfonso, if we believe Sandoval. And the king in honor of SS. Adrian and Natalia erected a notable monastery, concerning whose construction by Alfonso the Great there is sufficient evidence from other sources. That abbey was built in the mountains of Asturias, some miles distant from the city of Oviedo, and is called by Spanish writers the abbey of Tuñon. Its foundation charter is partly recited by Ambrosio de Morales, book 15, chapter 21, at the year 890, to which he attaches the foundation. But Yepes refers it to the year 891, citing the privileges given to that same abbey by Alfonso, which he says he has seen in the church of Oviedo. The same writer observes that the said abbey was afterward united to the church of Oviedo, and that there it is one of the chief dignities.

[4] another part in the church built by count Gisondus: Sandoval then goes on to relate another foundation, made by count Gisondus himself and by his wife Leubina in the territory of León, in the place called Balneare. He also recites the foundation charter, rendered from Latin into Spanish. But Juan de Ferreras, in his History of Spain, written chronologically in the Spanish tongue, at the year 920, proves by suitable reasons that those letters, as they are produced by Sandoval, are faulty, and are therefore to be held supposititious. Nevertheless concerning the church built to SS. Adrian and Natalia he does not doubt, nor could he rightly doubt, since it is made sufficiently certain from other monuments. For Ambrosio de Morales, book 10, chapter 5, produced this inscription, carved on a stone of the greater chapel: This hall of Christ, dedicated to the name of the holy Adrian and Natalia, the servant of God Gisundo built with his wife Leubina, in the era running nine hundred and fifty-eight. Be there ratified to you, Lord, the most rare vow of your servants, which with eager devotion they have prepared for you in honor of your Witnesses. Let the prayers of the wretched be received by you, holy God. Whoever enters here in sadness, let him return thence more joyful, his prayer having been poured out. And the temple was consecrated by the bishop of Cixilanum (Sandoval has "by name Cixila") in the era 964, on the fourth of the Ides of October. In Sandoval, where the same things are read with the words here and there slightly changed, it stands as the era 958, which agrees with the year 920 of the common era. For this reason those writers agree indeed as to the church having been built in the year 920, but not as to the year of consecration, which Morales refers to the year 926, where Baronius also has the same.

[5] Further, the said Sandoval endeavors to infer from the church built to SS. Adrian and Natalia but the reasons that are alleged do not prove that their relics were carried into Spain, since it is provided by the laws of the Church that altars or churches be not built without relics of Saints. But that argument makes the matter probable indeed; yet not certain; since relics of other Saints could have been had. Wherefore he adduces from the archive of the abbey of S. Peter of Estonsa letters, authentic as he asserts, of García Gutiérrez and Lubina, in which I find these words bearing on our purpose: Of holy Adrian and Natalia, and of his Companions, whose relics are laid up together with those of all the holy martyrs beneath the altar of God in the monastery which is constructed and built at Valneare, on the stream of the running Porma, etc. From these words it is gathered that at the time of that written monument it was believed that some relics of SS. Adrian and Natalia and of the other Saints were preserved in that church; but I see nothing thus far produced by which it may be proved that the whole bodies, or the greater part of them, were ever there. Hence the said Ferreras, who used greater judgment in composing the history of Spain than his predecessors, candidly asserts that it seems to him more probable that only some relics of SS. Adrian and Natalia came into Spain, than their whole bodies.

[6] Besides, Ferreras hints that Sandoval's account is suspect to him, that the bodies of the said Saints were translated into Spain, asserting as it does that count Gisondus was sent to Rome by Alfonso the Great, and there received from Pope John the aforesaid relics. Indeed, the more I consider the whole matter, the more I am compelled to doubt. For I do not know how much credit those Gothic monuments deserve, which Sandoval cites only in a vague manner. Besides, others say that the relics were given to the count by John VIII; others name John IX. Alfonso indeed lived in the time of both, and could have received relics from either; but we should be more certain about their reception if the time of the translation had been more accurately assigned, if the very words had been produced from ancient monuments, if the place were known where the relics were deposited before count Gisondus built the church of S. Adrian. Ignorance of all these things brings on doubt, because, if John VIII gave those relics to count Gisondus, they will have been given nearly forty years before the count founded the monastery of SS. Adrian and Natalia, in which the greater part is said to have been deposited. If the donation be said to have been made by John IX, it was made ten years at the least after Alfonso built the church of SS. Adrian and Natalia in the mountains of Asturias, whereas Sandoval nevertheless says that that church was built by Alfonso after a part of those relics had been received.

[7] or were deposited in the church built by Gisondus, These difficulties will be not a little increased if we are willing attentively to consider Sandoval's whole account. For he confesses that the place was so gradually deserted, the monks migrating to another monastery, that even the names of SS. Adrian and Natalia were given over to oblivion, and that there remained only a confused memory of some relics of Saints preserved in that church. I shall therefore follow Sandoval's footsteps, that we may gradually arrive at the last translation. The said writer relates, in Yepes at folio 357 verso, that the monks of SS. Adrian and Natalia migrated from that monastery to another founded in the neighborhood, the relics of the Saints being nevertheless left in the former church, which was made parochial. He attaches the foundation of that new monastery to the era 1018, that is, to the year of the Lord 980; and he says that that monastery was dedicated to the most holy Savior and to S. Mary. Each place was afterward subjected as a priory to the abbey of S. Peter of Estonsa, as the author reports, and as is evident from other sources.

[8] and thence carried to the church of S. Mary; But when Pedro Martínez, abbot of S. Peter of Eslonsa, saw that the relics were not kept sufficiently becomingly in the parochial church of S. Adrian, he translated them to the church of S. Mary, where the monks then dwelt. As witness of this translation Sandoval adduces a Latin inscription, which he asserts to be carved in stone in that same place in this manner: Here lie the sacred bones of two Saints, for whom the Lord wrought many miracles, whose translation was most devoutly made on the seventh of the Kalends of July by dom Pedro Martín, abbot, in the era 1306, that is, in the year of the Lord 1268. From this inscription it is most clearly gathered, if we believe Sandoval, that those bones were of SS. Adrian and Natalia, because, he says, if they had been other, the inscription would have expressed it: nor were there other relics either in the church of S. Adrian or in that of S. Mary. He adds another inscription, which he says is composed in very ancient Gothic letters, and to have been in the church

of S. Adrian, while the relics were there. I subjoin the words: Here lie the bones of two Saints, for whom the Lord wrought many miracles. The author notes that in both places the title of Martyrs is omitted; but he believes this was done because S. Natalia did not meet death by martyrdom. But after this he confesses that both churches, namely that of S. Adrian and that of S. Mary, were so deserted that the names of SS. Adrian and Natalia fell away, and there was only a confused memory concerning the relics, until in the year 1601 they were translated and recognized.

[9] whereas the relics which were formerly there Now indeed the several points must be somewhat considered. I shall raise no quarrel with the most illustrious Sandoval concerning the inscriptions adduced. I shall willingly suppose that the one was set up in the year 1268, when those relics were translated by abbot Peter, but that the other is far more ancient, and near to the first deposition of those relics in the church of S. Adrian, although this is altogether doubtful and little probable, since no mention is made of a translation. But the more ancient that inscription is reckoned, the less it favors the opinion alleged, because I can scarcely doubt that it was unknown of what Saints those relics were when the inscriptions were set up. For I do not grasp for what reason the names of the Saints should be omitted in the inscriptions, save that they were unknown. If therefore the earlier inscription was carved while those relics were deposited in the church of S. Adrian, it seems that even then it lay hidden of what Saints the bones were. Wherefore those inscriptions by no means suggest that the bones are of SS. Adrian and Natalia; but plainly they hint that they are of unknown Saints, of whose sanctity there had been evidence from suitable signs, but not likewise of their names.

[10] But as to what Sandoval says, that no other relics were preserved in the churches of S. Adrian and of S. Mary, seem to be of unknown Saints. it does not agree with the words given at num. 5, and adduced by him from letters, as he will have it, authentic, in which clearer mention is made of relics of other Saints than of relics of Adrian or Natalia. And so, since he has nowhere sufficiently established that notable relics of SS. Adrian and Natalia were in the said churches, the inscriptions adduced vehemently oppose his opinion: for that the relics designated by those inscriptions are very notable we shall presently see. And so from what has thus far been said concerning the relics, which we shall see translated to the abbey of S. Peter of Eslonça, it seems to follow that they cannot with sufficient probability be held for relics of SS. Adrian and Natalia, since they never seem to have been recognized or honored as such. It remains therefore to inquire whether from the inspection of those relics it can be proved that they are of the said Saints: for Sandoval and Yepes use this argument also.

[11] In the year 1601 Plácido Antolínez, abbot of S. Peter of Eslonça, Those relics carried to the abbey of Eslonça and inspected: sent three of his monks to the priory or church of S. Mary, that they might diligently inquire whether anything could be ascertained concerning the relics kept there. But they not only inquired; they also carried the relics themselves, together with everything that seemed to conduce to knowledge of them, to their abbey. That translation took place on the seventeenth day of August in the year 1601, as Sandoval attests. Then in the year 1602, on the fourth day of March, those relics were placed by the abbot of S. Peter, in the presence of several abbots and of the neighboring peoples, in a silver casket, and thereafter honorably preserved in the abbey of Eslonça. Whether all the bones of the two bodies were found, Sandoval does not declare; but he relates that the bones were found arranged in order in a chest, and were discovered to be exceedingly bright, beautiful, and without any corruption; that beneath the bones about three handfuls of earth were found, and that everything was so fragrant as to beget wonder: that two heads were found, the one entire, the other divided into three parts; that the bones of S. Natalia were smaller; that the head and legs of S. Adrian were broken.

[12] Yepes, at the same year 911, chapter 1, observes several things concerning these, but the arguments drawn from the inspection are utterly useless and, provided anyone be willing to believe the speaker, he found manifest indications by which the bones of S. Adrian might be recognized, and likewise the bones of S. Natalia. He reports in the same place that the relics found were placed in two caskets; namely, in the silver and larger casket were placed the two heads and the two bodies, as he says, that is, the chief bones; but in a gilded wooden casket was placed that earth which Sandoval said was with the bones, and to which Yepes asserts ashes were joined. And these ashes he probably suspects to have arisen from the flesh dissolved; yet he adds that those ashes are perhaps present with the body because the body of S. Adrian was after death cast into the fire, and snatched from it by the Christians. But those ashes are sought too far afield: for it was not bare bones that were cast into the fire, but a body clothed with flesh, and this was snatched unharmed from the fire, if what is narrated in the Acts is true.

[13] Then Yepes says that he has never in any relics seen signs so agreeable to the history of the Saints as in these. But such things are asserted too easily of bones so ancient. for claiming those relics for SS. Adrian and Natalia; The first indication is that some bones are larger, others smaller. Who would from this safely infer that they are those of Adrian and Natalia? The second, that the smaller are entire, the larger partly broken. That it is legs which are broken, Yepes asserts without hesitation, because Adrian suffered the breaking of his legs. But such things needed to be proved by skilled physicians, who themselves not rarely have difficulty in rightly distinguishing bones, especially when they are not entire. But if it were altogether established that the legs were broken, many other things would have to be examined before those broken legs could be ascribed to anyone by name. The third indication of Yepes, that the bones seem to have suffered somewhat from fire, in no way agrees with the Acts, since the body is said to have been cast into the fire and to have remained unharmed. Wherefore all those indications of Yepes are utterly useless for our purpose.

[14] especially since various reasons persuade On the contrary, most powerful are the arguments by which it can be shown that the aforesaid relics cannot prudently be held for relics of SS. Adrian and Natalia. First, no suitable document, no testimony of an ancient writer is brought forward by which it may be shown that the bodies of our Saints, or a great part of them, were translated into Spain. Second, the inscription given at num. 4, by which the founding of the church of SS. Adrian and Natalia is established, has nothing concerning their relics. Third, no tradition seems ever to have flourished before the year 1601 concerning relics of Adrian and Natalia preserved in that church from which these were translated: this is gathered from the inscriptions of that church recited above, from the silence of Spanish writers (among these Ambrosio Morales treats of the two churches founded in honor of SS. Adrian and Natalia, with no mention made of their relics); and finally from Sandoval's own confession, who admits that before the year 1601 it was unknown of what Saints the said relics were; nor does he show that this was ever known.

[15] the contrary; although some relics of Adrian seem to be in Spain. Fourth, it is neither probable nor credible that knowledge of those relics could have so far fallen away, had they been those of the Patrons of the church and known and honored as such; since no occasion for that oblivion is assigned, and the place where they were kept was sufficiently known. For these reasons I candidly declare that I can hardly believe that the said relics are of SS. Adrian and Natalia. Nor yet on that account would I deny that something of the relics of these Saints was carried into Spain when their churches were founded; but rather I judge that this is to be asserted as altogether probable and likely.

[16] Some will have it that the bodies of SS. Adrian and Natalia are in Lusitania; The Portuguese also attribute to themselves relics of SS. Adrian and Natalia, and of many of Adrian's Companions. Certainly the most illustrious Rodrigo da Cunha, archbishop of Lisbon, in his History of the Church of Lisbon, written in the Portuguese tongue, part 2, chapter 39, does not seem to doubt that these were brought to Lisbon; but he alleges nothing by way of proof except a certain inscription, not very ancient, to which he adds his own conjectures. Concerning the same relics Luís de Sousa writes in his History of the Order of S. Dominic of the kingdom of Portugal, published in the same tongue, book 1, chapter 23. Both affirm that the said relics are preserved in the Chelas monastery of S. Felix, which belongs to nuns of the Order of S. Dominic, and is situated in the valley of Chelas, commonly de Chellas, not far from the city of Lisbon. But neither knows how rightly to explain at what time, and by whose agency, the relics of S. Adrian and of the others were carried thither.

[17] Both agree that those relics were in that same place before the nuns' monastery was founded: but they narrate things neither probable, yet they disagree about the time at which they had been carried to that place. Sousa thinks that the relics were in that valley before the irruption of the Moors into Spain, and that they were hidden at that time in which the Moors had occupied Portugal together with nearly all Spain. But that opinion not only lacks all authority of ancient writers, but also all probability and likelihood. The most illustrious da Cunha, who had probably read Sandoval's assertions concerning the relics of SS. Adrian and Natalia translated by the legate of Alfonso the Great, king of León, preferred to conjecture that that legate returned from Rome into Spain by sea, and put in at Lisbon, where he left a great part of the relics he had received. So improbable is this conjecture that I wonder it could have occurred to any historian: for the city of Lisbon in the time of Alfonso the Great was groaning under the yoke of the Moors, from whom it was wrested by Alfonso I, king of Portugal, in the twelfth century, that is, in the third century after Alfonso the Great, king of León. But the said da Cunha inserted other anachronisms also into his account.

[18] He then reports that an altar was erected to SS. Adrian, Natalia, and their Companions, nor do they allege suitable reasons. and that this inscription was carved there in marble: To the most faithful and most unconquered martyr of Christ the Lord, Adrian, and to Natalia his wife, and to the eleven other Companions, who under Maximian and others fell by various kinds of torments, whose bodies rest here from before Alfonso I, king of Portugal, this altar has been dedicated. But this inscription is too recent to be able to prove anything: nor are any ancient monuments adduced from which it might be gathered that the sacred bodies which are kept in the church of Chelas are those of S. Adrian of Nicomedia or of his fellow martyrs. Wherefore this does not appear to me sufficiently probable, especially since better reasons are brought forward for the relics of S. Adrian honored in Flanders, as we shall see below.

§ II. Concerning the relics of S. Adrian translated into Belgium; and their deposition at Raulicuria in Hainault: the same afterward translated to Gerardimons.

The relics of S. Adrian venerated for many centuries in Belgium: Nowhere for many centuries has S. Adrian been honored with so great a cult as in our Belgium; nowhere has he shone with so many benefits and miracles, nowhere has he been invoked with so great a concourse of pilgrims; and yet even so it can hardly be determined at what time and by whose agency the Saint's relics were first brought into Belgium. Many things indeed I find written by various authors concerning that translation; but I do not see that they rest on firm foundations, since they are destitute of the authority of the ancients, nor do they seem free from fabulous circumstances. Jan van Waesberghe in his Gerardimontium, book 2, chapter 2, page 152, thus briefly summarizes the various translations of the body: He suffered at Nicomedia, from Nicomedia he passed to Constantinople, thence by his kinsmen to Rome: when the barbarians were ravaging Rome he was translated and came to the mount of saint Odardus, from that mount to Raulicuria in Hainault. He presently adds in what manner at length the relics were carried to Gerardimons, where they still remain, as we shall say below.

[20] but what is narrated concerning the relics translated thither Guillaume Hardigny, in the Life of S. Adrian written in French, chapters 12 and 15, records the same translations, and names the persons by whom each is said to have been carried out. Concerning the first translation, which is read in the Acts, this writer agrees with the Acts. The second he will have taken place through two kinsmen of S. Adrian, whom he says were converted after his martyrdom, and relates that they were called Didymus and Afficica. These, if we believe the more recent biographer, carried the body of S. Adrian, found at Constantinople, to Rome, and there brought various sick persons to it, who were all healed: and from this it came about that a magnificent church was built at Rome in honor of the Saint. All those things are drawn from a certain Manuscript of Gerardimons, as Benoît Ruteau of the Order of S. Benedict also acknowledges in the French Life of S. Adrian, printed in the year 1637, book 2, chapter 1. But this author candidly confesses that that Manuscript is worthy of little or no credit; and that nothing certain is had concerning that translation, except that it took place not long after the Saint's martyrdom. But that not even this is certain, and that the translation seems rather to be attached to the sixth or the beginning of the seventh century, has been proved at num. 43.

[21] out of a certain fabulous Manuscript of an unknown author, As regards the translation to the place which they call the Mount of saint Odardus, it is asserted to have been made on account of the capture of Rome by the barbarians after the death of the said Didymus and Afficica. The relics are then said to have been carried to the chapel of that mount, in which a certain John, a hermit priest, administered the divine offices. This translation indeed, along with the said Hardigny and Waesberghe, other writers also assert; but not all. But Ruteau observes in the Life, book 2, chapter 7, that this too was taken from that Manuscript, which I have just said with him to be of no credit. And he clearly shows that that account labors under such great anachronisms that it can in no way be admitted: and therefore that translation is rightly held by him as fictitious. For the translation is said in the Manuscript to have been made in the time of the emperor Philip, and on the occasion of the persecution stirred up by Maximinus I, and thereafter, as is said, continued; whereas nevertheless S. Adrian suffered long after Maximinus I, and long after both Philips. Nor was the persecution of Maximinus continued down to the reign of Philip. Other arguments of the said writer against that translation I do not adduce; but I add one observation, namely, that by no one is it explained in what part of Italy the mount of S. Odardus is situated; nor has it been found by me anywhere among geographers or topographers, so that no slight suspicion arises that the place is fictitious.

[22] cannot be held for true: Further, what is narrated out of the same Manuscript concerning the relics of S. Adrian translated from the mount of S. Odardus to Raulicuria (a village of Hainault lying midway between Valenciennes, Tournai, and Ath, commonly called Raucourt) appears equally fabulous. They say that a nobleman was admonished by a vision repeated on three nights to seek the relics of S. Adrian on the mount of S. Odardus, and to carry them to Raulicuria; and that he made known that vision to his parish priest: and that both set out for Rome, returned thence by way of the mount of S. Odardus, and, having found the relics there, translated them to Raulicuria. Deservedly does Ruteau withhold credit from all these things, both because everything is produced from a fabulous monument, and because they are reported without coherence, and confirmed by no ancient testimony. Wherefore I rather think that the monuments of the translation perished with the other charters of the church of Raulicuria when the church itself was laid waste by a hostile hand, as we shall say; and that from this it came about that some imprudent fabulist invented the aforesaid tales. Whatever the cause may have been, we can prudently believe nothing of all these things. Hence, that translation being passed over, it must be inquired what others say concerning those relics brought to Raulicuria.

[23] Meyer in the Annals of Flanders, at the year 1110, has it thus: uncertain too are the things which others The body of the divine Adrian the martyr, when the temple of Raulicuria in Hainault was burning, was withdrawn from the fire by Eubaldus the priest, and carried off to the monastery of Gerardimons, and sold to the monks. This Martyr I find to have suffered at Nicomedia, under the reign of Maximian, and his body to have been carried first to Byzantium, thence to Rome, and thence, when the barbarians were ravaging Rome, into Gaul. By this last translation Meyer doubtless understands that to Raulicuria, including Hainault in Gaul, as in fact it was a province of Gaul when that translation was made. Meyer therefore seems to have believed that the sacred relics of S. Adrian were carried from Rome to Raulicuria in a single translation. Jacques de Guise, in the Manuscript Chronicles of Hainault, of which a synopsis was published at Paris in the year 1531, asserts that the relics of S. Adrian were carried to Raulicuria by Gerard de Roussillon, whom he calls count of Burgundy, to whom he also attributes the foundation of the church of Raulicuria, and of many others, as Miræus observed in his Little Work on the Colleges of Canons, chapter 13. The said Guise flourished in the fourteenth century, and makes Gerard of Roussillon a contemporary of Charles Martel, as if he had flourished in the eighth century, whereas nevertheless he flourished rather in the ninth, as is clear from his own foundations, two of which Mabillon relates in the Benedictine Annals, volume 3, at the year 867, page 141 and following. Guise therefore labors under anachronisms in what he narrates concerning Gerard of Roussillon: for he says also that he received the relics from Pope John VIII, who was Pontiff in the ninth century as it drew toward its close.

[24] Waesberghe, although he afterward has the contrary, as we have seen, have written concerning their first translation into Belgium; followed Guise in book 1, chapter 1, where he has it concerning Gerard of Roussillon that very many churches of those parts owe their origin to him, continuing thus: And he adorned them with relics of Saints, as the church of Rotornacum and that of Raulicuria with saint Adrian, which he is said to have received from Pope John, who had consecrated all the churches founded by Gerard, when he accompanied him as he returned from Gaul to Rome with many soldiers, with gold and other necessaries. These things concerning Pope John the said Guise also has. This opinion concerning the relics translated to Raulicuria by Gerard of Roussillon Ruteau also embraces in chapter 8, as more probable than the others: but I do not find it resting on a sufficiently solid foundation, since everything seems drawn from Guise, and he confuses many things concerning Gerard. Wherefore I would rather candidly declare that the author of that translation is unknown to me.

[25] Nevertheless, since in the eighth and ninth centuries not a few relics of Saints were translated from Italy into Gaul and Germany; but that they were at Raulicuria in Hainault, tradition holds. and since a most constant tradition of many centuries asserts this translation, nor does the author of the translation seem to lie hidden for any other cause than that the monuments of it perished in the burning of the church; it does not seem to be doubted that the relics of S. Adrian were really at Raulicuria, and were thence carried to Gerardimons, as we shall see. Certainly no one seems to have doubted of these things for six centuries. How great a benefit the people of Raulicuria and the neighboring peoples drew from the said relics, Waesberghe relates in book 2, chapter 2, in these words: Where (at Raulicuria in Hainault) he rendered the whole region round about, under his patronage, immune from plague and languor, and from every inconvenience whatsoever arising through the inclemency of the air. With such miracles, I say, did he shine forth, that the pious people raised for him a notable college of canons, which day by day should chant the hourly prayers to the honor of God and of the Saints. The said Hardigny and Ruteau assert that from the alms of the pilgrims visiting the sacred relics a college of twelve canons was instituted in the parochial church. But I do not find certain monuments by which I might be able to confirm all those things. For this reason I leave both the author and the time of that translation, and likewise the beginning and progress of the church of Raulicuria, to the credit of those writers.

[26] The occasion of the relics being translated from Raulicuria to Gerardimons The occasion of the following translation Waesberghe thus records: At length, when in one onset of fury the barbarians, in hatred of our religion, poured hither through the devastated Gauls under the leadership of Hastigua *, that college perished. But the divine clemency, not suffering so precious a treasure to be cast out of its Church, providing a most safe receptacle in a certain altar, guarded it from the barbarians. For two canons of deeper counsel (I shall recite the words of a Benedictine writer, living at Gerardimons two centuries back) having broken open the altar and most diligently consolidated it again, sealed the most sacred relics within it. A short while after, one of them departed this life: the other, being near death, communicates the mystery to a certain priest Eubaldus, and reveals to him the treasure. Which, some days later, Eubaldus, having sought his opportunity, stealthily carried off, and hid it in a sack full of barley, as though he were going to the mill: then, having gone out of the town, he drew the Saint from the sack, wrapped him in green grass, and, thus laden with a noble burden, came to the Mount of Gerard: whereas on the preceding night a certain shepherd of sheep, keeping watch over his flocks on the ancient mount, had seen a most brilliant fire from heaven penetrate the presbytery of this temple in a most flashing descent, which taught the coming of the most luminous Martyr on the following day.

[27] is not rightly set forth by Waesberghe: This whole account Hardigny adopted, and for the greater part Ruteau, who nevertheless took pains to correct the anachronism under which it labors. But if we turn our attention to the particulars, many other things will appear improbable and savoring of fable: nor shall we wonder at this if we consider that the writer from whom Waesberghe seems to have taken everything lived only two centuries before him, and consequently flourished in the fifteenth century, so that he is four or five centuries later than the earlier events, and three at the least later than the later ones, which he here narrates. Wherefore we cannot doubt that that writer combined many things incoherently out of conjectures, and, after the manner of his own age, narrated some things without sufficient foundation. First, what is said concerning the church of Raulicuria overthrown by the Normans, who entered Gaul under the leadership of Hasting, appears altogether improbable, because the ravages of Hasting in Gaul took place in the ninth century, and it is only as that century drew to its close, or later, that the church of Raulicuria seems to have been founded

church, so that this is perhaps later than the incursions of Hasting. Besides, in this way Eubaldus, the author of the translation, whom the whole account supposes to have lived not long after the relics were hidden, would have been more than two centuries later than the said concealment of the relics.

[28] Ruteau saw this last anachronism, and endeavored to distribute everything more correctly among its own times. [whereas the overthrow of the church of Raulicuria may more fitly be attached to the tenth century,] For this reason he substituted for the Normans, who laid Gaul waste in the ninth century, the Hungarians, who frequently did the same in the tenth. But when he brings the Hungarians as far as Belgium already in the year 903, and that too under the reign of the emperor Otto I, who was not yet born, he shows that he too is unskilled in chronology, and that Molanus, whom he cites, was ill understood by him. For Molanus indeed in the Chronological Recapitulation, chapter 23, begins the incursions of the Hungarians from the year 903, but does not at once bring them as far as Belgium. But if it were certainly established that the church of Raulicuria was overthrown by the Hungarians, this could be fixed to no time more probably than to that which the said Molanus designates, writing thus: In the time of Otto the first they attacked Lotharingia, but the power of God, shown through the merits of the holy Ursmarus and Erminus at the monastery of Lobbes in the fifty-fifth year (after the nine hundredth), forbade them to advance further. The miracle by which they were repelled from the monastery of Lobbes in Hainault is more fully narrated by Folcuin, abbot of Lobbes, in the Miracles of S. Ursmarus, published by us at the eighteenth of April, chapter 1, where it is also shown that this took place in the year 954, in which year Pagi likewise recited the same.

[29] To no time, I say, could the overthrow of the church of Raulicuria be more rightly attached, [if it was done by a hostile hand: but others bring forward other causes of the translation;] if it were established that it was laid waste by the Hungarians; since it is certain that these were then in its neighborhood, and raged with sword and flame against sacred places. But nowhere do I find monuments so certain of the church of Raulicuria having been overthrown by a hostile hand that I can affirm anything certain, especially since that hostile devastation does not cohere with the rest of the narrative, if it be believed to have been done by the Hungarians: for thus it would have taken place a hundred and nearly fifty years before the following translation. Ruteau, in order to remove the anachronism, asserts that Eubaldus did not receive knowledge of the hidden relics from that canon who had himself hidden them; but that that knowledge, handed on through several hands, at length reached him. I confess that it could have been so, and that this is a fit solution of the difficulty; provided it were sufficiently established that the church of Raulicuria was overthrown. But Meyer, cited at num. 23, says that the body, when the temple of Raulicuria in Hainault was burning, was withdrawn from the fire by Eubaldus the priest, and carried off to Gerardimons. Guise, in the said Epitome, volume 2, folio 42 verso, has it thus in French, as I render it into Latin: But after much time a certain count Baldwin, count of Flanders and Hainault, had it (the body) translated to the abbey of Gerardimons, where it is kept to this present day.

[30] If anyone now shall have considered these diverse opinions concerning the translated relics, nor is it sufficiently clear what ought to be said as more probable he will rightly doubt which of the three is to be preferred. Waesberghe assigns his author, otherwise unknown, to the fifteenth century: his account is disfigured by a shameful anachronism, and clothed with fabulous circumstances, when he makes the priest Eubaldus depart as though he were going to the mill, and adds many other things in the carrying off and the sale of the relics which seem little credible. Hence I suspect that that writer whom Waesberghe cites is the same as the author of that old Manuscript, in which Ruteau points out the most rank little fables, book 2, chapter 7. Wherefore that unknown writer will readily deserve the last place; and consequently that whole concealment of the relics, which seems to have been adopted from him by others, will become not only doubtful but also less probable, and by the same reasoning most of the circumstances of the translation to Gerardimons will fall with it. Guise, the author of the second opinion, lived in the fourteenth century; and, although this writer too is neither accurate nor critical, he narrates at least things more probable than the preceding, when he writes that the relics were translated to Gerardimons by order of the count of Flanders and Hainault.

[31] because of the variety of opinions. Indeed, since Baldwin of Mons, count of Flanders and Hainault, brought Gerardimons to the form of a town and fortified it, as Meyer writes at the year 1068; and since the abbey, now called that of S. Adrian, had already been translated thither in the year 1081, as is clear from the Donation of Gerard, bishop of Cambrai, which Miræus recites in volume 1 of the Diplomata, page 514; it is credible that the count of Flanders took care that some relics should be carried to that new town. Molanus's opinion, by which the body is said not to have been carried off by theft but withdrawn from the fire, can in some fashion be reconciled with the preceding: for the burning of the church could have furnished the count with an occasion for wishing the body to be translated to Gerardimons. Let the studious reader choose from among all these what shall have pleased him more: or, if he prefer to follow me, let him believe this one thing to be sufficiently certain, that the relics of S. Adrian were carried off from the village of Raulicuria, and came to Gerardimons.

* read Hastingo

§ III. How the relics of S. Adrian were received at Gerardimons, and there deposited in the abbey afterward called that of S. Adrian.

[ ] The beginning of the monastery of Gerardimons: Before we examine the manner in which the abbey of S. Adrian obtained the relics of its Patron, it will be necessary to inquire a little concerning the monastery translated to Gerardimons, which from the eighth century had been built at Dickelvenne in the county of Aalst. That monastery had certainly been founded in the year 1081, as is clear from the donation of Gerard II, bishop of Cambrai, which was made in that same year 1081. That Donation was published in Miræus, volume 1 of the Diplomata, page 514. But from that donation, in which the abbey is said to have been translated from Declivinium to Geroldimons, it can in no way be established that the abbey was not founded some years earlier. Besides, nowhere do I find it certainly proved that the sacred relics came to Gerardimons in the year 1110, although after Meyer the more recent writers commonly agree upon that year. Indeed, below at num. 37 I shall recite a Manuscript fragment, which seems more ancient and better than the remaining monuments that treat of this translation, and in which it is in some fashion suggested that the translation was made much earlier, and perhaps before the monastery of Gerardimons was built.

[33] [the relics are said to have been sold to the men of Gerardimons; but this is uncertain,] As regards the manner in which these sacred relics were acquired by the men of Gerardimons, Meyer asserts that they were sold by Eubaldus, which I judge to be not altogether certain, because concerning that sale I find no suitable documents; nor yet incredible, because it is established that other relics were from time to time sold in the middle age. Perhaps this sale of relics too, with many fabulous circumstances, was taken from that inept Manuscript already several times rejected. Certainly Jacques de Guise makes no mention of that sale, but wrote the contrary at num. 29. However that may be, I can by no means doubt that the history of that sale, as it is reported by Waesberghe, is stained with many little fables. Yet it pleases me to give his words, because others out of the same corrupt source from which he drew have given the same things in other words.

[34] Therefore the priest, he says, namely Eubaldus, after he had come to Gerardimons, certainly with various fables offers for sale the relics wrapped in grass. But when the brethren of the monastery and the citizens had come together, one of the common folk, Theodoric, with brazen wordiness proclaims that he would more gladly buy a fat cow than dry bones that would never be of profit for human uses: at which saying he was made witless and went mad; whence, dying a short while after, he was unbecomingly buried before the altar of blessed Mary Magdalene within the church. When behold, on the following night a horrible roaring of demons (as is believed) came on, and the corpse of that most wretched man, unworthy of so great a burial, being cast out of the earth, with the stone laid upon it broken to bits, it irreverently bore away with itself. The keeper of the church, having heard the said roaring, was so terrified that from the greatness of his fear he fell into a sickness of one year. Thus far Waesberghe, with whom Ruteau also agrees, book 2, chapter XI. But, although it is not incredible that a blasphemous man, contemning the relics of the Saints, was punished, I would not vouch for all the circumstances.

[35] Further, Eubaldus, says Waesberghe, continuing, inexorably demands four and twenty marks for the treasure, that sale has been embellished, but, the people taking fright at so great a price (for the town was at that time poor and narrow, having been very recently founded), he withdraws with saint Adrian, and, purposing to go to Brussels, being divinely dulled in mind, straying by wandering paths, at length fell asleep on the mount next to the abbey, whither every year the same is carried in memory thereof. On the next day, roused up, he returned to the town with his little nag , upon which he was carrying the Saint, where, the insufficient price being again refused, having a purpose of journeying further, he departed; but being once more divinely blinded, he could not cross the mount. Where, having tarried a second night, and at last prudently weighing that the renowned Martyr had chosen this monastery for his own dwelling, and vowing that he would there serve God and saint Adrian so long as he lived, he returns to the town. An agreement therefore being made, he received twelve marks from the people, and from the church four bonniers of land to be possessed under a yearly rent of twelve pence. These things likewise the said Ruteau adopted, and in part Hardigny, as also Molanus. But how little credit they deserve may be gathered from the following, which are certainly false.

[36] It came about that the first abbot Senelardus, who then presided over the monastery, and fictitious is the proof of the relics which is asserted, and the whole people, if the relics were true ones of the Martyr, wished to prove it by the beginning [] of a manifest examination. The holy bones therefore of the noble Athlete are set forth before the doors of the church, with all standing by, that, the office of the Mass having been celebrated, they might be solemnly examined by consecrated water. And behold, beneath the eyes of all, a circular splendor glowing white with golden rays flashes in the sky, which, coloring round about the relics thus set forth, bore witness to the Saint of God the more brightly, and, the more heavenly it was, the more credibly. Word was brought to the abbot, who was devoutly attending to the divine offices, that the heavenly Judge had from heaven glorified his Beloved by a sufficient proof; who nevertheless was unwilling to desist from his purpose of a proof by examination. A boy of the greatest purity is chosen, to whose shoulder one bone of the most precious is bound, and, being let down upon the water, he is at once swallowed up with an impetuous commotion, by a sign of most certain demonstration.* This proof indeed, although it is also related and more fully set forth in Ruteau, is plainly ridiculous and certainly fabricated: nor would I readily believe that such a proof was ever employed to examine the genuineness of relics. For as to what Ruteau observes from Delrio, that women suspected of magic were of old thus cast into the waters with hands and feet bound, so that they were held innocent when they sank, but guilty and witches if they floated upon the waters; that indeed I would not deny: but it in no way conduces to our purpose: for he will never show that relics whose genuineness was doubted, and women who were suspected of sorceries, were proved in the same manner.

[37] whereas another proof was employed, as is reported from eyewitness testimony: But it is not necessary to show at greater length how inept and absurd that comparison is; since from a far better monument it can easily be shown by what examination the genuineness of these relics was inquired into. After the Life of S. Lietbertus, bishop of Cambrai, written by Radulphus, a contemporary monk, and published by us in volume IV of June, page 586 and following, there was published an appendix by a writer of nearly the same age, as will be clear from the words to be recited, from a Manuscript of the monastery of Vallicella. The author of this appendix reports from an eyewitness in what manner the relics of S. Adrian were proved by the men of Gerardimons. For in that same place, at page 606, where he had observed that according to the author of the Life twenty-two bodies of Saints were in the time of S. Lietbertus carried to Cambrai for the dedication of the basilica of the Lord's Sepulcher, but that these were not enumerated by the biographer, he weaves a catalogue of the bodies which were kept in the diocese of Cambrai. And among these bodies he expresses the seventh thus: S. Adrian, martyr, from the monastery of Gerardimons. Then he subjoins the following: Concerning that Martyr, dom William, formerly prior of this monastery of Vaucelles, related to us that he himself was present when the inhabitants of the place, hesitating whether they were the bones of that Martyr, kindled a fire, that the relics sent might be proved in it. And behold, by the grace of Christ, for whose love indeed the precious Martyr had suffered, above his bones there appeared a golden circle, having in the midst of it the sign of the holy cross: which those who were present, seeing, rejoiced and praised God, and carried the bones of the Martyr into the church of blessed Peter the apostle with honor and joy.

[38] [from the proof, the cult, and the miracles, the genuineness of these relics seems sufficiently certain;] From this narrative, which is simple and contains nothing absurd, there falls, first, that ridiculous proof by the boy cast into the water with relics bound to him. Second, that proof of relics by fire was not rarely employed of old, and was even enjoined in certain councils, as John Ferrand shows in his Reliquary Disquisition, book 2, chapter 3. Third, from the said proof it is gathered that the genuineness of those relics had been doubted; as the writer alleged also expressly attests; whether that doubt arose because they had long been hidden, or from any other cause whatsoever. Fourth, since the said relics, such a proof having gone before, began to be held in veneration among the men of Gerardimons; and since thereafter they were honored with a great concourse of pilgrims, and the honor shown to the sacred relics was requited by God with many miracles, it does not now seem possible prudently to doubt of their genuineness, as in fact it has not been doubted for six centuries and nearly a half.

[39] Fifth, it can nevertheless be doubted whether the relics were not carried to Gerardimons much earlier but the time at which they came to Gerardimons can be assigned only broadly. than the writers commonly assert, who attach their translation to the year 1110, having followed perhaps Meyer, who in marking down a time could easily err by not a few years. Certainly, when the writer cited at num. 37 numbers S. Adrian among those Saints whose bodies could have been carried to Cambrai in the year 1064, although he does not assert that it was carried thither, he seems to have believed that it was at Gerardimons long before the year 1110. Again, when he attributes the proof of the relics by fire not to the abbot or the monks, but to the inhabitants of Gerardimons, he in some fashion suggests that the relics came thither before the monastery of Gerardimons was founded, or at least inhabited. Wherefore concerning the time at which the relics were carried to Gerardimons I judge that nothing more certain is to be determined than that the relics were carried thither as the eleventh century was running to its close, or as the twelfth was already gliding on. Yet I do not think that the relics of S. Adrian were among those bodies which were carried in the year 1064 to the dedication of the church of the holy Sepulcher. The day of this translation seems more certain than the year, since that translation is celebrated every year on the twenty-seventh of May, as will presently be said more at large.

* that is, a little horse

* i.e., acres

perhaps indicio* (by an indication)

§ IV. The celebrated cult of S. Adrian at Gerardimons: votive pilgrimages: the older miracles: a costly shrine built for the relics, and certain other matters.

[ ] [The chief festivity of S. Adrian among the men of Gerardimons on the ninth of September,] What I shall narrate here and in some of the following paragraphs concerning the celebrated cult of S. Adrian in his monastery of Gerardimons was for the greater part most courteously communicated to us by the very reverend and most eminent lord Ildefons van Hoorde, the present abbot of saint Adrian, who not only had the Manuscript miracles transcribed from the archive of the abbey and sent them to us with accurate notices concerning the present-day cult, but also added to the aforesaid several printed booklets, and finally omitted nothing of those things which he believed would profit us for the writing of this history. Aided therefore by these helps, I shall first treat briefly of the Saint's several festivities. Concerning these the following have been written out for me by the said lord abbot: The feast of S. Adrian is every year solemnly celebrated with an Octave on the ninth of September, when his sacred body (the preceding day being impeded on account of the feast of the Nativity of the most blessed Virgin) was translated to Rome, with the exposition of the sacred relics through the whole Octave… There is still extant to this day in the archives of our abbey the whole proper Office of S. Adrian with antiphons, proper lessons, and responsories, etc. But in what manner the proper was omitted, we do not know. We now celebrate the said feast from the common of one martyr.

[41] to which the neighbors flock together from various places: By what means the cult of the Saint is made more celebrated throughout the neighboring cities, we learn from the same notice, in which concerning the coming of pilgrims to S. Adrian it stands thus: That devotion the confraternity of S. Adrian, erected in the city of Mons, still exhibits every year: whose confreres, with a great number of citizens of both sexes, come on the ninth of August from Mons to Gerardimons, that they may show their piety, and may offer a silver heart for benefits very often received through the intercession of saint Adrian. Nor for many years has the college of Ath exhibited a lesser devotion, whose professors are also accustomed every year (the three last excepted, on account of the most evident inconveniences and dangers which arise in time of war) to come to Gerardimons with their studious youth, where in the church, and in honor of saint Adrian, the professors sing a solemn Mass: which being finished, they offer a poem to the same Saint. The inhabitants of Acren likewise are not wanting in devotion and honor toward the Saint: who within the Octave of S. Adrian, namely on the feast of the Exaltation of the holy Cross, devoutly betake themselves to Gerardimons to the church of S. Adrian, in which the pastor of the place sings a solemn Mass, and they offer a candle of great weight. Thus far concerning the coming of pilgrims. But the places just mentioned belong to the province of Hainault, whose metropolis is the former, called Mons, and distant from Gerardimons about ten Belgian miles: midway between the two is the town of Ath, called Ath by the French, Aeth by the Flemings. And Acren is a village neighboring on Gerardimons, situated nevertheless in Hainault toward Ath.

[42] [another on the fourth of March, a third on the twenty-seventh of May: annual supplications,] Concerning the second festivity the said notice has it briefly thus: But his martyrdom is honored on the fourth of March. Concerning the third, which is more celebrated, these things follow: But the coming of his sacred relics into the city of Gerardimons is celebrated on the twenty-seventh of May (on which day it is announced in the Manuscript Florarium, and by Molanus, Canisis, Ferrarius, as was observed by us in the Prætermissi of that day), which, since in that year it fell on the fourth feria after Pentecost, for that reason a Procession is every year appointed to the mount on the said fourth feria after Pentecost, and for eight days the sacred relics are exposed; where in thanksgiving and in honor of the Saint a sermon is held. And since, because it is a working day, a great part of the citizens cannot take part in the procession and the devotion, a procession is carried out through the chief streets of the city on the feast of the most holy Trinity. From the day the twenty-seventh of May, compared with the fourth feria after Pentecost, I briefly observe that in the year 1110 the twenty-seventh of May did not fall on the fourth feria after Pentecost. Wherefore if the concurrence of those days when the relics were translated is established, one of the following years must be fixed upon, namely either 1075, or 1086, or 1097, or finally 1108, in which the aforesaid days concurred, as anyone will easily be able to reckon from Easter.

[43] and other things to the Saint's honor repeated every week, or every day: These things having been observed, I return to the festivity with the said notice: Nor, he says, is the devotion of the citizens of Gerardimons toward their holy Patron wanting: who on the fifth feria after Pentecost come every year to offer six wax candles to that same Saint, in whose honor a solemn Mass is sung on that day. Besides the festivities just explained, some things are repeated in the Saint's honor every week, others every day. Let us hear again the notices sent to us: On every fourth feria of the whole year a solemn Mass is sung with an abundant concourse of citizens, in which are exposed the sacred relics of the divine Adrian, for all who are enrolled in the confraternity. Daily, Compline being finished, a devout antiphon is sung to the same end: "O blessed martyr Adrian, look upon your humble servants: ask Christ that he deign to write us in the book of heavenly life, and grant that we may be partakers of your glory without end." And there is subjoined: Pray for us, etc., with the common prayer of one martyr.

[44] Concerning the daily pilgrimages to the Saint the same notices have it thus: the frequency of those making pilgrimage to the Saint. But as regards the concourse of pilgrims coming to venerate the relics of the holy martyr Adrian, it was once so great that, as Waesberghe attests, the name of Gerardimons was lost, and the city took on (among some) the name of Adrianopolis. Nay, the concourse even to this day is still so frequent that there is not one day in the year on which some do not come from some quarter of Belgium for the sake of pilgrimage and devotion. Waesberghe, at page 151, speaks of them thus: Not only is he (S. Adrian) honored by the inhabitants, but also by foreigners: who from every quarter, for the sake of veneration, from the remote regions even of England, Denmark, France, Germany, Lombardy, Switzerland, Savoy, and Italy, have been accustomed to fly hither in infinite number. Molanus in the Natales of the Saints of Belgium, at the eighth of September, has these words: In this order the glorious Martyr obtained the patronage of the monastery within Gerardimons, which is an imperial city of Flanders in the diocese of Mechlin; in which is likewise the said abbey of the Order of saint Benedict, very celebrated on account of the presence and the benefits of so great a Martyr. For at his memorial there is a frequent concourse of peoples: nay, on account of the illustrious benefits of the Martyr, many name the city no otherwise than "at saint Adrian in Flanders." Similar things have Miræus, Sanderus, and other writers.

[45] Further, it cannot be doubted that the cult of the Saint was great from the beginning among the men of Gerardimons; The older benefits of the Saint are said to have been written down, but lost: although from want of monuments it cannot be said whether it was always as great as it continues today. So celebrated a cult was brought forth, doubtless,

doubtless frequent benefits and miracles of the Saint; but of the older ones very few have come to our knowledge. Waesbergius assigns the reason, book 2, chapter 2, page 151, writing thus concerning the miracles of St. Adrian: He performs daily rare miracles worthy of golden letters, the memory of which, committed to two — and those immense — volumes, was lent to a Friar of a mendicant Order for the purpose of composing an encomium in honor of the Saint, and perished. Ruteau, book 2, chapter 17, asserts that those two volumes of miracles were entrusted to a certain man, that they might be reduced to better order, and that they were lost by him. Whatever may have been the occasion of that loss, we certainly lack them. Hence I find only a single certain miracle that is older than the sixteenth century; but very many more recent ones, which I shall relate below.

[46] Meanwhile I transfer hither that one. In the year 1306 Helena David, dwelling in the town of Geraardsbergen, gave birth to a shapeless monster: of these one especially wonderful is narrated: for it was a round mass without any human figure. The parents fled to the patronage of St. Adrian, and obtained that the monstrous fetus should be carried to the altar of the Saint. The mass, placed there, by a truly memorable prodigy received human form and life. Ruteau adds, page 182, asserting that he narrates that prodigy from a parchment manuscript of the abbey, that the infant was a male, whom, reborn at the sacred font, they called Adrian. Moreover, that this Adrian prolonged his life to seventy-five years; and that a son was born to him, who died nearly a hundred years old in the year 1423, on the thirtieth day of April. The most eminent lord, the present abbot of St. Adrian, transmitted to me the same prodigy, related more briefly in the Belgic tongue, from the archive of the abbey, together with the rest. This miracle alone, which indeed appears wonderful, yet does not on that account seem to be denied, sufficiently shows how great was the confidence of the people of Geraardsbergen in the patronage of St. Adrian.

[47] certain others related without note of time. Waesbergius narrates certain other prodigies without any note of time. Wherefore I transfer them hither as less certain, yet not incredible. The books of Miracles record, he says on page 157, that a certain man of Avesnes had, by a wife of the territory of Geraardsbergen most devoted to the Martyr, a son: who, his vitals having been ruptured, was tormented by an incredible disease and pain; and as this grew worse and became incurable, the mother, pitying her son, having implored the aid of God and the Saints, beheld in sleep the blessed Adrian indicating to her that he had restored health to her son. And being awakened, and her husband roused and informed of the vision, they approached their son together and found him well. He calls the father of that boy Aveniensis, designating Avennæ, a town of Hainaut, commonly called Avesnes. The same author adds that a certain man, having stealthily filched a single bone of the Martyr, was struck blind, which evil, he says, passed into the second or third generation of the blinded man. And soon after: The powerful Martyr restored life to a cleric named Bodius, who had been drowned in the waters. These three I have not found in others: but I would not on that account contend that they are to be held as fictitious. Yet I shall give many more certain things, when I treat briefly of the honor shown to the sacred relics.

[48] other matters pertaining to the cult: the shrine in which the relics are kept: Under abbot Gerard I, who in the catalogues is said to have presided from the year 1175 until 1180, the abbey began to bear the name of St. Adrian, having before been called St. Peter's. In the year 1189, as Waesbergius will have it, page 157, the relics of the Saint were enclosed in a casket, a new one certainly. In the year 1378 a sodality is said to have been instituted by Adrian I, abbot, under the name of St. Natalia. In the year 1423 William IV, abbot, had an elegant shrine made of gilded silver, in which the relics of St. Adrian are preserved to this day. I examined it in the present year 1748, in which I write this; and I had the same, as I received it drawn by the most eminent lord abbot, engraved on copper, but contracted to a smaller form, in which it is exhibited at the end of this paragraph, because space here is lacking.

[49] The Saint honored and venerated also by princes. Meanwhile the piety of pilgrims to St. Adrian flourished, illustrious persons also hastening thither. For in the year 1376 the Duchess of Lancaster came to Geraardsbergen and visited St. Adrian. In the year 1457 Louis the Dauphin came to St. Adrian, who came thither again in the following year. The same Louis, afterward king of the French, the eleventh of this name, in the year 1482, in the month of February, sent a huge sum of money as a gift to the abbey of St. Adrian, and again destined thither another gift of no small money in the month of July of the same year. But when he had heard that the abbot was using that money for bell-metal, he asked by a letter, which Ruteau recites on page 216, that his name should be given to one of them. Louis did these things in order that he might be healed of the disease of which he died in the following year, although he had also fled to other Saints, and had summoned to himself out of Italy St. Francis of Paola, then living and famous for miracles. If the healing of Louis XI cannot be added to the other benefits of St. Adrian, as in truth it cannot, at least from his very act we learn that the fame of the miracles of St. Adrian was great. Nor do we wonder that the Saints do not always by their patronage prolong life for those who ask it, with however great gifts they be honored, since it is not always of profit even to those persons themselves to live longer. St. Adrian will have obtained for Louis a far greater gift than life is, if by his prayers he obtained for him that, after sincere repentance for his sins, he should end his life by a happy death.

§ V. Various translations of the relics on occasion of the Belgic disturbances: the confraternity of SS. Adrian and Natalia instituted.

[ ] The relics of St. Adrian translated to various places for fear of the heretics: After the sacred relics of St. Adrian, with which a part of the arm of St. Natalia is believed to be present, had now for five centuries rested at Geraardsbergen, at length as the sixteenth century was growing old they had to be transferred to various cities on account of the disturbances stirred up in Belgium by the Calvinist heretics, who with unheard-of impiety profaned all things sacred in many places, and raged especially against the relics of the Saints, as is evident from the history of the Belgic tumults. Those translations were narrated by the often-praised Ruteau in the Life of St. Adrian, book 2, chapter 14, and again in book 3: The first translation is fixed by Ruteau, page 223, about the year 1578, when the sacred relics, for fear of the heretics prevailing at Ghent, were carried from Geraardsbergen to Tournai, and thence to Arras. The monks, from fear of the same heretics, were compelled to flee to various places. In the year 1580, when the abbot of Geraardsbergen had obtained at Mons in Hainaut the monastery of the Holy Cross, the exiled relics of St. Adrian were translated hither. In the year 1586 Benedict Sejournet, having been created abbot, departed from Mons with the sacred relics, and passing through Cambron and Ath, returned to Geraardsbergen, where he arrived on the third day of September. But since the quiet lasted a very short time, on the last day of the same month the sacred relics were carried to Ath, where they remained until the sixth of March of the following year 1587, when they were brought back.

[51] the shrine twice opened, and one bone given to others; In the year 1588 Jerome Monceaux was elected abbot, a monk of the abbey of St. Vaast at Arras. He, while he skillfully restored many things in his abbey, also repaired the shrine of St. Adrian, which had suffered much from so many sudden translations. For this cause the shrine had to be opened, and it was in fact opened in the presence of the magistrate of the city, in the year 1592, on the seventeenth day of July. But while it was being repaired, the bones, wrapped in a fine linen cloth, were again placed back in the same. In the year 1594, by the counsel of prudent men, the shrine was opened again, that the linens might be removed, and the sacred relics wrapped in silk. Further, when the chest was first opened, the aforesaid abbot secretly separated a notable bone from the rest, and gave it to the monastery of St. Vaast, the monks being unaware. The same man, in the year 1604, when soldiers were stirring up a sedition, sent away the sacred relics in the month of May to Ath: whence, the sedition being ended after some days, they were brought back to Geraardsbergen.

[52] but that bone afterward restored, and kept separately in a silver arm. In the year 1623 the sacred bone, which had been carried to the monastery of St. Vaast without the monks' knowledge, and enclosed in a silver arm, was brought back to the monastery of St. Adrian. For, after a long lawsuit instituted before the Apostolic nuncio concerning the restitution of the relics, sentence was passed in favor of the men of Geraardsbergen, by which the relics had to be restored which the administrator of the abbey of St. Adrian had given without the consent of the monks. They are even now kept separately in the church of St. Adrian, where I saw and venerated them this year. Moreover, when they were restored, the proctor of St. Vaast had to swear that they were the same, without any diminution, which they had received from abbot Jerome Monceaux. This was done at Tournai, where also the restitution was carried out: and thence the relics were carried to Geraardsbergen and placed in the church of Hunnegem, from which the abbot Gaspar Vincq himself, accompanied by a train of suppliants, carried them to the abbey. The silver arm, in which they are enclosed, contracted to a smaller form, I here append.

[53] In the year 1627 Martin le Brun, abbot, who in the preceding year had introduced the reform into his monastery, The sodality of SS. Adrian and Natalia instituted: the relics instituted the sodality of SS. Adrian and Natalia, in which the chief nobility of Belgium, together with their Most Serene princess Isabella and the archbishop of Mechlin, wished their names to be inscribed. Jacobus Boonen, archbishop of Mechlin, first confirmed it on the sixth of May, and then Pope Urban VIII in the same year, on the fifteenth of July. The bull of Urban, by which also various indulgences are granted to the confraternity, Ruteau recites at the end of his little work, as also the Rules prescribed for the members. In the year 1635 the relics of St. Adrian had again to be transferred, because the French and the Dutch were attacking Belgium with joined arms, and, the city of Tienen having been plundered in a pitiable manner, they seemed about to advance toward Brussels. They were therefore carried to Tournai to the monastery of St. Martin, where they remained twenty-three days, the people running together to honor them. Then, the fear ceasing, because the enemy had been compelled to raise the siege of Louvain, they were brought back to their own place with great honor, and came to Geraardsbergen on the seventeenth of July. Thus far from the Life, which was written a little after.

[54] But not yet is there an end of the most frequent translations of the relics of St. Adrian. for fear of the enemy Wherefore the most eminent lord Ildefonsus, the present abbot, most diligently communicated to me the remaining translations from the archive of the abbey, as he found each one written down by one of his predecessors, namely by the most eminent lord Ghislain Coucke, who presided over the abbey of St. Adrian from the year 1704 until the year 1713. In the year 1645, he says, on the second day of October, the relics of our blessed Martyr were again carried to Ath for fear of the French, and remained there until the eleventh of the same month and year. In the year 1649, the French together with the Dutch leaving everywhere in Belgium mournful traces behind them, on the twenty-eighth of August of the same year the sacred relics were carried to Ghent to the celebrated monastery of St. Peter, a welcome deposit indeed to the people of Ghent: for at the urging of the senate and the people, and especially by the labor of the reverend pastor of the Blessed Virgin Mary at this pious work, the sacred reliquary was carried to the said church of blessed Mary: and by indult of the most illustrious bishop a festival was instituted

with an Octave in honor of our Patron. Mass was sung daily; a sermon suited to the festival followed: but on the eighth day, the most illustrious bishop celebrating in pontificals, a solemn supplication through the city with the sacred relics had been proclaimed, which however was omitted on account of the inclemency of the weather: and the monks of St. Peter's carried them, led only through the inner cloister of the church of Blessed Mary, in procession to their own house; until at length on the nineteenth of October of the same year they returned to their own place.

[55] to other cities On the seventeenth of August in the year 1655 the sacred relics were again carried to Ghent, and remained there until the thirtieth of October next following. On the fourth of May in the year 1656 the sacred pledges were again withdrawn from the fury of wars at Ghent, at St. Peter's, until the twenty-third of August: on which day they returned to the monastery. In the year 1658, on the tenth of September, the sacred relics were placed out of danger at Brussels, and remained there for six months. On the eleventh of May in the year 1667 the sacred relics are compelled to go into exile at Ghent, yet shortly after returned to the monastery. On the fifth of March in the year 1672, and likewise on the sixth of June of the year next following, flight had again to be made to Ghent with the sacred relics. But on what day they returned has not been found in the manuscripts of the abbey.

[56] frequently carried away. The commotions of wars returning, or rather persisting, on the first day of September in the year 1683 the sacred relics of our blessed Martyr were compelled to lie hidden at Dendermonde among the Benedictine nuns of that city. But it has not been found how long they remained there. On the fifteenth of March in the year 1689 the sacred relics were withdrawn from the hazards of war to Mons in Hainaut, and on the fifteenth of April of the same year returned by way of Brussels to the monastery. To these at last the praised abbot adds: At the beginning of this century the sacred relics were again translated elsewhere; but nowhere have I found to what place, nor even how long they remained outside the monastery. From so many translations of the relics of St. Adrian, made for this cause alone, that they might not fall into profane and impious hands, the studious reader will manifestly gather in how great esteem they are held, and with how great solicitude they are preserved. But as regards the sodality of SS. Adrian and Natalia, Adrian Roelants, who began to administer the abbey in the year 1714, restored it again in our century. These things having been set forth, we must treat of the many benefits which St. Adrian has conferred upon his clients.

§ VI. The recorded benefits of St. Adrian from the year 1510 until 1517: the first part of them is given.

[ ] [Miracles from the year 1510 to 1517 written in Flemish, and afterward rendered into Latin,] The miracles and benefits of St. Adrian, although they always seem to have been many, were not always consigned to writing with the same diligence. Philip Hannoize, monk of St. Adrian and keeper of the treasury, began to note down and relate them diligently, while he recorded the events of his own time, just as they were reported by those very persons to whom the benefits had fallen, and by others who had been present. He accomplished this in the Flemish tongue, relating miracles from the year 1510 until 1517, in which perhaps he passed to another office, or, seized by disease, died. Certainly there he ceased to write. The lucubration of this writer was long since communicated to our Predecessors, who had it rendered into Latin by a priest of our Society, as I read in the Latin copy, to which this title is prefixed: The book of the miracles of St. Adrian, martyr, at Geraardsbergen in Flanders, where he is singularly venerated: which were collected and written in Flemish by dom Philip Hannoize, Religious, and treasurer of the monastery of St. Adrian, which is in the same place, from the year 1510 until 17, translated into the Latin tongue by the Reverend Father William Watinghem of the Society of Jesus.

[58] Besides this Latin copy, I have a Flemish transcript, they are given from our own rendering. which the most kindly abbot had copied out for me from the autograph itself, that it might be compared with the Latin version. But when I had begun to institute this collation, I determined that the Latin version was not to be used, but that a new rendering should be given from the Flemish transcript, because the praised translator had not been sufficiently careful to express all the minutiæ, by which the greater or lesser evidence of miracles not rarely becomes known. Receive therefore, studious reader, those Miracles rendered into Latin in a style faithful rather than lofty, into which I shall from time to time briefly interpose something of elucidation in other type.

[59] At Bergen-op-Zoom (it is a city of the Federated Netherlands in Brabant) a certain man named John Volckaert, A sick man, who was believed dead, restored to his mind and to health, of about thirty-seven years, when he had lain fixed to his bed sick for three months, was brought to such a state of infirmity that, deprived of sensation and taking no nourishment, he lay for twenty-four hours in a swoon, so that he was believed to have breathed out his soul and to have passed to another life. And so his wife was bringing the funeral linen, in which the body should be wrapped. While this was being begun, he was restored to his mind, and invoked God and the glorious martyr St. Adrian, giving them thanks that they had consoled him, and had brought him out of the said swoon. Soon also he was healed: and with many of his neighbors he betook himself hither to visit devoutly the relics of St. Adrian; and he arrived on the feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, in the year 1510, in the month of September.

[60] In Normandy, in the city of Marla (that is a town of Thiérache in Picardy, likewise a girl left for dead for twenty-two hours. unless it be another in Normandy) Catharine Le Josne, a girl, was gravely ill, and endured the force of the disease as best she could for seven weeks: when at last she was so overwhelmed that for twenty-two hours she was left as though dead, and so lay covered with a linen cloth, in such a way that her mother with her sisters had already prepared the things necessary for burial. Afterward her brother John Le Josne, calling St. Adrian to mind, fell upon his knees, piously and fervently invoking and asking St. Adrian that he would be a consolation to his sister. Her mother likewise fell upon her knees for her daughter's welfare at her daughter's head, and cried out St. Adrian's name into her ear. Soon she began to give signs of understanding, and to speak, saying: Adrian, Adrian, Adrian*: and she was revived and immediately healed. And so with two others she made a pilgrimage hither barefoot, and offered some gift, on the twenty-eighth of September, in the year 1510. The name of this girl's brother, which above is expressed as John, was written so ambiguously and contracted in both transcripts that I am not certain of it, although I conjecture that it was such.

[61] A certain man healed of the plague, A certain caster of pewter cups at Bruges in Flanders, named Everard Adriaens, born at Dordrecht in Holland, had been seized by the plague in five parts of his body, and was so gravely ill that he was fortified with the last supports of the dying for piously meeting death. Then it came into his mind that St. Adrian is invoked as patron against the plague. He began therefore to invoke St. Adrian, that he might furnish him consolation and help. Hence he was immediately revived, and shortly healed. He was ill on the feast day of St. Lawrence, and on the seventh day after he was well. He visited St. Adrian, and offered him a gift on the first day of October, in the year 1510.

[62] another of a grave disease and of the blindness contracted therefrom, In the district of Veurne (Veurne is a town of Flanders with the adjacent district) a certain Peter Wetters labored under so grave an evil that from it he contracted blindness, continuing for eight or more days, and baldness, all his hairs falling out. Afterward he recalled to memory that the holy martyr Adrian is the consoler of all the afflicted, so that that Peter began to pray God, and piously to invoke St. Adrian, vowing to visit him and to offer him a wax head of four pounds, that so he might obtain solace and health. Not long after he was healed, and recovered his sight, so that he visited St. Adrian here, and offered the vowed gift, on the tenth day of October, in the year 1510.

[63] another, who had long been in his death-agony. In the territory of Grimbergen near Brussels (the name of the place is added in Belgic, probably corrupted, and therefore omitted by me) John Lemmens was gravely ill for a long time, and was at last brought to such a state that, out of his mind, he lay for two days in his death-agony. Afterward the memory of St. Adrian came upon him, and from him he obtained solace, so that soon he gave indications of understanding, and was healed. And so the said John made a pilgrimage hither, and declared the aforesaid things, in the year 1511, on the eighth day of July.

[64] Life restored to a drowned boy, To the following miracle this title is prefixed: A drowned boy restored to life. Then follow these Latin words: On the very day of the Chair of St. Peter in the year 1511; and soon after the Flemish narration in this manner: At Ghent a certain boy of four years, named Henry Clements, having fallen at the wooden bridge behind the church of St. John into the Scheldt, was under the waters for three hours or longer, so that there was no doubt to anyone but that the boy was dead and drowned in the waters. Then the boy was found by those seeking him with fishing-tackle, and placed on the bank of the river, that he might be inspected by the magistrates deputed for that purpose. Meanwhile the boy's mother Barbara had arrived, exceedingly sorrowful. She was imploring the divine aid, and the patronage of the holy martyr Adrian. Soon the boy gives signs of life, and lives, his mother rejoicing vehemently. She with her boy and many of her neighbors made a pilgrimage hither, on the tenth day of July, in the year 1511. The day and the year here again were added in Latin.

[65] In the year 1511, on the twentieth day of May, in a village which is five miles distant from Cambrai, health for a girl at the point of death, and thirty miles hence (that is, from Geraardsbergen), a certain girl of eighteen years, named Joanna, daughter of Quintin Loy, farmer on the estate called Le Peziere, was so sick that for twenty-four hours she lay without understanding. Then her aforesaid father takes a cup filled with pure water, that he may pour something into her mouth: doing this, he at the same time cries out to the glorious martyr St. Adrian, asking him that he would deign to console and help his daughter, with confidence in this, that he can three times prolong life for men. After about a quarter of an hour his said daughter began to speak. And the first words which she uttered were these: O holy Adrian! holy Adrian. Then in a short time she entirely recovered, so that the same girl with her father and sister came hither on pilgrimage barefoot, and with them offered a small gift to St. Adrian on the first day of December last past.

[66] To the following such a title is prefixed: Life is restored to a drowned boy. again life to a boy drowned in the waters. Then follows: In the village of Evelghem (perhaps Wevelghem, which is a village) one mile distant from Courtrai, a miracle happened in a boy of six years, son of Peter De Donckere. This boy being lost, his father and mother sought him everywhere about the house for nearly three hours. At last the mother begins to invoke St. Adrian, that he would deign to bring consolation. Then she bethinks herself that there is a well of water in her garden, and that the boy

could have fallen into it. And so, taking a pole, she probes the bottom, and detects the boy in it. She therefore drew him out, perceiving in him no sign of sensation or of life. Again she invokes St. Adrian, and places the boy before the hearth. Then the boy began to give indications of life, and was revived and remained among the living. The father and mother of the same boy made a pilgrimage hither, and declared this miracle on the fourth day of October, in the year 1511.

[67] Another prodigy happened in the monastery of virgins near Brussels, Negligence in fulfilling a vow chastised: called the Chamber of Blessed Mary. The abbess of this monastery, Mary Smols, when she was ill, commended herself to St. Adrian, and promised to offer him as much wax as would equal the weight of her body: and that weight was one hundred and eleven pounds. Then she dies on the fourteenth day of July of the year 1512: (in the Gallia Christiana, volume 5, column 72, her death is fixed on the sixth of July of the same year.) The Religious of the aforesaid monastery neglected that vow, because they thought that they were not bound by it, since the aforesaid abbess had died. But four days after her death so great a noise and crash was heard day and night in the whole monastery, and continued for three days, that the said Religious could not bear to remain in the monastery. Then they remembered the vow concerning the wax to be offered, and resolved to pay it. They therefore saw to it that a waxen image of one hundred and eleven pounds should at once be fashioned at Brussels; and so the noise ceased. And they sent the aforesaid waxen image hither by John Geerds, the monastery's cooper, and Anthony Baubeurs, who declared here that the foregoing had truly happened, and brought the image on the twenty-sixth of July, in the year 1512.

[68] At Ghent in the year 1512, on the sixteenth day of July, the lady wife of Roger Van Zonnemaere lay under a grave disease, so that at length for six entire hours she lay deprived of all sensation, a dying woman brought back to health. and was already accounted as dead. Then the said husband implored the divine aid, and invoked St. Adrian, vowing to visit St. Adrian barefoot before he should eat flesh; so that he at once undertook that pilgrimage, leaving his wife in the aforesaid city. When he was returning home, his pilgrimage completed, his wife soon addressed him, saying: Where have you been? I am better, freed from that grave pain. And when he answered: I have visited St. Adrian for you; she also immediately vowed to visit St. Adrian with her household. And so they were here, and paid their pilgrimage on the seventeenth day of August, in the year 1512: and they declared that miracle in the manner said above.

[69] A paralytic suddenly healed: The title which I find prefixed to certain miracles, but not indeed to all, before the following, is this: A lame man suddenly healed. The matter is thus related: In the village of Haaltert near Alost (in Imperial Flanders) John Decker, otherwise Vandem Bossche, had for nine months lain so lame and destitute of the use of his limbs that he could move no limb, and felt nothing in any, when in the year 1512 (this year is in the Latin copy; in the Flemish 1513, but erroneously, so far as I judge from the order of the Miracles), on the twentieth of July, at night between the eleventh and the twelfth hour, sleeping, he perceived that he was admonished by a certain vision to commend himself to St. Adrian and to implore his aid. As soon as he awoke, and was roused from sleep or from the dream, he invoked the aforesaid St. Adrian. But at the third hour, or at the morning time that followed after the same night, he rose, taking two crutches for under his arms, and came hither on pilgrimage. He arrived at the tenth hour before noon, on the twentieth day of July, and left the said crutches with St. Adrian in testimony of the miracle. How sudden this healing of a paralytic rather than of a lame man was, everyone will easily see, if only he considers that a man destitute of the use of all his limbs rose from his bed three or four hours after invoking St. Adrian, and in that same morning time completed a journey of nearly four Belgic miles, by which the village of Haaltert is about distant from Geraardsbergen.

[70] a boy recalled to life. On the Monday after the Epiphany of the Lord, in the year 1512 (according to the old custom of beginning the year from Easter, which the author follows, but for us in the year 1513) a notable miracle was wrought in the village of Ouskam (read Oostcamp), one mile distant from Bruges. For a certain John Bruneel, dwelling in the said village, at the inn called Scaeck, was building a new stable. But the violence of the winds threw down the stable, not yet finished, and crushed the little son of the said John Bruneel, likewise named John, and about five years old. He lay for more than three hours without any sign of life, so that he was believed dead. His eyes hung out beyond the eyelids altogether five fingers (so the Latin translator has it, but the Arabic cipher which indicates this number in the Flemish is somewhat ambiguous). The father, mother, and grandfather of the boy, grieving much, fall upon their knees, and with great piety ask God and St. Adrian that they would deign to be a consolation, and at the same time they vow to visit the relics of St. Adrian. At once the aforesaid boy recovers sensation, and begins to move his limbs: and then shortly he was entirely healed. And so the said father, mother, and grandfather, affected with great joy, were here with the boy on the twenty-sixth of April, in the year 1513, and here testified that the said miracle had truly happened, just as it has been related, in the presence of dom Adrian Van Belle, dean of the deanery of Geraardsbergen, and dom Adrian Buydins, priest.

* perhaps January

§ VII. Continuation of the miracles from the same Manuscript, and of the same writer.

[ ] A soldier unharmed in a dangerous battle, then freed from prison, On the fifth day of June, in the year 1513, at Padua in Lombardy (rather, in the Venetian dominion) it happened to a certain William Broc, a soldier, that, when he was attacked by the Venetian enemy, he was struck seven times by darts shot from a bow, all of which he received unharmed, because they fell upon his wallet, as God willed and St. Adrian, whom he had devoutly served daily. Nevertheless he was captured, and, his feet bound with iron, placed in a certain chamber. Wherefore he fervently implored the aid of God, and invoked St. Adrian, vowing to come hither to visit St. Adrian, if he would preserve his life and let him escape from prison. After three days he found himself loosed from his fetters, and the chamber in which he had been placed open. He goes out therefore from the chamber, and consequently from the said city, no one asking whither he was going, or who he was. Then he came hither, and offered a small gift to St. Adrian on the feast day of St. Michael, in the year 1513. Then he declared to dom the treasurer that the miracle above said had happened in the manner in which it has been related: and he left with St. Adrian his wallet, and certain of the aforesaid darts. Thus far the praised writer, who perhaps here has joined two events too closely. For I strongly suspect that that William was a soldier of the emperor Maximilian, who in the year 1509 took Padua: but the Venetians in the same year recovered the city, the citizens with the Venetian soldiers being let into the city and unexpectedly attacking the imperial garrison. If this battle be the one in question, William deferred his vow into the fourth year. Perhaps that battle is treated of first: but then he may have been captured on another occasion in the year 1513; unless both took place in this year in some skirmish unknown to me.

[72] The following miracle has this title: A boy, a boy drowned in the waters recalled to life, drowned in the waters, restored to life. And it is thus related: On the third day of April, in the year 1513 (according to present-day custom in the year 1514), before Easter, in the village of Veroncheau near Hesdin in France (namely in Artois, subject to the French) John Dorfort sent his son Judocus, who was in his eighth year of age, late in the evening to a meadow far enough distant from the house, which was surrounded by water, to bring back a certain colt. The father and mother, when they saw that the boy was not returning home, and that night had already come, went together to the meadow to seek their son. In vain they sought him the whole night, until at last in the morning they found him drowned in the aforesaid water. They drew him out of the water, lying face down upon his breast. Then they had the magistrate of the place summoned, that the body might be viewed. After the magistrate had come, and had viewed the body, the father and mother fell upon their knees, and with great sadness beg God and St. Adrian for consolation. After this they carried their aforesaid boy home, and placed him before the fire, again on bended knees beseeching God and St. Adrian, the aforesaid magistrate being present and seeing: and they vowed to come hither to visit St. Adrian devoutly. Then the boy immediately begins to show signs of life, and to move his limbs, vomiting up moreover between six and seven tankards * of water, so that in a very short time after he was healed. The father and mother together with the boy were here on the vigil of the past Easter, and declared the miracle in the aforesaid manner to dom the treasurer, in the presence of Luke De Stul and Joanna Raeschaert. Thus far the author, who perhaps has dislocated the name of the village in which the miracle was wrought: for I do not find Veroncheau in the maps of Artois.

[73] The city of Luxemburg freed from the plague once The following benefit is marked with this title: The city of Luxemburg freed from the plague. Which is thus narrated: In the year 1514 a great mortality from plague reigned at Luxemburg, by which daily, both by day and by night, fifty or sixty persons were snatched from life, so that the whole city was in the greatest grief and desolation. Wherefore the people of Luxemburg unanimously commended themselves to God and to St. Adrian, and instituted a general supplication, with the added vow of sending to St. Adrian a silver figure of a heart. That vow having been pronounced, the plague soon so ceased that from that day no one thereafter died of the plague; and all who were then already laboring under the plague recovered their health. For this cause the citizens of the said city by common counsel sent hither a messenger, who carried the aforesaid figure of a silver heart on the twenty-eighth day of May, in the year above said. That heart hangs before the relics of St. Adrian, as may be seen.

[74] and freed again, In this place is added a like benefit bestowed on the people of Luxemburg, although it happened a whole century later, and is not related by the same writer, as also it is not in the Latin version. I render it into Latin from the Flemish, as I have done with all the others. In the year 1635 (rather 1633) the aforesaid city of Luxemburg again labored under the plague, and again with confidence implored the aid of St. Adrian the martyr. Then on the third day of September of the aforesaid year they sent hither by two Friars Minor a golden heart and likewise a golden sun, offered to St. Adrian. Of both benefits bestowed on the people of Luxemburg Ruteau briefly makes mention in the Life, pages 179 and 180. The letter which the magistrate of Luxemburg wrote in the year 1635 concerning both benefits to the abbot of St. Adrian, the present abbot communicated to me from the archive of the abbey. And so I transfer it hither in confirmation of both.

[75] as also the letters of the magistrate of Luxemburg testify. Very Reverend Prelate. Mindful of the benefit received in the year 1514, and two years ago, namely in a time then contagious, at the invocation of the glorious martyr saint Adrian, patron of your monastery, we the undersigned consul and échevins of the city of Luxemburg, toward the aforesaid

Saint, for the sake of a grateful mind, send and dedicate this golden heart in the name of all the inhabitants and citizens by these Friars Minor with the permission of their superior, most earnestly and humbly praying that Your Reverend Lordship with your community may deign to hold this our city and all of us its inhabitants, most devoted to your aforesaid Patron, commended in your Sacrifices and prayers. Given at Luxemburg the twenty-fifth of August, in the year 1635. To your very Reverend Paternity most devoted and obedient. Subscribed were: George Nilderhorn, consul of Luxemburg. W. Scuts, échevin. H. Col.cabinus. William Hardigny, who wrote the Life of St. Adrian in the same year, and published it at Luxemburg in the following year, relates both benefits on page 96 and following; and he observes on page 98 that also in the year 1635 there were certain beginnings of a pestilence at Luxemburg, but that these ceased when this gift was sent to St. Adrian, so that he insinuates that this was a third benefit of the Saint to the people of Luxemburg. For the rest, what is said above of the golden sun sent to St. Adrian I find neither in the letters nor in the Lives. I judge therefore that it was an ornament added to the golden heart, and that on that account it was not mentioned. Let us now return to the order of time, from which we have somewhat digressed.

[76] The following benefit is thus entitled: A woman is freed from a bone fixed in her throat. A woman freed from a bone dangerously fixed in her throat, The matter is narrated in this manner: On the twelfth day of November, in the year 1514, at London in England, a certain woman of about forty years, named Christina Pieter, was reclining at table with eight neighbors to eat: but as she ate of what was set before her she fixed a bone in her throat, which stuck fast obstinately. Wherefore she twisted herself about, and became so black in the face that she resembled the color of black cloth: nay, she even fell to the ground from the table, and lay like a dead woman without any indication of sensation, so that the bystanders believed she had died. Hence all present bend their knees, and with pious fervor invoke the glorious martyr St. Adrian, begging his aid and consolation for the aforesaid woman. Then in a very short time after she comes to herself, giving indications of understanding, and casting the said bone out of her throat. She therefore came hither on pilgrimage with all who had reclined at the aforesaid table, on the ninth day of July, in the year 1515: and brought hither the said bone.

[77] To the following again such a title is prefixed: A young man suddenly freed from the plague. a young man from the plague, Receive the fact: On Thursday the twenty-second of June, in the year 1514, a notable miracle happened in the village of Sautain, one mile distant from Valenciennes. There the son of a certain Peter d'Argent, named Matthew, about seventeen years old, had been infected with the plague in six parts of his body, and was gravely ill, lying without the use of reason and without nourishment. His father and mother, perceiving that he was exposed to great danger and great pain, and themselves also grieving much, began fervently to pray God, and to invoke the great martyr St. Adrian, that they would deign to revive him and to preserve them. At once he begins to move himself, and to give indications of a sound mind, saying: I am better: I am freed from the disease. Immediately the parents vowed with their aforesaid son, and with their household, to visit St. Adrian. And so they were here with their neighbors, and completed their pilgrimage on the eighteenth day of August, in the aforesaid year. They declared the miracle in the manner just set forth to dom the treasurer, in the presence of dom Laurence Hannoize, priest, and Oliver de Cruidemeere, priest.

[78] On the nineteenth day of June, in the year 1515, in the village of Otteghem next to Eerdeghem (likewise a village) in the county of Alost (both villages are distant from Alost not much beyond one mile) the wife of Peter Van Horenbeke, a woman from a most grave infirmity, called Gudula, was suddenly seized with a most grave disease, so that she at once begged for the last Sacraments of the dying. The parish priest, accompanied by the sexton, soon arriving, administered them to her, and, the matter accomplished, departed, leaving her in a wretched and dangerous state. These were confounded, and greatly feared, because the evil was progressing so swiftly. A little after, the aforesaid woman was brought to her death-agony, and a consecrated candle was placed in her hands. Her husband exhorted her to the struggle, and whispered the symbol of the faith into her ears as much as he could, because the aforesaid parish priest was absent; and the neighbors likewise from a distance suggested pious admonitions to her. When the aforesaid woman lay in that state, and seemed dead, her husband and the said neighbors began with great piety to pray God, and to invoke the holy martyr Adrian: and, all their confidence being fixed in his patronage, they offered the aforesaid woman to him, fervently beseeching that he would deign to console and heal her. These things done, the aforesaid woman a little after was revived, and came to herself, so that she soon rose, and betook herself to her garden. Her husband and the neighbors, perceiving these things, were greatly distressed, because they believed her to be pressed by the anguish of death. But that same woman from that time remained sound, free from every disease. Moreover she visited St. Adrian with her aforesaid husband, and barefoot completed her pilgrimage within the third day after she had been afflicted with so grave an infirmity. All these things were confirmed as true by due declarations and attestations before the said parish priest, dom Henry Muers, Christopher Corthals, rural bailiff, and several others of the aforesaid village, on the tenth day of July, in the year 1515.

[79] and a man with death at hand, In the village of Reume, two miles above Tournai on the road toward Douai, John Van Troye lay afflicted with a grave and long-lasting disease, and for six weeks already lacked speech, and at last for three days grew stiff like a staff, and cold like ice: yet his memory always remained somehow strong, and his understanding; and he always had his mind fixed on God and on St. Adrian, until the Friday before the past Palm Sunday. Then the disease so prevailed that nothing remained in him, and death was expected at every moment. At that time his wife with great piety began fervently to invoke St. Adrian, and vowed to make a pilgrimage hither to visit him. And on that same day her husband recovered his speech, and at once began to be healed. The aforesaid John and his wife, as also Collardus * and George Van Troye, brothers of John, were here on the twelfth day of May, in the year 1516, and testified unanimously that the said miracle had so happened.

* stoopen

* perhaps Nicholas

§ VIII. Continuation of the miracles from the same writer.

[ ] A boy already laid upon the straw In the year 1515 about the feast of All Saints, at Brussels in Brabant, a boy of nearly ten years, named Claudius Van Brueseghem, whose mother was Gertrude Wouters, widow of Giles Van Brueseghem of pious memory, labored for more than half a year under a grave and sorrowful disease, namely dysentery. Having struggled so long with this disease, he was brought at the time already mentioned to such a state that he fell into a death-agony continued for three or four hours, so that no indication of life was any longer recognized in him, the pupil of his right eye being already sunken and broken as of a dead man. The nuns, who had the care of that boy, laid him upon the straw, and asked the neighbors and all present that each would piously recite the psalm DE PROFUNDIS or the Lord's prayer for the soul of the aforesaid youth. The mother, exceedingly sorrowful over her boy, because he was her only one, (although he was now to be placed in the coffin and delivered to burial) yet began to consider that the holy martyr and friend of God, Adrian, can prolong life three times, provided that anyone has perfect confidence in him.

[81] This woman, or rather his mother, remembering these things, soon with tears bent her knees beside her son, is recalled to life, and lifting her eyes to heaven, said: O worthy and great lord St. Adrian, consoler of all who trust in you, pray our best Lord that by your patronage he may work some miracle in my son, lying here before me: I will visit the place dedicated to you with my boy, and with the same coffin in which he now lies. As soon as this prayer was finished, the nuns who were present looked at the boy, and saw in him indications of life, saying, and crying out with joyful mind to the mother and to all present, that her dear boy was opening his eyes, and that all his limbs were beginning to be stirred with motion. The same Sisters said to all that he would easily be a boy of miracle. Then very shortly after he rose, and, health having been obtained, was freed from every disease. Further, he made a pilgrimage hither with the aforesaid coffin, which even today can be seen in the chapel of St. Adrian. And the mother, present here with six of her neighbors, testified to the miracle together with them before dom the treasurer, and dom Adrian Buydins, priest, Adrian Genderye, Oliver De Cruydeneere, sexton, and several others as witnesses, on the twenty-eighth day of June, in the year of the Lord 1516, on the vigil of SS. Peter and Paul.

[82] The following miracle rejoices in this title: A boy raised up from death. likewise another, who had been born dead. Which is thus related: In the village of Berlens, distant a third part of one mile from Soissons, Wilhelmina, wife of Roland Rapillaert, on the feast day of St. George the martyr (that is, the twenty-third of April) in the year 1516, bore a dead boy, who also remained such for eight hours. But the aforesaid Roland, before his wife was in labor, had vowed and said that the name of his lord St. Adrian should be given to the child about to be born, whether it were a boy or a girl. But at that time the same Roland had betaken himself to his vineyard, a fourth part of one mile removed from the house, where he received the message of the dead boy born to him of the aforesaid wife. Soon therefore he returns home, and there, seeing the dead boy, fell upon his knees, most fervently praying God and St. Adrian that they would bring him consolation: and, all his confidence being fixed in St. Adrian, he had his dead boy carried to the monastery of St. Mark, which is in the same village. There the boy was placed upon a certain altar, and the father with all his neighbors with much devotion invoked the said St. Adrian. And so his aforesaid boy began to live, and gave clear signs of life to all. Wherefore on that same altar, in the presence of the abbot of the monastery, the boy was baptized, who afterward lived until the eleventh hour before noon of the following day: he was also buried in the same monastery. And the aforesaid father and mother had come hither on pilgrimage, and declared the said miracle on the fourteenth day of August, in the year 1516; but the father had undertaken that pilgrimage almost naked, and covered with scarcely any garments.

[83] In the village of Monchy la Gache, distant three miles from Péronne (in the province of Picardy), a certain John Caproen, already dead for nearly three years, offered himself to be seen under the appearance of a white dove to his daughter Jacoba Caproen on the twenty-second day of April, A woman ordered by her dead father to complete a vow, in the year 1516 after Easter, and at evening time. And he charged her that on the following Sunday she should have Mass celebrated in her parish at the altar of St. Adrian, where was to be healed

her right arm, which he had twisted for her. This in fact so happened after the Offertory of that same Mass. He charged besides that she should thereafter make a pilgrimage to Geraardsbergen to St. Adrian; which he had promised he would do on her behalf nearly a year before his death. But when the daughter, having undertaken the journey, was half a mile from here, she was so weighed down that she could not walk except with great pain, and especially when she was drawing near to the city she was cast to the ground in such a manner that she had to be carried by the companions of her journey into the chapel of St. Adrian, where she was also dumb.

[84] she suffers various things on the way and at Geraardsbergen. When they had satisfied their devotion, while her brothers were narrating the matter to the treasurer and to others, various bystanders heard a voice near them as of a moaning dove: and soon the said Jacoba cried out that she was freed from the troubles of that spirit, and rose and came before the altar to pray. Then, having gone out to the cemetery, she threw away her staff, and without a staff went to Audeberg. But on the next day, the twenty-ninth of April, while she was rising, her arm was again twisted, turned round as far as her back; nor could she move it. In this state she came to the church: but after the Offertory of the first Mass, which she had celebrated before the shrine of the relics of St. Adrian, her arm was healed, in the sight of dom Adrian Buyens, priest, who was celebrating the Mass, and of many bystanders with her companions.

[85] A boy, who was reckoned dead by all, restored to life or at least to health: On the twenty-first day of September, in the year 1515, in the village of Gashele (rather Gastel) near the town which they call the Old Wood (commonly Oudenbosch) (in Brabant of the dominion of the Federated Netherlands) a boy of two years and a half, named Hubert, whose father was Nicholas Adriaens, his mother Antonia, was suddenly seized with so grave a disease that his mother and others present could observe nothing in the boy for three hours or even longer, save that he was altogether dead, detecting no breath nor any other signs of life in him. The mother, most sorrowful over her dear son, with her neighbors, began to think of imploring the divine aid, and of invoking the glorious martyr St. Adrian. When she had thought this, and had promised with all her neighbors that she would offer an equal weight of gold, silver, linen, wax, and wheat, as great as was the weight of the boy; soon the aforesaid boy came to himself, and gave them signs of life: then after half an hour he was as well and sound as any of those present there. He also made a pilgrimage hither with his father, mother, and neighbors on the tenth day of June (in the year without doubt 1516.) And they declared the said miracle in the manner set forth to dom the treasurer, in the presence of dom Adrian De Vos, chaplain of the city, and several others. So the author, who has left in doubt the vow concerning the offering of gold, silver, linen, wax, and wheat according to the weight of the boy. But I judge that the weight was to be equaled not by each singly, but by all together.

[86] likewise a woman fallen from a stairway and held for dead: On the twenty-third day of November, in the year 1515, at Soissons in France, the wife of John Desmasures, called Margaret, twenty-four years old or thereabout, while she was in the loft where her grain lay, fell from the stairway, raised eighteen steps, to the ground. Her husband and children, seeing her fallen, believed her dead. The husband suggested the symbol of the faith to her by reciting it, and ordered the neighbors to be summoned, who, having been brought there, likewise whispered the symbol of the faith to her without interruption. But she gave no sign of understanding. Then they placed her near the fire: and for four entire hours she remained without indication of life. And so the husband, children, and neighbors fell upon their knees, piously beseeching the Lord and the great St. Adrian that they would deign to revive and preserve her. Soon she begins to move herself, and to give signs of understanding; and she was revived and remained among the living. The aforesaid husband and wife with some neighbors came hither on pilgrimage on the fourteenth day of January of the said year (which is now reckoned the following, or 1516): and they declared to dom the treasurer that the miracle had happened in the manner in which it has been related.

[87] To the following is prefixed this title: A woman with her infant saved from death in childbirth. a woman in labor for three days, and at last abandoned as dead, The fact is thus narrated: On the first day of May, in the year 1516, in the village of Engelen, which is about one mile distant from 's-Hertogenbosch, and is situated by the water (namely by the canal, in Brabant subject to the Dutch), the lady wife of John Adriaensens De Bekelaere, bailiff of the aforesaid village, fell into the greatest and most acute pains of childbirth, and was exposed to so great danger that at once all the midwives who lived in the city of 's-Hertogenbosch were summoned to help the lady with their counsel and judgment, that she might give birth. All these midwives gathered there in the aforesaid bitter pains of the woman in labor, continued for three days, could not and knew not how to help the said lady that she might be delivered of her child, because the boy was coming forth contrary to nature: which matter women understand better than men. All the women present, affected with great sadness on account of that lady placed in so great danger, so that they believed her soul had departed from her body, left off what they had begun, and all returned home, thinking the aforesaid lady altogether dead.

[88] When all those women had departed thence, the aforesaid bailiff looked upon his dear wife with grief, [St. Adrian having been invoked by her husband, she gives birth alone and happily.] and soon falling upon his knees with all his household, devoutly invoked the worthy and great martyr St. Adrian, that he would be willing to obtain some miracle in his wife lying there like a dead woman. Soon she came to herself, and without the help of any woman gave birth to a handsome infant, who afterward survived one month. And so they at once vowed piously to visit the most worthy Saint with their household and with all the neighbors who were nearest there. And they came hither on pilgrimage on the seventeenth day of September of the year above said, and declared the miracle in the manner just stated to dom the treasurer, in the presence of dom Adrian Van Belle, dean of the deanery of Geraardsbergen, master John Vanden Broeke, priest, John Zeghers, John De Knibber, and several others.

§ IX. Continuation of the Miracles related by the same writer.

[ ] A man dead of the plague, as was certainly believed, The miracle which follows in the transcript has this title: A man, who was believed dead, healed of the plague. It is narrated in this manner: On the twenty-second day of August, in the year 1516, a notable miracle was wrought in the village of Hilaert, in upper French Champagne. A certain William Riot there (in Hardigny, who narrates the same on page 91, it is written Riol) labored so gravely under the plague, and was at last brought to such a state, that he was abandoned as dead. The nuns, who had served him, covered the body, and prepared and sewed a shroud as for a dead man. After they had prepared all things for burial, his son, eighteen years old, called to mind the great martyr Adrian, and began to pray God and to invoke the great martyr St. Adrian without interruption for more than five continuous hours, fervently beseeching him that he would not allow his aforesaid father to be buried.

[90] is raised up or healed: Moreover he asked the aforesaid Sisters that they would be willing to unstitch the said funeral shroud of his father, as they did: for he had placed all his hope in St. Adrian. The aforesaid William immediately began to move himself, and to give signs of understanding, saying: Praise be to God, and to the glorious martyr St. Adrian: I am better. Then shortly he entirely recovered; and he vowed to visit the aforesaid lord St. Adrian. And so the father and his aforesaid son were here, and completed their pilgrimage on the eighth day of October, in the year 1516, and at the same time brought the funeral shroud, which can be seen hanging in the chapel of St. Adrian: and they declared the miracle in the manner written above.

[91] a woman held for dead from long-lasting pains of childbirth, The title prefixed to the following is this: A woman freed from grave pains of childbirth. Then follows this account: In the year 1515 a splendid miracle was wrought in the village of Driel, near Bommel, a city of Guelderland (it is distant nearly two miles from Bommel, and lies by the Meuse.) There Bartholomæa, wife of Matthew Berwaerts, was gravely in labor from Monday in Easter week until Wednesday, and could not give birth. All the women gathered there in that grave travail, exceedingly sorrowful that they saw her in such a state, withdrew, and abandoned her as dead, her body being altogether cold, except her heart (the Belgic words are ambiguous, and can also be expounded as, without motion of the heart, literally without a heart.)

[92] she then gives birth alone. After she had lain there from Monday until the said Wednesday giving no sign of life, her husband, when he was alone, with fervent devotion implored the aid of God and of the great martyr St. Adrian: and, his prayers having been poured out, he immediately detected an indication of life in his wife: soon also she alone gave birth to an infant; and she gave thanks to God and to St. Adrian for the benefit obtained: and at last within half an hour she was entirely healed. She undertook her pilgrimage on the thirtieth day of May, in the year 1517, and declared all things to dom the treasurer, in the presence of dom the dean of the deanery of Geraardsbergen, and dom Walter Vanden Nieuwendorpe, and several others.

[93] On the twenty-eighth day of September, in the year 1516, an illustrious miracle happened in the city of Dunkirk. The wife of a certain Nicholas Van Belle having died there of the plague, A man with his household healed of the plague. the plague soon also infected four of his children living at home and the maidservant and the aforesaid Nicholas himself, who was infected in three parts of his body. They lay very sick and desolate, taking no nourishment. But the aforesaid Nicholas was of tolerably good memory and understanding. He fell upon his knees with great piety, and diligently without interruption fervently invoking the Lord of heaven, and the glorious martyr and friend of God St. Adrian, as one wholly confiding in him, that he would bestow consolation and protection and deign to save them from death, since he could three times prolong the life of men, and was patron against the plague. He vowed also with his household to visit St. Adrian, and to carry with him a waxen image equal to himself in weight. Further, a little after all were healed. And he came hither with his four children, with his new wife and many neighbors, and performed his pilgrimage with the aforesaid waxen image, which can be seen daily in the chapel before St. Adrian. And he came within the days of Pentecost in the year above said. And they declared to dom the treasurer that the miracle had truly happened, as it has been set forth.

[94] On the third day of October, in the year 1516, in the village of Vally near Montreuil (in France) Joanna Le Fevre, A woman is admonished by her dead mother to make a pilgrimage to Geraardsbergen, wife of James Du Bois, when she had betaken herself to her garden, that she might gather some pot-herb there, saw there her mother appearing to her, dead three years before, in that appearance and

figure in which she had been accustomed to live on earth. And she said this: Joanna my daughter, do not be afraid, I am your mother. You know that, while I lived, I vowed for you when you were sick a pilgrimage to Geraardsbergen to St. Adrian. You promised that you would undertake this pilgrimage: which you have not done: and I am in the pains of purgatory. These things being thus said, she disappeared. The aforesaid Joanna indicates nothing of these things to her husband, nothing to anyone else.

[95] After eight days, at morning time, when the aforesaid Joanna was kindling the fire, and neglecting this at first, she is ill handled; the said apparition appeared again to that same Joanna, and cast her into a certain corner of the kitchen, so that she lay like a dead woman. And she said to her daughter: Eight days have now passed since I admonished you to complete the pilgrimage to St. Adrian, which I vowed for you: but you have not yet done that: you shall have no rest until you have completed it. These things being so done, the husband of the aforesaid Joanna came to the kitchen, where he found his wife lying like a dead woman: and perceiving this, he fell upon his knees, most piously beseeching our Lord Jesus Christ that his wife might come to herself. A little after she begins to speak, and at once expounded the whole matter at length to her husband, saying that the said pilgrimage must altogether be undertaken and completed.

[96] And so for all these reasons the aforesaid James, the pilgrimage therefore being undertaken, she suffers various things. and his wife with many of their neighbors undertook that pilgrimage: but the said Jacoba, always walking in the last place, saw the apparition of her mother, under the appearance or figure of an unmarried girl, going before her along the whole way, until they arrived in the territory of Geraardsbergen before the gate of Hunnegem, where the same Joanna fell to the ground, and lay for about a quarter of an hour again like a dead woman: then she was restored to herself, and led to the church of St. Adrian into the chapel, where again she was thrust or cast into a corner as if lifeless; and she lay there a long enough time, until dom the treasurer brought and offered her to kiss the relics or the arm of the glorious friend of God and martyr St. Adrian: but soon after the kiss given to the sacred relics she was restored to her mind, opening her eyes and saying: Praise and thanksgiving be to God and to St. Adrian: I have completed the pilgrimage which my mother had vowed for me. Then she narrated the aforesaid prodigies at length in the manner just set forth on the feast day of St. Luke (that is, the eighteenth of October), when Vespers were being sung in the parish church, in the presence of master Peter, second director in the school of the Brothers, Gaspar De Clercq, Adrian Van Borrem, Adrian De Mey, and several others up to thirty.

[97] A boy, falling from a high place, is preserved unharmed: In the year 1516 (now 1517) on the twelfth day of March a notable miracle was wrought in the province of Bresse in Savoy (then Bresse was under the jurisdiction of the duke of Savoy, but now it is of the king of France.) Anthony De Scavaines had a son of nearly three years, named Claudius, a handsome boy. He fell from a high place of the height of thirty feet, his father and mother looking on. But these at once fell upon their knees, with great devotion and very humbly beseeching God, and the great martyr St. Adrian; and immediately after the prayers were poured out they obtained consolation, because the aforesaid boy suffered no harm; but at once rose without any wound or distortion of limbs, sound without any hurt. And the father of the aforesaid boy was here, and completed the pilgrimage he had undertaken: and he declared and testified to dom the treasurer that the thing had truly so happened, on the day and in the year above said: the same Anthony also declared this same thing in writing at his lodging, in the presence of James In den Enghele, N. Van Borrem, and several others.

[98] a man is suddenly healed of the plague, In the year 1517, on the eighth day of May, there came hither to St. Adrian a man of the city of Amiens, wholly naked except for a linen garment, whose name was Engelbert Bouxsse. He labored under the plague the past summer, a little after the festival of the Assumption of the Virgin, in the year 1516, and his breast was infected with a huge swelling. And so the said Engelbert invoked St. Adrian the martyr, that he would deign to bring him consolation, promising that he would make a pilgrimage to him with naked body. Scarcely was the prayer finished, when the swelling was soon burst, and a great and black carbuncle fell out of it: and then within four hours he was healed. He openly showed the place of the swelling to all who were here in the church of St. Adrian. The said Engelbert offered a small gift here on the day and in the year noted above, and declared to dom the treasurer that the miracle had truly happened, as it has been related.

[99] likewise a girl, who from a fall seemed dead: On the twelfth day of May, in the year 1517, there came hither to St. Adrian many honest men and women, having made a pilgrimage from the village of Rethe, situated in the Campine (a tract of Brabant) between the town of Turnhout and Gheel. Among these persons was a little girl, about six years old, named Elizabeth Huyps, with her father Louis Huyps and her mother Elizabeth. That girl had climbed a stairway to the seventh or eighth step, and thence had fallen to the ground, where she had lain without sensation or any indication of life from the seventh hour of the evening until the twelfth already past, all the neighbors being present there. Among these was a certain lady, who said to all: Let us fall upon our knees together, and invoke the great and holy martyr St. Adrian: nor do I doubt that he will work a miracle in the present case. This was soon confirmed: for (all praying, as I judge) the girl at once recovered sensation, and then spoke and was sound. Those present vowed to make a pilgrimage with the girl to the aforesaid St. Adrian: and here they all together declared to dom the treasurer, in the presence of many honest men, that the thing had happened altogether in the manner just stated.

[100] On the Thursday before the Rogations, in the year 1517, a notable miracle was performed in the village of Evergem. A certain miller, and a miller, of whose death from a most grave fall named Livinus Plaeschaert, had climbed the sails of his mill, that he might stretch the canvas over them, when the sails began to move and to turn round, and lifted him aloft into the air. And thence he was cast down to the ground with so great force that he made a hole in the ground so large and so deep that all who looked at it wondered. His face and his neck were so distorted that the lower jaw occupied the place of the ear. He lay as one dead, and was carried home. All the neighbors who were present fell upon their knees, and implored the divine mercy, and invoked the great martyr St. Adrian, that he would deign to show some miracle in his favor. Further, while the aforesaid Livinus lay there so wretchedly, his wife Catharine bent back his jaw, so greatly distorted, to its natural place: which she would not have borne to do for the whole world, unless she had altogether believed him to be dead.

[101] As soon as this was done, he began to speak, affected by no wound, there seems to be no room for doubt. and said that he had been healed and helped by St. Adrian. Then he promised that he would visit him with all the neighbors present there, and would declare in what manner the thing had happened. And he came hither on pilgrimage with the aforesaid neighbors on the last day of June, in the year already said, and present with him here were dom the dean of the deanery of Geraardsbergen, master Vanden Broecke, Frederick Plantenoys, and several others. Thus far the praised Philip Hannoize, whose simple style I have not wished to change, because I judge fidelity and truth far to be preferred to elegance of style. Yet I have not attempted everywhere to express word for word, which cannot be done without loss of clarity, nay from time to time not even without corruption of the genuine sense; but I have wished everywhere to render the sense of the words, and for the most part the very words also, into Latin, that readers may be able to be secure about the fidelity of my rendering.

§ X. Various miracles wrought in the 17th century.

[ ] Whence the following Miracles were received. Besides the Miracles written by Hannoize and now given, the frequently praised abbot of St. Adrian transmitted also, together with other documents, other Miracles written in the Belgic tongue; and to the whole collection he prefixed this title: Extract from a certain manuscript, which is preserved in the archives of the abbey of St. Adrian at Geraardsbergen. These Miracles were drawn up by various, but contemporary, writers. Certain of them the often-praised Ruteau, who also lived among them, inserted into the Life of St. Adrian. I shall transfer them hither into Latin from the Flemish tongue or from the French, if they are already had in French in Ruteau, except the first, which is older, and has already been given at number 46.

[103] A girl drowned, and in all likelihood dead, In the year 1611 a little girl who was dead was recalled to life. This is briefly touched on in the Manuscript, because it is more fully narrated in Ruteau, page 186, who testifies that he heard it narrated from the pulpit by Henry Culens, parish priest of Geraardsbergen, licentiate of sacred theology, in whose own house it had happened. I therefore render his French words into Latin: In the year 1611 a certain laundress came to the house of the aforesaid parish priest, to wash linens, and her little daughter followed her. Further, when the mother had washed for some time in a large enough tub in the garden, she went to the market on some business. The little daughter, who had remained there, from childish curiosity climbed upon a stool, that she might look into the tub filled with lye up to the middle, so that she fell, her head turned downward into the tub, and her feet clinging to the rim. When meanwhile there was a knocking at the door, the parish priest's maidservant, who was occupied with other matters in the kitchen, came to the door; and returning thence saw the girl's feet at the top of the tub. Hence, greatly astounded, she approaches, and drawing her out lays her on the grass. But when she saw that she was without motion and without life, her face wholly black, seized and troubled with fear, because she apprehended that she would have to answer for this accidental mishap before the judges, since she had no witnesses, she put the little girl back into the tub in the same posture in which she had found her; and went off to seek the parish priest.

[104] she is recalled to life: She met him coming out of the church opposite the house, and told him the fact. The parish priest, as soon as he had entered, came to the aforesaid place, and finding the child as the maidservant had told him, grieving much that such a misfortune had happened in his house, draws her out of the lye altogether black and dead. He lays her upon the grass, and praying God through the merits of St. Adrian, vowed that on the next day he would lead the little girl to the church of the holy Martyr, if she should revive, and would celebrate Mass in his honor. The vow being thus pronounced, the little girl began to cast out a little water and saliva through her nostrils and mouth: a little after she uttered a feeble groan. When she had been carried to the fire, her spirit returned to her: and on the next day, wholly sound and lively, she accompanied the aforesaid dom parish priest to the church of the holy Martyr, where she heard his Mass. She is living even now at this time. So the author, whose little work was printed in the year 1637,

so that she was among the living at least twenty-six years after the fact related.

[105] another likewise drowned: Another miracle follows in the manuscripts of the archive, which is like the preceding, but wrought eleven years later. I subjoin it in Latin from the Flemish. The title is this: In the year 1622 another little daughter, drowned, likewise restored to life. Then the fact is thus set forth: It happened in the year 1622, on the last day of August, that the little daughter of Cornelius vanden Parre and Adriana Lombaerts fell head foremost into a tub full of water, and was drawn out thence by Adrian vanden Parre, brother of the aforesaid Cornelius, who had come there by chance. Being drawn out she lay for more than a quarter of an hour without any motion or sign of life, and was believed dead by all present. Many also passing by, on their way to the market, and seeing the little girl, said that she was dead. Meanwhile they invoke the holy martyr Adrian, vowing to visit his sacred relics with the little girl, if she should revive: and she was soon restored to life. That these things are true is testified, due examination having been made beforehand, by the parish priest of the same city of Geraardsbergen, dom Henry Culens, licentiate of sacred theology; who wrote down both this and the two following miracles.

[106] Some perhaps will doubt concerning the two preceding miracles, a brief observation of the editor on these and similar Miracles. because it sometimes happens that some live a longer time under the waters: some also perhaps will rashly pronounce that those children were not dead. Nay indeed several other things of nearly the same kind have been related before, and some will follow even now, concerning which prudent men will not pass a certain judgment. Wherefore I answer that, since not all who are narrated to have been recalled to life by the patronage of St. Adrian were with equal certainty dead, a prudent doubt about certain of them does not seem to be disapproved. But that the boldness of those men is no less ridiculous than rash, who, being far absent, wish to pass a certain judgment on a thing never seen, and freely dare to pronounce that those were not dead whom those who were present said with one mouth to be dead. For if the judgment of those present is not altogether certain, much less certain is the rash liberty of the absent.

[107] Another follows under this title: An infant raised up from death: An infant born dead is granted life: which is thus narrated: In the same city of Geraardsbergen the aforesaid Adriana Lombaerts, wife of Cornelius vandem Parre, in the year of the Lord 1634, on the fourth day of July, bore a son, who on account of danger of death was immediately baptized by the midwife, and after a quarter of an hour was so changed that all present could perceive no indication of life, but believed the infant dead. This is testified by Margaret Reygaerts, midwife, with several other persons who were present. When therefore the said boy was held by all as dead, the aforesaid midwife and the mother piously invoke the holy martyr Adrian, and vow the holy sacrifice of the Mass in his honor, at which they would be present with the infant, if life were restored to him. This vow having been pronounced, the boy soon begins again to draw breath, and to give several other signs of life. Meanwhile the parish priest dom Henry Culens was summoned, that he might perform the accustomed ceremonies of baptism. The name given to the boy was Adrian, who was still living while the said parish priest wrote these things after due examination.

[108] Another of the same year 1630 after this title: A little girl is roused up from death, a little girl, dead of a suffocating cough, is soon subjoined in this manner: Outside a certain gate of the city of Geraardsbergen, commonly called the Puicemy gate, dwelt a baker, named Adrian De Schrevere, with his wife Jacoba Rousseaux. These had a little daughter, nearly sixteen months old, who was gravely afflicted with a suffocating cough, and not without danger of death. On Sunday, the twenty-fifth of July, in the year 1634, the household maidservant, called Martina Boxstael, placed the aforesaid girl on her arm, and stationed herself with her before the doors of the house. But while she stood there a little while, so violent a cough seized the little girl that she died of that evil. When the said maidservant observed no further indication of life in the little girl, after a quarter of an hour she handed her over to a certain woman, named Mary Phlippot. She also testifies that the said child was for three quarters of an hour in her arms, and that she could perceive no indication of life in her. The neighbors and others passing by and seeing the girl kept saying that she was altogether dead.

[109] While these things were being done, the father had betaken himself to the mill. she is raised up. His daughter's death is announced to him: at once he returns home. His wife, seeing him coming from afar, cried out with great grief: My little daughter is dead. The father, proceeding to his chamber, fell upon his knees, and invoked the holy martyr Adrian, that he would succor him in this necessity, vowing to have a Mass celebrated in his honor, and to visit his sacred relics, if the little daughter should revive. These vows having been pronounced, the little girl began to move her lips, to open her mouth and eyes, to move her whole body, and she entirely recovers. The father on the next day paid his vows, the parish priest, dom Henry Culens, celebrating the Mass, who also wrote down this miracle, due examination having been made beforehand. Thus far the praised parish priest, whom for the following I do not find named. These things therefore were written down by one of the monks.

[110] A man, dead or dying of a grave wound, First is noted a fact of the year 1630. And in the Flemish instrument this has the title: A man struck with a mortal wound is prodigiously healed. But the account in my transcript is assigned only to Ruteau, page 184, where it is thus related in French: In the year 1630 a certain old man of nearly eighty years, whose name was James Du Pont, on the feast day of St. Matthew came on pilgrimage to St. Adrian from the parts of France, namely from the village of Remoigne, near the city of Maceriæ (which is situated in Champagne on the Meuse, commonly called Mezieres or Maizieres), and brought letters and the testimony of his parish priest, dom Gerard Faille. The occasion of the pilgrimage was that his son Theobald Du Pont, bound in wedlock, and forty-two years old, quarreling on a certain day (five years before) with the lord of the place, was so gravely wounded by him with a sword in the head that he was abandoned as dead, stretched out upon the straw, and a funeral shroud was laid over his face for burial.

[111] is suddenly freed from the danger of death, and shortly healed: But then, the wife of the said Theobald commending her husband with prayers and tears to the great saint Adrian, who is able, the words are the old man's own, three times to restore life to a man, with a vow of visiting his church if her husband should be healed, he was immediately delivered from the danger of death, and after eight days went about his business again. But when he had relapsed into the disease, and was again fixed to his bed, the old man, fearing lest this were happening as a penalty for the neglected vow which had been pronounced to the Saint, came to fulfill it in his name, and to pray the glorious Martyr that he would grant him another grace. The praised Ruteau wished to narrate this example, that he might confirm what he had related concerning the persuasion of the people, which he asserts to have been formerly almost common, namely that the Saint by his patronage could three times prolong life for the same man; and to the same end he recites these lines from an ancient hymn on St. Adrian:

Pious Martyr, remember That three times you can prolong Life for those who are wont Clearly to invoke your name.

Of this persuasion of the people mention has already been made in various miracles.

[112] plague healed In the Flemish Manuscript under this title, A servant healed of the plague, another benefit follows, which I subjoin in Latin: In the year of the Lord 1627, on the eighth day of April, there entered our church to honor the relics of St. Adrian a nobleman of Tournai, Louis de Lamoy, lord of Hautpon, who testified and confirmed by his subscription that one of his servants, who eight or nine months past was coming from Mons in Hainaut, having been seized in a certain village called Beunios with violent fevers, suddenly had beneath his chin a pestilential ulcer with a red humor on his cheeks. The lord, fearing lest it were the plague, which was then violently prevailing, vowed to visit the relics of St. Adrian, and to offer four ounces of silver, if the servant should recover from the plague. But behold, on the next morning the aforesaid servant enters his lord's chamber wholly sound, and freed both from the fevers and from the pestilential ulcer and the red humor of his cheeks. The said nobleman completed his vows on the day above said, visiting the sacred relics, and offering a silver image of four ounces.

[113] Another of the same year under the title, A senator is freed from fevers, and fever. is soon subjoined in this manner: In the year 1627 at Mons in Hainaut a senator of the royal senate, named James Vander Steyen, was seized with a violent and long-lasting fever, so that day and night he lacked rest. The fever at last so increased that for twelve hours he was in peril, his speech and understanding failing him. Meanwhile his wife, grieving much over her husband's danger, invoked St. Adrian the martyr, and vowed a pilgrimage to Geraardsbergen, which another person paid in her name. She, returning, the vow having been fulfilled, brought back with her a medal, which was laid upon the sick man. As soon as the medal touched him, he began to move his head, and to give signs of understanding, and at last entirely recovered. He came to Geraardsbergen with his whole household on the twenty-eighth day of July, in the year 1627, that he might give thanks to the holy martyr Adrian for the benefit received.

§ XI. The deliverance of a possessed woman, written by notaries, to which not a few marvels are joined.

[ ] A possessed woman divinely admonished to choose St. Adrian as patron, The last benefit of the same Manuscript, to which this title is prefixed, A possessed girl is delivered, happened in the year 1651, and was written down at greater length by notaries from the mouth of the girl narrating each particular under previous oath. Yet I shall render all things into Latin, not omitting even those repetitions which are familiar to notaries. Appearing before us the undersigned, an honest unmarried daughter, Anna Henderickx, about twenty-four years old, whose father is John Henderickx, her mother Mary Humar, dwelling at Brussels, to the honor and love of God, of his most holy Mother and Virgin Mary, and of the holy martyr Adrian, and also that she may satisfy her conscience, acknowledges and declares that the following are true; namely that, when on a certain day she was exceedingly sad and melancholy on account of the difficulties pressing upon her and the persecutions which the enemy inflicted almost without any intermission, she withdrew into her chamber, where, prostrate before Jesus Crucified, she recited the Litany of all the Saints, imploring their aid and help. When she had come to the end, and had uttered these words: “All ye Saints, intercede for us”; she heard a voice speaking to her (no one being seen, nor the person known who was speaking), in this manner: “My friend, you have indeed invoked me in general, but not singly by my own name.” To this she answered: “So great is the number of the Saints that I can in no way invoke them all by their proper name. Tell me therefore, I beseech you, who you are.” The answer is made to her: “I am St. Adrian, that great and fervent martyr. Daughter, choose me as your patron and intercessor.

I will help you singularly: imitate also that fervent desire of suffering for the love of Christ which was mine.” To these things she gladly consented.

[115] she experienced his aid on various occasions Likewise the said appearing and attesting party acknowledges and declares that it is true that from that time in which, at the request of the aforesaid Saint, she began to honor and venerate him with prayers and to implore his aid and help (especially when she was in great necessity or distress), she immediately experienced his support. For while she was once visiting the miraculous image of the most holy Virgin at Laken, which is half a mile distant from Brussels, the enemy the devil, seizing her about the middle of the body, lifted her from the ground, and threatened that he would cast her into the canal (near the road), that is, into the waters. But she, fleeing with fervor and confidence to the holy martyr Adrian, invoked him, imploring his aid and help. When behold she is soon snatched from the claws of the enemy, and set far from the bank: and the enemy, full of indignation, said to her: Much does St. Adrian avail with Mary.

[116] she experienced: Likewise the same appearing and attesting party acknowledges and declares that it is true that, when on the eve of the Nativity of the most holy Virgin Mary and of the festival of St. Adrian, in the year 1650, she was about to go to bed, and now wished to betake herself to rest, the enemy again assailed her, and began with great cruelty to hinder her rest, plucking at her long hair, and inflicting great trouble. But she, having already experienced how prompt the holy Martyr was to succor, invoked him again, praying and imploring his aid; and vowing to St. Adrian to seek Geraardsbergen by a pilgrimage on foot, that she might there venerate his sacred relics. This vow having been pronounced, she soon experienced that she was much revived, and the force of the demon much broken or diminished. Further, the Saint assisted her, consoling her the greater part of the night.

[117] [being then admonished that she was to be delivered at Geraardsbergen, she goes thither,] Likewise the same appearing and attesting party declares and acknowledges that it is true that (after she had understood from the reverend father Adrian of Geraardsbergen, a Capuchin, that she was to be delivered at Geraardsbergen before the relics of St. Adrian, during his Mass, from a second malignant spirit by which she was possessed, and she had already determined to undertake her pilgrimage and to pay her vows) the enemy attempted in many ways to hinder that pilgrimage and journey, nay even to delay it, that he might have more time to vex her, and to lead her to despair, if it could be done. But she, doing violence to herself, hastened to commit herself to the journey. When she had arrived at Geraardsbergen, she conceived a firm confidence in the merits of the holy martyr Adrian, and hoped that before his sacred relics she would be delivered by his patronage from the second malignant spirit by which her body was possessed: with this confidence she heard the Mass of the aforesaid Capuchin father, by whom Mass was celebrated in honor of St. Adrian to obtain a happy issue of the deliverance. During this Mass she was refreshed with the sacred Body of Christ; and while she persisted in pious prayers, the enemy assailed her for the last time during the Mass, and vehemently tempted her, suggesting impure things to her, and impudently addressing her with these words: “Unless you will take delight in these things or consent to what I ask, I will do here publicly those things at which you will blush before the people present.” But she by the grace of God was constant, and resisted the devil.

[118] But he, perceiving that the time of his confusion was at hand, and there, first cast to the ground by a grave blow, she is delivered: and that he was losing his labor, said to her: “Now I must depart and flee: but if I had known that I should have no profit or gain from you, and that the time would be so short in which I could assail you, I would by no means have come to you.” And St. Adrian admonished her that she was to be struck with a grave blow by the demon, and that he would depart in that manner. But she did not know that this must be done to her: for the Capuchin father, that he might guard against all deceit, had not taught her this. (The notaries here suppose that that matter was known to the Capuchin father, but they do not prove it.) The Mass at last brought to its end, while the Gospel of St. John was being read, she was struck on the cheek by the invisible hand of the enemy with a blow so cruel and violent that she fell to the ground, and remained prostrate for some time. He fled thus, but she felt the pain of this blow for a long time: which she, appearing and attesting as above, confesses and declares to be true.

[119] Likewise the said appearing and attesting party acknowledges and declares at the same time St. Adrian appears to her, that it is true that, when she had been struck and was scarcely lying on the ground, St. Adrian appeared to her exceedingly glorious, comely and splendid (so that she could not bear the brightness of the light): and that many angels accompanied him, so that she seemed to herself to be in heaven: and that she was carried away with so great joy that she uttered these words in a loud voice: “Do you not see, do you not hear then.” Moreover (she declares) that the Saint said to her: “Daughter, had I not foretold you that you were to be struck with a grave blow, when the enemy was about to depart from you? Behold now, he said, you are wholly free, loosed, and delivered from him. It behooved you to come hither to my sacred relics: otherwise the work of your deliverance would not have been brought to a perfect issue.” He also encouraged and consoled her, and said: “Rejoice in the Lord” etc.

[120] Likewise the said appearing and attesting party acknowledges and declares and he bids her communicate every Wednesday: that it is true that at the same time the holy Martyr asked of her and wished that, on account of the aid rendered her, and in acknowledgment and thanksgiving, she should promise that she would every Wednesday approach the holy table, and receive the sacred Body of the Lord: to which after right deliberation she prudently consented. Either afterward or at the same time the Saint required of her that she should declare and make known to the abbot or to the monks of the abbey of St. Adrian all these things which had befallen her. Nevertheless she did not do this, nor did she indicate it to the Capuchin father, as she had indicated all other things to him; and so she remained restless. Certainly she departed, not satisfying the good desire of the Saint: of which she afterward repented.

[121] The attesting party declares that all these things said, solely to the honor and glory of God, [she is then delivered from a grave infirmity retained from the demon's vexations:] of the most blessed Mary, and of the holy martyr Adrian, are even now true, as also the following, namely, that after she had been vexed for some time by the possession, the enemy so ill treated her and received her with many and hard blows that from it she retained in her body a sad infirmity, that she was unable to hold her urine: with which evil she was vexed for nine years or thereabout. But after she had now for five or six weeks been wholly delivered from the malignant spirit, but not from this infirmity, and on a certain Wednesday was preparing herself to receive after her wonted custom the most holy Body of Christ to the honor of the holy martyr Adrian (as he had required of her), she prayed the same Saint that by his patronage he would obtain from God that she might be delivered from so difficult an evil. And approaching the table of the Lord with confidence of obtaining deliverance through the merits of the Saint, in holy communion she received the ability to hold her urine: which continues to this hour.

[122] and she declares all things under oath before notaries. Attesting this and the aforesaid things, as has been said above, she declares that they are true, by the salvation of her soul, and by the solemn oath which she has just now made into our hands, who have subscribed, to this end, at the request of the reverend lord abbot of the abbey of St. Adrian. So done and completed at Geraardsbergen on the second day of the month of June of the year 1651, in the presence of the reverend lord abbot etc. These subscriptions follow:

Martin, abbot of St. Adrian

F. Placidus Gontier

F. Maurus Vander Elst

F. Florentius Comet

F. Leo Goudenhooft

John Le Gast, priest in Onckersele

Anna Henderickx

Mary Hasschaert.

Before us, Peter De Vlaminck and Giles De Blaise, both public notaries, admitted to the exercise of the same by his Majesty in his provincial senate, residing in the city of Geraardsbergen, personally appearing the honest Anna Henderickx, daughter of John, unmarried and nearly twenty-four years old, after the reading aloud of the attestation and declaration set down above, and after the solemn oath made into our hands, we the said notaries, declared that the facts with their attendant circumstances had so happened and had befallen her; and that she would adhere to the tenor of her said declaration. Hence she again subscribed with us the notaries. On the third day of June 1651. Subscribed it was.

Anna Henderickx

Peter De Vlaminck

Giles De Blaise.

§ XII. Other benefits and miracles, related by Ghislain Coucke, abbot of St. Adrian: two also written by others.

[ ] Other miracles related by abbot Coucke: The most diligent helper in these Acts, the present abbot of St. Adrian, communicated to us also another transcript of miracles, which he had copied out from the archive of his abbey, and to which he prefixed this title: Extracts from the manuscripts of the Reverend Dom Ghislain Coucke, who was made a religious of the abbey of St. Adrian in the year 1664, and died as abbot on the first of November, in the year 1713. The assigned epoch shows that those miracles for the greater part happened at the time when the writer was a Religious of the abbey. Nevertheless the first four happened earlier, so that I judge that they were written by another, or at least were briefly noted down; but that all together were collected by Coucke. But whatever be the case about the writer of the first four of them, I shall subjoin them all, translated into Latin from the Flemish tongue in which they were drawn up.

[124] On the twenty-sixth day of May, in the year 1608, that she might satisfy her vow, an infant who was dead is granted life. Mary Scheps, wife of Giles De Wachter, consul of the village of Hinghen in Little Brabant, made a pilgrimage hither. (So is commonly called a not large tract lying midway between the Scheldt and the Rupel.) This woman had borne two infants at once, having brought forth first a daughter, then a son. But when she perceived, together with many other women present, that the little son was without life, and consequently could not be washed at the sacred font, she fixed her hope in St. Adrian, and asked him that by his patronage he would bring it about that it might be permitted to baptize the infant, vowing that the name of Adrian should be given him. These prayers and vows having been poured out, the infant was restored to her, received baptism, and afterward survived more than a year. The mother, having recovered from her delivery, came to Geraardsbergen together with the infant, and some men and women, that she might complete her vow and pilgrimage. And they declared the aforesaid things to be true on the twenty-sixth day of May, in the year 1608.

[125] On the tenth day of September, in the year 1640, likewise to fulfill his vow, Diseases healed and to visit St. Adrian, there came a certain Peter Martin from Quevrin, accompanied by two nuns of those who serve the sick and wear garments of ash color. All these together declared to the Treasurer that he had been seized with a violent fever and with lethargy

and abandoned by the physicians, who said that he could not be healed by natural medicines; but that the aforesaid nuns, who were attending him, understanding this, fled to St. Adrian, and in the sick man's name vowed to visit his sacred relics at Geraardsbergen; and that scarcely had the vow been pronounced when the sick man was immediately healed. And they took care at the same time that a solemn Mass should be sung here in honor of St. Adrian: which being performed, they offered some gift, and declared all the things written above to the prefect of the abbey's treasury.

[126] On the seventeenth day of June, in the year 1641, dom Dusart sent hither from Mons in Hainaut a silver lamp in thanksgiving for health obtained by the patronage of St. Adrian, various whose aid he had implored.

[127] In the year 1642 on the festival of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross (that is, the fourteenth of September) there came hither on pilgrimage a noble woman from a village, after imploring called Thums *, above Mechlin, together with her little son Henry John Baptist Deutiers, who, being sick, was believed dead by dom the parish priest and by the bystanders. Hence the parents, affected with the utmost grief, fled to St. Adrian, vowing to visit his sacred relics at Geraardsbergen. Scarcely had they pronounced that vow, when the boy rose up sound, just as the mother herself affirmed and testified here.

[128] On the ninth day of August, in the year 1668, at the request of the magistrate and the citizens of Geraardsbergen, the aid of St. Adrian. the abbot ordered the relics of St. Adrian to be exposed for eight days, because the plague was violently prevailing in the city: and on the nineteenth day of August a general supplication was instituted with the same relics. A little after the plague ceased. It was observed that for the greater part it was children who died.

[129] On the thirteenth day of July, in the year 1681, there came hither on pilgrimage three women, A boy raised up: who declared and testified that a dead boy of eight months, by the patronage of St. Adrian, whom they had invoked, had soon been restored to life, and was living even now.

[130] At the same time there also came, that he might satisfy his vow, a citizen of Mechlin, who likewise declared and testified that, laboring under a dangerous disease and despaired of by the physicians, a disease suddenly healed: he had implored the aid of St. Adrian, and had soon been healed, to the wonder of all.

[131] a foot healed, which the surgeons were coming to cut off: On the fifteenth day of September, in the year 1681, there came hither also by pilgrimage on foot, that he might pay his vow before the relics of St. Adrian, dom Villegas of Bruges, who by the testimony of physicians and surgeons, fully written out and confirmed by their subscriptions, declares that his foot had been frostbitten, and had been for a long time under the hands of physicians and surgeons without any healing, nay had been brought to such a pass that, since the whole foot was putrefied, the order had already been given for cutting it off; but that he by night, when on the next day the amputation was to be performed, invoked the aid of St. Adrian, and was so seized by a sweet sleep: and that the physicians and surgeons, when they came on the next day with their instruments to cut off the foot, found it free from danger, saying that this could not have happened without a miracle; and that he was moreover healed a little after, to the wonder of all who knew him, when they saw him walking upon two feet, one of which they thought had been cut off, as report had spread through the whole city of Bruges. He approached holy communion, and in thanksgiving offered a silver foot to the sacred relics. The testimony of this miracle is preserved even now in the abbey.

[132] a boy raised up: On the sixth day of January, in the year 1682, a certain man from the neighborhood of Tournai arrived on pilgrimage, declaring that his boy, who had been born dead, had been restored to life when St. Adrian was invoked, and that he had come for this cause, that he might pay his vow.

[133] a sudden healing written by a notary: The notary Francis Hoorenbeke in the year 1684 drew up at Dendermonde the Acts concerning what happened at Dendermonde, when the sacred relics were carried to the monastery of the Benedictine nuns in the year 1683, on the fifth day of September: namely that Teresa Josepha De Breckeny, still a novice, was vexed with a grave evil and pain of the hip with violent contractions of the sinews and hard convulsions: that with this evil she lay long fixed to her bed, notwithstanding the remedies which were applied; and that there was no hope of her ever making profession. But when a solemn Mass was being celebrated before the relics of St. Adrian in the church of the same monastery, she fled to the same Saint: and had herself carried to the oratory where the other Religious were. When she had prayed there with great fervor, at the end of the Mass she rose of her own accord and without another's help, and cried out that she was healed, the Mother prioress and all the other nuns being present. Afterward the said novice made her profession in due time; nor did she ever feel any inconvenience from that evil. All those things the said Mother prioress and the Religious declared to be true to the aforesaid notary Hoorenbeke before witnesses, as is evident from the Acts of the notary, which are preserved to this day in the archive of the abbey. Thus far concerning the miracles collected by Coucke, to which I shall subjoin one benefit of this century, and another older.

[134] a benefit bestowed on the whole monastery: The most eminent lord Ildefonsus Van Hoorde, abbot of St. Adrian, whom for his exceptional kindness and diligence in supplying documents concerning St. Adrian I cannot sufficiently praise, in a letter very recently sent to me writes thus in Latin: In our last letter I omitted to add a certain benefit, bestowed in the third year of this century on the nuns of the house of Discalced Carmelites at Roermond. It is evident from the silver gift, transmitted hither by the said nuns, in which the following are inserted: “The house of Discalced Carmelites of Roermond in Guelderland, founded by the most noble lady Mary Theresa De Hane, offered with other votive gifts in honor of St. Adrian resting at Geraardsbergen, for the preservation of the aforesaid nuns from the danger of death, and from dysentery contracted in the year 1703”.

[135] William Estius in the History of the martyrs of Gorkum, another to the mother of William Estius. given among us in volume 2 of July, narrates the healing of his mother obtained by the patronage of St. Adrian. The time of the benefit obtained is not expressed; but the age of the most well-known writer leaves no doubt that it happened in the sixteenth century. Estius relates how he fled to the patronage of the martyrs of Gorkum, and was healed of a most grave disease, and rendering the reason of his counsel, speaks thus: This counsel concerning a vow pleased them (his brothers) vehemently for this reason also, that they remembered that our mother, sister of Nicholas the martyr (one of those of Gorkum), when she had once been brought by the force of disease to the utmost danger of life, a vow having been made by our father of visiting St. Adrian the martyr in Flanders, received entire health, and after that time survived ten years. I do not doubt that many others also in this century have obtained various benefits from the divine mercy by the patronage of St. Adrian: for I myself have seen in the church of St. Adrian votive gifts of various kinds, transmitted thither from diverse parts of Europe in this century also. But many prefer to show themselves grateful by some gift, rather than to commend the benefits received to the memory of posterity.

* Perhaps Rumpst

§ XIII. Concerning the relics of St. Adrian, which are said to be preserved in other places.

[ ] Some relics of St. Adrian probably preserved at Rome: That the sacred body of St. Adrian the martyr was translated to Rome, we have already seen in the preliminary Commentary, §5, where I also observed that it is even now reckoned by Martinelli and Piazza among the relics preserved at Rome. For these write that the body of St. Adrian is in the church dedicated to him in the cattle-market, and is kept beneath the principal altar. But the things we have discussed concerning the translation of the relics into Belgium altogether persuade us that the greater part of the relics of St. Adrian is not now at Rome; but we can easily believe that some bones remained there in the old tomb; and that these are by a usage common enough called the body. Thus Baronius at the year 827, number 38, testifies that he has often found by experience that, when elevations and translations have been made in the City, the bodies of the Saints themselves have not been found entire, nay in some cases not even the half part of them, the rest having been carried away elsewhere. I judge that this same thing holds in the case of the body of St. Adrian, a great part of which was carried away into Belgium; yet in such a way that some part also remained at Rome, and probably something of the relics was carried into Spain, and perhaps something also into Portugal.

[137] Moreover I have two manuscript accounts, transmitted in the past century to our Predecessors, in which the body of St. Adrian is said to have been obtained at Rome in the year 1628 with other relics; and to have been carried into Germany. But since neither account seems sufficiently certain; and since in one of them the body is said to have been received at Rome from a certain cemetery of the holy martyrs; it will be enough if we say that the relics seem to be of some other martyr: for the body of St. Adrian was not at Rome in a cemetery, at the time when those relics were carried thence into Germany. Yet for this cause I would not deny that some particles of the relics of St. Adrian are preserved in Germany, since these could have been brought thither on various occasions. Certainly Gelenius in his Colonia ascribes something of the relics of St. Adrian to various churches of that city, namely on page 619 to the chapel of SS. Willibrord and Boniface, on page 266 to the collegiate church of St. Gereon, on page 378 to the abbey church of St. Martin the Greater of the Order of St. Benedict, on page 501 to the church of the Crosiers. Nevertheless in these places he does not insinuate whether he wishes the particles designated to be of this Adrian, or of some other.

[138] but some of his relics are said to be preserved at Cologne and at Prague: But he clearly attributes the relics of our Adrian of Nicomedia to the church of the Society of Jesus, writing thus on page 510, where he reviews the sacred treasure of that church: Of St. Adrian M., the jaw and half an arm, the 8th of September. These, today enclosed in a notable statue of silver, together with nine other relics, were in the year 1633 transferred from the monastery of St. Catharine of the Westerwald, abandoned on account of the savagery and barbarity of the Swedes, to Linz on the Rhine with the other baggage by the virgins who escaped in flight; and thence transmitted as a gift to Cologne to the church of the Society, lest ever the honor due to them should die out through the injury of men or of the times, especially since their church and monastery had been laid waste by fire. The added day of the 8th of September, as the day on which the Saint is venerated, manifestly insinuates that it is ours. This day the same author adds also on page 550, where among the relics of the monastery of SS. Bartholomew and Aper, virgins of the Cistercian Order, there is numbered by him a part of the arm of St. Adrian M. In the Phosphorus Pragensis, page 517, where an enumeration is given of the relics of the metropolitan church of St. Vitus, at this day concerning the relics of St. Adrian preserved there these things are read: Of St. Adrian M. a notable part of the arm, brought by Daniel, the first bishop of Prague of that name, out of Italy in the year 1160.

[139] several in various places of Belgium In our Belgium the relics of St. Adrian are assigned to several places, which could formerly have been communicated to them from those of Geraardsbergen. Rayssius in the Hierogazophylacium Belgicum, page 449, concerning the village of Raulicuria, where formerly the body, that is, the greater

part of the body, is believed to have been, has this: The church of this village was in the year 1110 deprived of the sacred body of the renowned martyr St. Adrian, except for one arm, which it preserves to this day most becomingly clothed in a silver arm. The same author on page 405 assigns to the collegiate church of St. Peter of Aeria * in Artois an arm of St. Adrian the martyr. Likewise to the abbey of Lobbes of the territory of Liège on the border of Hainaut he attributes on page 288 an arm of St. Adrian the martyr. Likewise on page 218 in the sacred treasure of Floreffe, an abbey of the county of Namur, he reckons a notable part of the arm of St. Adrian the martyr. On page 180 he ascribes to the monastery of Crespin in Hainaut two teeth of the glorious martyr of Christ Adrian. To the monastery of Ninove under the patronage of SS. Cornelius and Cyprian in Flanders on page 176 a tooth of the renowned St. Adrian the martyr is attributed by the same.

[140] The praised Rayssius on page 55, in the monastery of Eaucourt in Artois, among the bones of the Saints seen by him numbers a bone or bones of Adrian the martyr. places: but not all are with certainty of this Adrian: Finally the same author attributes something of the relics of St. Adrian on page 41 to the collegiate church of St. Amatus at Douai, on page 387 to the monastery of Oignies of the Canons Regular on the Sambre, on page 463 to the collegiate church of the holy Savior at Bruges, on page 496 to the church of the Society of Jesus at Mechlin. These things concerning the relics of St. Adrian preserved throughout Belgium are from the praised Rayssius. But it must be observed that the body of another St. Adrian, martyr, is also preserved at Ghent; and therefore it is less certain whether all these relics which Rayssius assigns in Belgium are of St. Adrian the martyr of Nicomedia. Then anyone will easily be able to notice that more than two arms of the same Saint are assigned. But that difficulty is not great, since some part or some bone of the arm, when relics are in question, is often called an arm.

[141] Masinus in his Bologna Surveyed, page 450, asserts they are said to be at Bologna too: that the translation of St. Adrian is celebrated on the ninth day of September in the metropolitan church of Bologna, and that the head of our St. Adrian is preserved there. Perhaps a part of the head is called the head, as has often been wont to happen elsewhere. For the rest, I in no way doubt that the relics of St. Adrian the martyr are venerated in other places also; since I find the name of Adrian in the catalogues of relics of several other churches. But no diligence can enable anyone to learn with certainty whether all which are attributed to him are of this Adrian; nor would I wish to ascribe all those reviewed to him with certainty.

[142] Finally it is agreeable to add a few things concerning the sword which was believed to be St. Adrian's, [St. Henry the emperor is said to have used the sword of St. Adrian with good success:] and was long preserved among the relics. The Life of St. Henry the emperor, given among us in volume III of July, page 754 and following, narrates the expedition of Henry against Boleslaus, duke of Bohemia, and there at number 5 has this: And making (Henry) his passage through the place which is called Walbech, he received the sword of the holy martyr Adrian, which was for a long time preserved there among the relics. Girt with which, and prayers having been poured out, as is there narrated, he committed himself and his army with the utmost devotion to the protection of the blessed Laurence, the holy George, and the blessed Adrian, martyrs. Soon after at number 6, when Henry was with his army in sight of the enemy, praying again he saw the glorious martyrs, namely George, Laurence, Adrian, with a smiting angel, going before his army, and driving the wedges of the enemy to flight, etc. These things I do not deliver as altogether certain, since I find nothing of them in contemporary writers.

[143] the place in which this sword is said to have been long preserved. But as regards the place where that sword was formerly preserved, Ditmar mentions it on various occasions, but with the name somewhat changed he calls it Wallibizi. Godfrey the abbot in the Chronicon Gottwicense, page 519, distinguishes the place from another of the same name, and assigns it in these words: Care must also be taken lest this royal manor be confounded with another manor Walbiki or Wallibizi (which in German sounds the same as Forest Brook, just as Ditmar of Merseburg, himself sprung thence from the counts of Walbeck, interprets it, book VI, page 386) in the district of Nordthüringen by the river Aller near Helmstedt, where count Luithar, Ditmar's grandfather, founded a monastery. In various maps of Blaeu the place is called Walpeke, and is marked in the archbishopric of Magdeburg on the confines of the duchy of Brunswick: which agrees with what has been said. For the rest Ditmar, book 6, chapter 390, writes that the monastery in Wallibizi, which he had said on page 386 was built by his grandfather, perished by fire with four churches and the other buildings. But where that sword afterward was, which the Germans not very probably attributed to St. Adrian, I nowhere find. More things could here be added concerning the cult of St. Adrian throughout Germany, France, Holland, and other regions; but since these seem less necessary, I put an end to this appendix.

* Aire